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ERRATA. 




For " Annexation. Island Possessions of the United States," see page 5. 

Page 34. Read " asking" for " ask," .last word, last line. 

Page 51, line 17, under "Coinage," read : "The coinage of silver dollars since ' the crime 
of '78,' down to June 30, 1898, loots up the enormous total of $4.97,692,446," instead of 
" 5505,993,684." 

For amount of gold and silver coins, certificates, United States notes, and national-bank 
notes in circulation July 1, 1898, see page 79. 

Page 181, in caption of table, read: "Product of gold and silver from mines in the 
United States, 1860-1896," instead of "1860-1895." 

Cost of the war, as shown by allotments of funds to the War and Navy Departments, is 
given by months to August 1, 1893, on page 106, under " War-Revenue Act." 

Page 108, " Election Returns." These figures are not official. In some instances the vote 
for Bryan and the vote for Bryan and Watson should be added together, to obtain the 
Demo-Populist total vote cast. 

Page 312, under "Revenues." While the receipts for 1898 were the largest since 1893, 
with the exception of those for 1897, the falling off is accounted for in part on page 103, 
beginning with last line. 

Page 393. Disregard two-line summary of per cent of consumption of foreign wool for 
three-year periods, and read lines 16 and 17 down, which gives the correct percentage of 
consumption for annual periods. 

Under the "Table of Contents," page iii, in back of book, for "War-Revenue Act, p. 79," 
read " page 106." 

Page vi in Table of Contents, under "Protection," read: "Kansas mongrel board ol 
agriculture," instead of "band of agriculture." 



«• Charity, says tha adage, begins at home. Charity the Independent Amer- 
ican laborer scorns to ask, but he has the right to demand that Justice shall 
begin at home. In his name and la the name of common sense and common 
honesty I ask that the American Congress will not force upon the American 
laborer an inferior dollar which the naked and famishing laborers of India and 
China refuse to accept."-JAMES O. BLAINE, In the Senate, Feb. 7, 1878. 



REPUBLICAN TEXT BOOK 

FOR THE CAMPAIGN OF 

1898. 



PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE 

REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE, 
WASHINGTON, D. C 



"Nothing should tempt us— nothing ever will tempt us— to scale down the 
sacred debt of the nation through a legal technicality. Whatever may be the 
language of the contract, the United States will discharge all of its obligations 
In the currency recognized as the best throughout the civilized world at the 
time of payment." — PRESIDENT McKINLEY, from address to the National 
Association of Manufacturers, January 27, 1898. 



PHILADELPHIA, PA. 

PRESS: DUNLAP PRINTING COMPANY. 

1898. 






52230 

EDITOR'S NOTE. 



The statements and figures used in this book have been taken 
from the latest data contained in the regular Department publica- 
tions of the Government. They are believed to be accurate, so 
that speakers and writers may quote them with every assurance 
of finding them reliable. Revenues under the Dingley tariff act 
are shown distinct from revenues derived from the sale of the 
Pacific Railways and the war-revenue act, and comparisons with 
the Wilson act are made strictly upon the relative merits of the 
two measures. Editorial comment has been sparingly undertaken. 
Beyond explanations deemed necessary to make them intelligible, 
the statistics speak for themselves. 

FREDERICK F. SCHRADER, 

Editor. 




REPUBLICAN TEXT BOOK, 1898. 



AD VALOREM vs. SPECIFIC DUTIES. ^ 

The farmers have been protected from unreasonable and unjust 
importations of agricultural products from Canada, Mexico, and 
other foreign countries. The greatest change, however, that can 
be found in the bill is the substitution of specific rates for ad 
valorem. The demand for this change comes not alone from Repub- 
licans. Honest Democrats and honest importers have united with 
Republicans and all classes of manufacturers in asking the Ways 
and Means Committee to do away with the system of ad valorem 
rates and restore specific duties, so that the system of under- 
valuation, by which the Government has been robbed of millions 
of money, may be stopped, and honest importers placed on an 
equality with dishonest ones importing goods into this country 
and placing them on our markets.— Hon. Albert J. Hopkins, of 
Illinois. 



AMERICAN MACHINERY. 

Why We Can Undersell European Manufacturers. 
Many years ago Sir Edmund Beckett, then president of the 
British Horologieal Institute, said: "There can be no doubt in 
the mind of any one who understands machinery that this (refer- 
ring to the American Waltham Watch Company) is the best as well 
as the cheapest way of making machines that require precision 
and uniformity, and although labor is dearer in America than 
here, this machinery enables them to undersell European watches 
of the same quality." 



AMERICA'S COMMANDING POSITION. 

Our position is supreme. Our country lies midway betAveen the 
East and the West. "Westward the course of empire takes its way," 
and in its progressive march our Republic — "Time's noblest off- 
spring is the last" — stands at the culminating point where the ad- 
vancing tide of Western power meets the refluent wave of Eastern 
antiquity. It arches and dominates the continent. Its Eastern 
shore stretches over three thousand miles along the Atlantic. Its 
Western shore — with its outpost, soon to be, at fair Hawaii — faces 
the Pacific and the Orient which are to be the theater of a new 
and splendid commerce. With the Isthmian canal constructed 
and under our undisputed control, as it must be, wedding the two 
oceans, practically giving us a continuous coast line and cutting 

3 



4 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

in half the commercial routes of the Western World we shall hold 
the key of its rising trade and be the master force in all its broad 
influence and policy. 

With this commanding 1 position and opportunity what are our 
resources and present achievements? What are the elements of 
power with which we engage in the world's rivalry? The aston- 
ishing story sounds like a rhapsody. The American people grow 
one-fifth of the world's wheat, seven-eighths of its cotton, and 
nine-tenths of its corn. We consume one-third of its wool and 
one-half of its metals. We do two-fifths of its mining in value and 
hold nearly one-half of all its coal-fields. We make one-fourth of 
its iron and one-third of its steel. We have one-third more rail- 
road mileage than all Europe, and with only one-fifth of Europe's 
population we do four-fifths as much railroad business. We earn 
every year nearly as much as Great Britain, Germany, Austria, and 
Italy put together. We manufacture one-third of all that comes 
from the teeming workshops and factories of the whole world, and 
in thirty years, so rapid is our advance, the aggregate growth of 
our industries has been more than double that of England, France, 
and Germany combined. Though the youngest of all the nations, 
with a flag but little over a century old, we possess one-fifth of 
all the wealth of the world. In the treasuries of our domain and in 
the brain and brawn of our people we have boundless resources 
of power and progress, and with these magnificent strides who can 
measure the sweep of our supremacy in another hundred years? 

These fabulous figures show both our unequaled power of pro- 
duction and our unparalleled capacity of consumption. We create 
more than any other people and we use more. Our greatness has 
been within ourselves. The field of foreign commerce is the only 
material realm we have yet to conquer. In our stupendous home 
development the time had not come for the outward look. We had 
far less need of it than other nations. The commerce of England 
represents more than one-third of the value of her chief occupa- 
tions, while the commerce of the United States represents less than 
one-tenth of. ours. Our domestic exchanges amount to nearly thirty 
times the whole volume of our foreign commerce, and they aggre- 
gate more than six times all the imports of all the nations of the 
world. What wonder that with this matchless market at home 
we have been negligent in looking abroad! But in the evolution 
of our material greatness the time has now come for the fruition 
of these mighty resources beyond our borders. It is a triumphant 
vindication of the American policy that it has first created and es- 
tablished our American industries, that then it has given them un- 
challenged sovereignty within our own vast domain, and that now 
it has fortified and equipped them to enter into the world's ar- 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 5 

duous- competition. And so, with all the superiority of our posi- 
tion, with one arm outstretched to the East and the other to the 
"West, with all the advantage of being- the only great industrial 
power that is self-sustaining, we boldly embark upon the career 
of commercial extension. — Charles Emory Smith, at Banquet of 
American Manufacturers, January 27, 1S98. 



ANNEXATION. 

ISLAND POSSESSIONS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

It has been argued that the annexation of Hawaii is a departure 
from the traditions of the country and a foolish experiment, be- 
cause it is not contiguous territory, the case of Alaska being- set 
down as still an experiment. But in annexing Haw r aii there is no 
departure from the traditions of the county. The country has 
already made numerous annexations of insular territory. 

MIDWAY ISLAND. 

This island was annexed in 1868 by order of the executive depart- 
ment of the United States. The action taken thereunder is fully 
described in Senate Executive Document No. 79, Fortieth Congress, 
second session. An appropriation of $50,000 w T as made by the third 
session of the Fortieth Congress by act approved March 1, 1869. 

This is contained in United States Statutes at Large, volume 15, 
chapter 48, page 279. It is also referred to in the Report of the 
Secretary of the Navj for 1870, on page 8, and Report of the Secre- 
tary of the Navy for 1871, pag-es 6, 7, and 8. 

The object of the annexation was to create a naval station there. 
Midway Island is the westernmost of the Hawaiian group. 

The appropriation was all spent, and an estimate made showing 
that it would cost some $400,000 more to open the harbor, which is 
a lagoon harbor with a bar of coral across at the entrance on which 
there is only 15 feet of water. The heavy expense and the loss 
of a war ship engaged in bringing 1 away the laborers when the 
$50,000 was expended interfered with the continuance of the plan 
to make a naval station, but the island still belongs to the United 
States. 

OTHER ISLAND ANNEXATIONS. 

The United States owns the Aleutian Islands, extending a thou- 
sand miles west of Hawaii, which it acquired in conjunction with 
Alaska. It also owns fifty-seven other islands and groups of 
islands in the Pacific and thirteen in the Caribbean Sea, which 
have been taken possession of by American citizens under act of 
Congress dated August 15, 1856, which provides for the registra- 
tion and protection of islands so annexed. The principal object of 



6 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

such annexations was to secure the guano located on such islands, 
but it only makes the precedent so much the stronger in that it 
indicates that so small a matter as the securing- of a limited amount 
of fertilizer is sufficient reason for insular annexation. 

The traditions of the country are to annex whatever territory or 
country is needed. 

The fact that the greater portion of the territory annexed was 
not insular is no precedent or tradition against insular annexations 
when such annexations would be valuable to the country. 

In other words, the question of whether the territory proposed 
to be annexed is insular or continental is not and should not be 
the criterion, but the deciding line is whether or not its annexation 
would be valuable to the United States. 

The names, location, and date of acquisition of the islands which 
have become United States territory under the above-mentioned 
act of 1856 are as follows: 



Date of acqui- 
sition. 


Name. 


Date of acqui- 
sition. 


Name. 


Oct. 28,1856 


Bakers. 


Feb. 8, 1860 


Mackin. 




Jarvis. 




Mary Letitias. 


Aug. 31, 1856 

Dec. 8, 1858 


Navassa. 
Howlands. 




Marys. 
Mathews. 


Sept. 6, 1859 


Johnsons. 




Nassau. 


Dec. 27, 1859 


Barren or Starve. 




Palmyros. 




Enderbury. 




Pescado. 




McKean. 




Phoenix. 




Phoenix. 




Prospect. 


Dec. 29, 1859 


Christmas. 




Oniros. 




Haldens. 




Riorsens. 


Feb. 8,1860 


America. 




Rogeweins. 




Annes. 




Samarang. 




Barbers. 




Sarah Anne. 




Baumana. 




Sidneys. 




Birnies. 




Starbuckof Hero. 




Caroline. 




Steavers. 




Clarence. 




Walkers. 




Dangerous. 




Washington of Uahaga. 




Dangers Rock. 




• 




Davids. 


Dec. 30, 1862.... 


Great and Little Swan in the 




Duke of York. 

Enderbury. 

Farmers. 




Caribbean Sea. 




Aug. 12, 18G9... 


Islands in the Caribbean Sea, 




Favorite. 




not named, in latitude 4° 40', 




Flint. 




longitude 16u° 07'. 




Flints. 








Frances. 


Nov. 22, 1869... 


Pedro Keys. 




Frienhaven. 




Quito Sereno. 




Gardners. 




Petrel Roncador. 




Gallego. 


Sept. 8, 1879 


Serranilla Keys. 




Ganges. 




Morant Keys. 




Gronigue. 
Humphreys. 


Sept. 13, 1880... 


De Aves. 






Serranilla Keys. 




Kemns. 




Western Triangles. 




Liderous. 


Oct. 18, 1880 


Islands of Arenas. 




Low Islands. 


June 21, 1894... 


Alacrans Islands. 



records of the State and Treasury Departments. 
In the Pacific. 
In the Caribbean Sea. 



Total 70 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 7 

APPROPRIATIONS. 

Appropriations — Second session, Fifty-fifth Congress, compared 
with the law of 1897-98. 

(Statement of Hon. Joseph G. CanuoD, chairman of the Committee on Appropriations.] 

The sum of $892,527,991.16 has been appropriated at this session 
of Congress. This includes $117,836,220 of permanent appropria- 
tions to meet sinking-fund requirements of and interest on the 
public debt, and for other objects, and $361,788,095.11 to meet ex- 
penditures of the war with Spain. 

Deducting the last two from the sum first mentioned, there re- 
mains $412,903,676.05, representing the appropriations made at the 
present session to meet all ordinary expenses of the Government; 
which sum is only $4,246,816.75 more than was appropriated at the 
last session of the last Congress for the same purposes (including 
the appropriations made during the recent extra session), which 
apparent excess is almost doubly offset by the increased appro- 
priation of $8,070,872.46 for the payment of pensions on account of 
the fiscal year 1898, provided for in a deficiency act at this session. 

No river and harbor bill has been passed at this session; but the 
sundry civil act carries $14,031,613.56 to meet contracts authorized 
by previous Congresses for river and harbor works. 

Xo laws authorizing the construction of public buildings in any 
of the cities throughout the country have been enacted, and other- 
wise the legislation authorizing expenditures and appropriations 
has been confined to the actual necessities of the Government, and 
to meet all demands incident to the existing war. 

The following tables show, by acts, the appropriations made for 
war expenditures, and also the history of the appropriation bills 
for the session. 

In addition to the appropriations made specifically for expenses 
of the conduct of the war since its inception and for the first six 
months of the fiscal year beginning July 1, 1898, contracts have 
been authorized on the naval appropriation act for new war ves- 
sels and for their armament, for which Congress will be called upon 
in the future to appropriate to an amount estimated at $19,216,156. 

APPROPRIATIONS TO MEET EXPENSES INCIDENT TO 

THE WAR. 

For the National defense, act March 9, 1898 $50,117,000 00 

Arm j and Navy deficiencies, act May 4, 1898 34,625,725 71 

Naval appropriation act, May 4, 1898— amount of increase over preceding 

Naval appropriation act_ 23,095,549 49 

Fortification appropriation act, May 7, 1898— amount of increase over act as 

passed bv House ~ 5,232,562 00 

Naval auxiliary act, May 26, 1898 3,000,000 00 

Additional clerical force, War Department, Auditors' offices, etc., act May 31, 

1898 227,976 45 



B republican campaign text book. 

Life-Saving Service, act June 7, 1898 -• $70,000 00 

Army and Navy deficiencies, act June 8, 1898 18,015,000 00 

Appropriations in act to provide ways and means to meet war expenditures, 

June 13, 1898 600,000 00 

Army, Navy, and other war expenses for six months, beginning July 1, 1898, 

in general deficieucy act 226,604,261 46 

Expenses of bringing home remains of soldiers 200,000 00 

Total .. .. 361,788,095 11 

The tables referred to are as follows : 



Title. 



Agriculture 

Army 

Diplomatic and consular. 

District of Columbia 

Fortification 

Indian 

Legislative, etc 

Military Academy 

Navy 

Pension 



Post OflBce c 

River and harbor. 
Sundry civil 



Total. 



Deficiency, Naval Academy, etc. 



Urgent deficiency, 1898 

Deficiency, United States courts, public 
printing, etc 

Urgent deficiency, national defense, etc 

Deficiency, Army and Navy and printing.... 

Deficiency, pensions, etc 

Urgent deficiency, military and naval estab- 
lishments 

Deficiency, 1898 and prior years 



Total 

Miscellaneous. 



Tetal, regular annual appropriations. 
Permanent annual appropriations 



Grand total, regular and permanent 
annual appropriations 



Law, 1898-99. 



Date. 



Mar. 22 
Mar. 15 
Mar. 9 
June 30 
May 7 
July 1 
Mar. 15 
Mar. 5 
May 4 
Mar. 14 
1898. 
June 13 



July 1 



Dec. 16 

1898. 
Jan. 28 

Feb. 19 
Mar. 9 
May 4 
May 31 

June 8 
July 7 



Amount. 



$3,509,202 00 

2:3,192,392 00 

1,752,208 76 

6,425,880 07 

9 377,494 00 

7,660,814 90 

21,625,846 65 

458,689 23 

56,098,783 68 

141,233,830 00 

99,222,300 75 
(9) 

i 48,489,217 26 



419,047,159 30 

210,000 00 

1,928,779 33 

800,000 00 

50,183,000 00 

35,720,945 41 

8,498,431 91 

18,015,000 00 
234,288,455 21 



768,691,771 16 
/6,000,000 00 



774,691,771 16 
117,836,220 00 



892,527,991 16 



Law, 1897-98. 



Amount. 



$3,182,902 00 

23,129,344 30 
1,695,308 76 
6,186,991 06 
9,517,141 00 
7,674.120 89 

21,690,766 90 
479,572 83 

33,003,234 19 
141,263,880 00 

95,665,338 75 
(h) 
k 53,611,783 38 



397,100,384 06 



10,557,417 34 



407,657,801 40 
999,057 90 



408,656,859 30 
120.078,220 00 



m 528,735,079 30 



Amount of estimated revenues for fiscal year 1899 390,000,000 00 

Amount of estimated postal revenues for fiscal year 18J9 92,874,647 37 

Total estimated revenues for fiscal year 1839 482,874,647 37 



a No amount is included in the estimates for 1899 for the Agricultural Department for 
agricultural experiment stations in the several States authorized by the act of March 2, 
16*7. The amounts appropriated for this purpose for 1898 and 1899 are $720,000 respectively. 

b One-half of the amounts for the District of Columbia payable by the United States, 
except amounts for the water department (estimated for 1899 at $140,851.71;, which are 
payable from the revenues of the water department. 

e Includes all expenses of the postal service payable from postal revenues and out of 
the I iKtsury. 

(I This amount is exclusive of $18,098,007.56 to meet contracts authorized by law for 
river aud harbor improvements included in the sundry civil estimates for 1899. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 9 

APPROPRIATIONS— FIFTY-FIRST TO FIFTY-FOURTH CON- 
GRESS, INCLUSIVE. 

The Fifty-first Congress (1891-92) passed appropriation bills to 
the amount of $988,417,183.34. 9 It was called the "Billion-Dollar 
Congress" by the Democrats, who controlled the House during- the 
Fifty-second Congress (1893-94) by more than a two-thirds majority, 
the Senate being Republican by a slender margin. This Congress 
appropriated $1,027,104,547.92, or $38,687,364.58 more than its Repub- 
lican "billion-dollar" predecessor. The Fifty-third Congress (1895- 
1896) was Democratic in both branches and appropriated $989,239,- 
205.69, but did not pass a river and harbor bill, which, estimated by 
the sum appropriated at the first session of the Fifty-fourth Con- 
gress would have increased the amount to $1,001,898,755. The Fifty- 
1'ourth Congress (1897-98) had a Republican House and an opposition 
Senate, and passed appropriation bills, including $12,659,550 for 
rivers and harbors, amounting to $1,044,494,899; deducting river and 
harbor appropriations, $1,031,835,349. This is in excess of the appro- 
priations authorized by the Fifty-third Congress, but comparison 
will show that the Fifty-third Congress appropriated for the Navy 
but $55,043,203, while the Fifty-fourth Congress appropriated for 
that part of our national armament $63,565,894, or nearly ten mil- 
lions more. For fortifications the Fifty-third Congress appro- 
priated $4,331,561, while the Fifty-fourth Congress authorized the 
expenditure of $16,895,029. 

e This amount includes 818,098,007.56 to meet contracts authorized by law for river and 
harbor improvements for 1899. 

/This amount is approximated. 

g No river and harbor bill passed for 1899, but the sum of $14,031,613.56 is appropriated 
in the sundry civil act to carry out contracts authorized by law, and 8235,846 additional, 
and 8360,00) in the general deficiency act for river and harbor improvements for 1899 ; in 
all, 814,627,459.56. 

h No river and harbor bill passed for 1898, but the sum of 818,578,412.91 is appropriated 
in the sundry civil act to carry out contracts authorized by law, and 8543,000 additional for 
river and harbor improvements for 1898 ; in all, 819,121,412.91. The general deficiency act 
also appropriates 81,200,000 to carry out contracts authorized by law, and 811,000 additional 
for river and harbor improvements, and the joint resolution of March 31, 1897, appropriates 
8250,000 for the improvement of the Mississippi River to carry out contracts authorized by 
law, and the joint resolution of February 26, 1897, appropriates 8250,000 for closing the 
crevasse in Pass a Loutre, an outlet of the Mississippi River, making in all for river and 
harbor improvements in sundry civil act for 1898, in general deficiency act, and in joint 
resolutions, 820,832,412.91. 

t This amount includes $14,031,613.56 to carry out contracts authorized by law for river 
and harbor improvements for 1899. 

k This amount includes 818,578,412.91 to carry out contracts authorized by law for 
river and harbor improvements for 1898 and 8513,000 additional for river and harbor im- 
provements for 1898 ; in all, 819,121,412.91. 

I This is the amount submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury in the annual estimates 
for the fiscal year 1898, the exact amount appropriated not being ascertainable until two 
years after the close of the fiscal year. 

m In addition to this amount, contracts are authorized to be entered into, subject to 
future appropriations by Congress, as follows : By the District of Columbia act, 8368,000 ; 
bvthe naval act, 8300,000; by the sundry civil act, $200,000 : and by tho deficiency act, 
81.401.375.09 ; in all. 82,269,375.09. 



W REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

For the Navy and fortifications together the appropriations were 
as follows: 

Fifty-fourth Congress (Republican House) $80,460,923 

Fifty-third Congress (Democratic House) 59,374,764 

Excess by Fifty-fourth Congress 21,086,159 

So that, if these important provisions had been omitted from the 
appropriations of the Fifty-fourth Congress, and its items are 
equalized with the appropriations of the Fifty-third Congress, the 
total amount authorized would have been $1,010,749,190, or about 
sixteen millions and a half of dollars less than the appropriations 
of the Fifty-second Congress. 



BANKS. 

National-Bank Currency. 

Authorizing acts. — The issue of circulating notes by national 
banking associations was first authorized by an act entitled "An 
act to provide a national currency secured by a pledge of United 
States stocks, and to provide for the circulation and redemption 
thereof," approved February 25, 1863, which act was repealed by 
an act entitled "An act to provide a national currency secured 
by a pledge of United States bonds, and to provide for the cir- 
culation and redemption thereof," approved June 3, 1864. The act 
approved June 3, 1864, with subsequent amendments thereof, was 
embodied in the Revised Statutes of the United States in 1873. 
The law as embodied in the Revised Statutes has been amended 
from time to time, and is now contained in what is known as the 
National-Bank Act, with amendments thereof. 

Security. — Under the provisions of existing law a national bank 
is required to deposit interest-bearing bonds of the United States 
with the United States Treasurer as security for its circulating 
notes in the following minimum amounts: 

1. Banks with a capital not exceeding $150,000 must deposit 
bonds, par value, to an amount not less than one-fourth of their 
capita] stock. 

2. Banks with a capital exceeding $150,000 must deposit bonds 
to the amount of at least $50,000, par value. 

The maximum amount of bonds, at their par value, which may 
be deposited by a national bank must not exceed the amount of 
the bank's capital stock. 

The proportion of circulating notes issued against bonds de- 
posited as security therefor is 90 per cent of the par value of 
said bonds, or of the market value of said bonds if the bonds are 
below par. 



KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 11 

Profits on circulation. — Tables published annually by the Comp- 
troller show the profit, arising- from a bank investing- its funds 
in bonds and taking- out circulation thereon, compared with the 
profits from investment of the same funds at 6 per cent per 
annum. This profit varies with the cost of the bonds and the 
rates of interest current where a bank is located. In 1896 the 
investment in 4 and 5 per cent bonds with circulation was more 
profitable by 1 per cent to iy 2 per cent per annum than an 
investment at 6 per cent. (See page 533, Comptroller's Report, 
1896, vol. 1.) 

Ownership of stock. — An official investigation made by the Comp- 
troller in 1895 shows that on October 31, 1895, the stock of 3,715 
national banks, with a capital of $664,136,915, was owned by 285,190 
shareholders. 

Profits on capital invested. — On page 620, volume 1, Comptroller's 
Report for 1896, is a table showing- annual profits on capital 
invested made by national banks for twenty-seven years, based 
upon sworn reports made by the banks. The annual average per- 
centage of profit for this period was 7.9 per cent, the profit for 
the year 1894 being 5.6 per cent, for 1895 5 per cent, and 1896 
5.4 per cent. 

Every national bank is required by law to make to the Comp- 
troller not less than five sworn reports every year, showing in 
detail its resources and liabilities, and it is required to publish 
same in a local newspaper; also, to make a sworn report of 
every dividend declared, which also shows gross earnings, losses, 
expenses, and net profits. 

The affairs of every bank are also examined about twice a year 
by an examiner, who verifies its assets and audits its accounts, 
and the examiner is empowered by law to examine every officer 
and employee of the bank under oath, if necessary, to find out its 
true condition. 

Capital based on population. — A national bank may be organized 
by not less than five shareholders anywhere in the United States, 
subject to the following mentioned requirements as to capital and 
population: 

1. With not less than $50,000 capital in any place having 6,000 
inhabitants or less. 

2. With not less than $100,000 capital in any city having over 
6,000 but not more than 50,000 inhabitants. 

3. With not less than $200,000 capital in any city having over 
50,000 inhaMtants. 

Amount jf national bank circulation. — The aggregate capital 
of nationa. banks May 5, 1898, was $024,471,670. Under the law 
the banks were entitled . to issue circulation to the amount of 
$562,024,503. 



12 



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REPUBLICAN CAMPAJGB TEXT POOR. 15 

Bank checks and bank notes. — Bank clunks and drafts and 
bank notes constitute by far the most important pari of our 
currency. On January 1, 1898, the total volume of our circulation 
was as follows: 

Gold coin and certificates $584,120,049 

Silver coin certificates 503,900,973 

Government demand notes 409,239,803 

Total Government currency 1,497,272,885 

National-bank notes 223,827,755 

Deposits subject to check* 3,210,705,75S 

Total bank currency 3,434,503,513 

The volume of bank currency, therefore, was more than double 
that of the non-bank currency. Moreover, it did a vastly larger 
proportion of the actual work of commerce. Careful investigations 
have been made from time to time by the Comptroller of the 
Currency to determine the actual usefulness as currency of our 
various forms of money. The last investigation was made on 
July 1, 1890. It showed that of every $100 of business transacted 
through the banks the different forms of money were used in the 
following proportions: Gold, 00 cents; silver, 50 cents; greenbacks, 
silver certificates, Treasury notes, and national-bank notes, $6.30; 
bank checks, drafts, etc., $92,50. And the clearing-house returns of 
the country show that the bank checks and drafts constitute a 
currency which performs transactions in the exchange of property 
amounting *to over $50,000,000,000 a year. And a great many checks, 
estimated at $20,000,000,000 are used as currency each year, which 
do not go through the clearing houses. 

It is very important to note in this connection that a bank check 
and a bank note are practically the same thing. Both are obliga- 
tions of the bank payable on demand, and both, without being 
legal tender, perform admirably the work of money as a medium 
of exchange. But, notwithstanding this identity, there is a great 
difference in the amount of service rendered, that of the check 
and draft being scores of times that of the note. This is partly 
due to the superior safety of payment by check or draft by 
reason of their being collectible only by the person named as 
payee and upon his indorsement, which indorsement becomes a 
receipt. 

Bank clearances since 1892,— A very wholesome indication of 

•In national, State, and private banks; but tbis does not include deposits in savings 
banks, or any otber deposits not subject to cbeck. 



16 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



reviving confidence among- business men is afforded by the condi- 
tion of the bank clearances in the country outside of New York 
since the passage of the Ding-ley bill, compared with the period 
covering the operation of the Wilson act for several years. These 
clearances reached the two-billion mark in September, 1897, under 
McKinley, for the first time in nineteen months, except the month 
of December, 1896. Down to May, 1893, they ran steadily at that 
mark, but from May, 1893, to October, 1894, remained stationary 
at less than two billions. That month they again touched the 
limit, going down, however, to their old figure during November 
and December, recovering in January, 1895, lapsing back to the 
one-billion figure in February, March, and April. They touched 
two billions only eleven times during the entire four years of 
the Cleveland Administration from March, 1893, to March 1897. 
That was in April and May, 1893; October, 1894; January, May, 
July, October, November, December, 1895, and January and De- 
cember, 1896. They rose to the two-billion mark one month after 
the passage of the Dingley act, and from August, 1897, to February, 
1898 — six months — have continuously remained at that figure. 

For New York City the bank clearances reached the three-billion 
mark but once during the Cleveland Administration. They were 
stationary at that figure January, February, and March, 1893, fell 
to two in April, went back to three in May, and thereafter fluctu- 
ated between one and two for upward of four years, until Sep- 
tember, 1897. Since then they have never fallen below three 
billions, going to $3,690,282,724 in January, 1898, the highest since 
1892. 

Bank clearances, 1898, — The bank clearances of the leading cities 
are justly regarded as a reliable barometer of the business condi- 
tion of the country. The following table, compiled by Bradstreet, 
shows the bank clearings at eighty-nine cities for the week ended 
June 9, with the percentage of increase and decrease, as compared 
with the corresponding week last year: 



Cities. 


Amount. 


In- 
crease. 


De- 
crease. 




$798,541,344 

102,815,790 

119,514,304 

70,620,241 

29,799,592 

16,068,912 

19,9tl,9 r )8 

14,703,058 

13,237,850 

10,709,230 

6,794,875 

8,112,567 

6,702,208 


37.3 
13.5 
51.7 
30.7 
17.0 
12.0 
43.6 
11.9 












Philadelphia 






















7.9 
18.0 
21.7 
ll.l 
18.7 








Minneapolis ...... 




Cleveland MM . M 


NM, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Cities. 



Louisville 

Providence 

Milwaukee 

St. Paul 

Buffalo 

Omaha 

Indianapolis 

Columbus, Ohio — 

Savannah 

Denver 

Hartford 

Richmond 

Memphis 

Washington 

Peoria 

Rochester 

New Haven 

Worcester 

Atlanta 

Salt Lake City 

Springfield, Mass.... 

Fort Worth 

Portland, Me 

Portland, Oreg 

St. Joseph 

Los Angeles 

Norfolk 

Syracuse 

Pes Moines. 

Nashville 

Wilmington, Del.... 

Fall River 

Scranton 

Grand Rapids 

Augusta, Ga , 

Lowell , . .... 

Dayton, Ohio 

Seattle 

Tacoma 

Spokane 

Sioux City 

New Bedford 

KnoxviMe, Tenn 

Topeka..... 

Birmingham 

Wichita 

Binghamton 

Lincoln 

Lexington, Ky 

Jacksonville, Ha 

Kalamazoo 

Akron 

Bay City 

Chattanooga 

Rockford, 111 

Canton, Ohio ......... 

Springfield, Ohio.... 

Fargo, N. Dak 

Sioux Falls, S. Dak. 

Hastings, Nebr 

Fremont, Nebr 

Davenport 

Toledo 

Galveston 

Houston 

Youngstown 

Macon 

Evansville 

Helena , 



Totals, United States. 
Totals outside New York. 



Amount. 


In- 
crease. 


De- 
crease. 


6,359,375 

4,716,700 

5,060,357 

4,301,573 

4,243,629 

6,462,792 

5,512,686 

4,061,200 

1,786,357 

5,296,531 

2,566,920 

2,688,168 

1,539,514 

2,324,775 

1,572,203 

2,131,412 

1,573,094 

1,424,189 

1,516,722 

1,543,557 

1,328,928 

1,878,260 

1,439,172 

1,674,590 

3,286,865 

1,471,614 

880,658 

1,269,160 

1,625,735 

12288,551 

760,180 

689,960 

875,730 

1,021,732 

596,200 

696,701 

781,986 

1,381,983 

1,059,807 

940,156 

725,725 

791,875 

652,992 

505,607 

437,307 

465,152 

337,200 

403,769 

340,249 

228,329 

349,135 




1 2 




60 


25.3 

31. C 

3.4 

41.4 












12.1 
10.3 
4.7 
9.2 
29.7 














3 2 


90 

7.6 










3 9 


28.2 
17.2 








40.1 

13.3 

40.3 

175.9 

15.5 

17.2 

30.1 

58.2 

9.6 

7.0 




















15 1 


12.3 

34.1 

9.1 

30.8 

22.7 

123.1 

1.825 

44.6 

17.5 

74.9 

46.8 

65.0 

21.7 

6.1 

7.2 

22.4 

10.0 
































15.1 

18.4 
33.8 
38.4 




340,640 




273,854 




389.035 




228,131 


10 2 


218,400 


28.2 
27.6 
54 3 
86.2 

8.0 
66.2 
31.3 

9.0 
20.0 
39.5 




231,077 




257,794 




950,198 




111,375 




127,243 




989,975 




1,739,863 




4,550,000 




4,168,990 




281,745 




873,737 






755,224 






662,649 












1,324,766,412 


31.2 
23.4 




526,225,069 









18 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Savings banks and deposits.— There were 5,201,132 depositors 
in savings banks in the United States in 1896-97, having- on deposit 
in these institutions the aggregate sum of $1,939,376,035, exclusive 
of deposits subject to check,, which in 1897 alone amounted to 
$44,037,529, and there was due to each depositor $663. These five 
million depositors with nearly two billion dollars to their credit 
in bank, according to the doctrines preached by the Bryan Demo- 
crats, belong to the hated "money power," which is seeking to 
oppress labor and to rob the blistered hand of toil that wields 
the plow handle. This money is not cornered in any one section. 
The army of savings-bank depositors is scattered over the entire 
country. It can hardly be maintained that individually those who 
put their savings in a saving's bank are rich men, who employ 
their wealth to do evil to their fellow-men; yet collectively their 
accumulated savings form a large capital, nearly equal to the 
total deposits of the national banks, which were $2,195,700,000 
October 5, 1897. 

Bank's Part in Farming. — How does a bank help the farmer? 

How does a bank help the farmer? 

With the approach of the time for plowing and planting, seeds 
and fertilizer will be necessary. How can the farmer buy them 
if the last season was a poor one? He has spent all of his earn- 
ings in running the household during the long winter. He goes 
to the dealer in fertilizer in the nearest village and asks: 

"What is the price of fertilizer a ton?" 

"Fifty dollars," the dealer replies. 

"Well, I will need two tons, and that will amount to $100." 

"Yes. Take it along now." 

"I haven't the ready cash just now, but " 

"Oh, that's all right. I know you're good for it. Take it along, 
and give me your note payable in four months. By that time your 
crops will be yielding a profit." 

The farmer gives his note, the dealer indorses it and gives it 
in payment to the wholesaler from whom he gets the fertilizer; 
the wholesaler sends it to the manufacturer of the fertilizer, who 
in turn takes it to his bank and borrows the money on it less 
the interest. 

The farmer gets his seed in the same way, and at the time of 
the expiration of the notes is able to meet his obligations. 

Thus, instead of the farmer being compelled to wait until he 
can get the cash to pay before he can buy the fertilizer and 
seed, he obtains them when he needs them. The dealer, instead 
of having to wait until the farmer gets the money before he 
can sell his goods, sells them in the proper season and receives 
what is to him practically cash. The wholesaler receives from 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 19 

the retailer what is as good as cash to him, and the manufacturer 
receives virtually cash from the wholesaler. 

How would a.ll this be possible were it not that the bankers 
had collected the idle money of other people and w r ere able to 
lend it out to g-ood advantage? The farm would go unplanted, 
the ground would go untilled, there would be no crops "to yield a 
profit. 

That's where the bank helps the farmers. 

Importance of branch banks. — One great advantage, it appears 
to me. might be derived from the general introduction of a system 
of branch banks. It would tend to equalize interest more ef- 
fectually than any other thing. It has worked so in Canada. Can- 
ada has a very wide extent of country. It is more widely ex- 
tended than our country is, and yet, under their system of branch 
banks, the rates of interest in the most remote corners are prac- 
tically the same as in the great centers. The banks in the great 
centers send out currency to their branches to be loaned under 
the direction of their own officers, and can thereby afford to lend 
it at terms little or no greater* than are given to their customers 
at home. The independent local bank, on the other hand, how- 
ever, takes advantage of its surrounding conditions, and charges 
all the interest it can under the circumstances. — Judge Robert S. 
Taylor, before the House Committee on Banking and Currency. 

Government and banks. — What does government do when it 
authorizes a bank to do business — when it gives a bank a charter? 
It enables a quantity of scattered capital, which would otherwise 
be quite ineffective, to come together, and then helps its business, 
as it were, by advertising it. It certifies that the bank is organ- 
ized under a certain sj-stem; that there was so much capital in- 
vested: that it is under a certain inspection, and all that. Having 
done that, whom does it help in the greatest degree? Why, it 
helps the thousands of people who want to use that thing for 
convenience. They are the ones who are helped. The people who 
have piit their capital in it are helped somewhat, but they could 
have used their capital in a thousand different ways. They did 
not have to put it into that bank, and probably if they had not 
any banks they could have lent it more profitably to individual 
persons; but the community would not have been nearly so con- 
veniently served, and that capital would not have been gathered 
together from its different sources to serve them in that way. — Ex- 
Secretary of Treasury Charles S. Fairchild, before the House Com- 
mittee oh Banking and Currency. 



20 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Redemptions in gold of United States notes and Treasury notes and exports of gold 
by fiscal years, 1879-1897. 

[Finance Report, 1897, p. 140.] 



Fiscal year. 


United 
States notes. 


Treasury 
notes of 1890. 


Total. 


Exports of 
gold. 


1879 


87,976,698 

3,780,638 

271,750 

40,000 

75,000 

590,000 

2,222,000 

6,863,699 

4,224,073 

692,596 

730,143 

732,386 

5,986,070 

5,352,243 

55,319,125 

68,242,408 

1(9,783,800 

153,307,591 

68,372,923^ 


$7,976,698 

3,780,638 

271,750 

40.000 

75,000 

590,000 

2,222,1)00 

6,863,699 

4,224,073 

692,596 

730,143 

732,386 

5,986,1170 

9,125,843 

102,100,345 

84,842,150 

117,354,198 

158,655,956 

78,201,914 


$4,557,614 

3,639,025 

2.565,132 

32,587,880 

11,600,888 

41,081,957 

8,477,892 

42,952,191 

9,701,187 

18,376,234 

59,952,285 

17,274,491 

86.362,<554 

50,195,327 

108,680,844 

76,978,061 

06,468,481 

112,409,947 

40,357,780 


1880 




1881 




1882 




1883 




1884 




1885 




1886 


1887 


1888 




1889 




1890 




1891 


1892 


$3,773,600 
46,781,220 
16,599,742 
7,570,398 
5,348,365 
9,828,991 


1893 


1894 


1896 






Total 


494,563,143 


89,902,316 


584,465,459 


794,249,820 





BARLEY. 

The total reported production of barley in 1897 was 66,685,127 
bushels, being- 3,010,096 bushels, or 4.3 per cent, less than was 
reported for 1896. 

The total area of production was 2,719,116 acres, against 2,950,539 
acres in 1896, a decrease of 231,423 acres, or 7.8 per cent. 

The total value of the crop was $25,142,139, against $22,491,241 in 
1896, an increase of $2,650,898, or 11.8 per cent. 

The area under barley in 1897 was the smallest recorded since 
1886, in which year it amounted to 2,652,957 acres. The yield 
per acre, however, is high, being 24.5 bushels, against 23.6 bushels 
in 1896, and an average of 22.5 bushels for the ten years 1887 
to 1896. Only twice within that period, namely, in 1891 and 1895, 
was the average reported for 1897 exceeded. 

The average value per bushel, 37.7 cents, is 5.4 cents per bushel 
higher than the average for 1896. The average value per acre is 
$9.25, against $7.62 in 1896. 



BLAINE ON FREE COINAGE. 

The silver forces are fond of quoting the late James G. Blaine 
in support of their contention in favor of free coinage, but in a 
thoroughly dishonest way. During the campaign of 1896 they cir- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 21 

culated millions of copies of what purported to be Mr. Blaine's 
expression in favor of free coinage, taken from his speech in the 
Senate February 7, 1S7S. This extract was made from the opening- 
paragraph in his speech, but only so much of it was printed by the 
silver men as suited their purpose; for immediately after the con- 
clusion of the opening sentences, which were intended merely to 
outline his text, he says: "//, therefore, silver has been de- 
monetized, I am in favor of renionetizing it. If its coinage has 
been prohibited, I am in favor of ordering it to be resumed. If 
it has been restricted, I am in favor of ordering it to be enlarged." 
In the very next paragraph, Mr. Blaine said: 

"To remonetize it now, as though the facts and circumstances 
of that daj r were surrounding us, is to willfully and blindly deceive, 
ourselves. If our demonetization were the only cause for the de- 
cline in the value of silver, then remonetization would be its proper 
and effectual cure. But other causes, quite beyond our control, 
have been far more potentially operative than the simple fact that 
Congress prohibited its further coinage. As legislators, we are 
bound to take cognizance of these causes. The demonetization of 
silver in the great German Empire and the consequent partial or 
well-nigh complete, suspension of coinage in the governments of 
the Latin Union, have been the leading dominant causes for the 
rapid decline in the value of silver." 
Mr. Blaine then went on: 

"The question before Congress, then — sharply defined in the 
pending House bill — is, whether it is now safe and expedient to 
offer free coinage to the silver dollar of 412y 2 grains, with the 
mints of the Latin Union closed and Germany not permitting 
silver to be coined as money. At current rates of silver, the free 
coniage of the dollar containing 412% grains, worth in gold 
about 92 cents, gives an illegitimate profit to the owner of the 
bullion, enabling him to take 92 cents worth of it to the mint 
and get it stamped as coin and force his neighbor to take it 
for a full dollar. This is an undue, an unfair advantage which the 
Government has no right to give to the owner of the silver bul- 
lion, and which defrauds the man who is forced to take the 
dollar. * * * 

"What gain, therefore, should we make, for the circulating 
medium, if, on opening the gate for silver to flow in, we open a 
still wider gate for gold to flow out? If I were to venture upon 
a dictum upon the silver question, I should declare that until 
Europe remonetizes silver we cannot afford to coin a dollar as low 
as 412% grains, * * * 

"Yet it is almost mathematically demonstrable that the same 
effect will follow from the coinage of an inferior silver dollar. As- 



22 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

surances from empirics and scientists in finance that remonetiza- 
tion of the former dollar will at once and permanently advance its 
value to par with gold are worth little in the face of opposing and 
controlling- facts. * * * That remonetization will have a 
considerable effect in advancing the value of the silver dollar is 
very probable, but not enough to overcome the difference now 
existing — a difference resulting from causes independent of our 
control on this continent. 

"I believe the public creditor can afford to be paid in any silver 
dollar that the United States can afford to coin and circulate. We 
have forty thousand millions of property in this country, and a 
w r ise self-interest will not permit us to overturn its relations b*y 
seeking for an inferior dollar wherewith to settle the honest de- 
mand of any creditor. The question might be different from a 
merely selfish point of view if, on paying the dollar to the public 
creditor, it would disappear after performing that function. But 
the trouble is that the inferior dollar you pay the public creditor 
remains i» circulation to the exclusion of the better dollar. That 
which you pay at home will stay here; that which you send abroad 
will come back. 

"The interest of the public creditor is indissolubly bound up with 
the interest of the whole people. Whatever affects him affects us 
all; and the evil that we mig'ht inflict upon him by paying an 
inferior dollar would recoil upon us with a vengeance as manifold 
as the aggregate wealth of the Republic transcends the compara- 
tively small limits of our bonded debt. Eemember that our aggre- 
gate wealth is always increasing, and that our bonded debt is 
steadily growing less. If paid in a good silver dollar the bondholder 
has nothing to complain of. If paid in an inferior silver dollar he 
has the same grievance that will be uttered still more plaintively 
by the holder of the national bank bill, by the pensioner, by the 
day laborer, and by the countless host of the poor, whom we have 
with us always, and on whom the most distressing effect of in- 
ferior money will be ultimately precipitated." 

With such expressions from Mr. Blaine against free coinage in- 
dependent of the co-operation of other nations, it will hardly afford 
the silver forces much comfort to draw this great statesman into 
the controversy. And incidentally Mr. Blaine answers many of 
the arguments used to-day by the advocates of free coinage. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



23 



BONDS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

History of their Issue and Amounts. 
According to the statement of the public debt published October 
31, 1S65, the interest-bearing" debt of the United States on that date 
was as follows: 

Debt bearing interest in coin. 



Authorizing acts. 



Authorized before th© war. 

Do 

July 17 and August 5, 1861.. 

February 25, 1862 

June 30, 1864 

March 3, 1865 

March 8, 1864 

March 3, 1863 



Aggregate of debt bearing coin interest. 



Character of issue. 



6 per cent bonds.. 

5 per cent b«nds.. 

6 per cent bonds.. 

do 

do 

-do 

5 per cent bonds.. 

6 per cent bonds.. 



Amount out- 
standing. 



$37,754,591 80 

27,022,000 00 

189,331,400 00 

514,780,500 00 

100,000,000 00 

44,479,100 00 

172,770,100 00 

75,000,000 00 



1,161,137,691 80 



Debt bearing interest in lawful money. 



Authorizing acta. 



July 11, 1862.. 

Do 

Do 

March 1, 1862 



March 8, 1863 

March 3, 1863, and June 30, 1864.. 



June 30, 1864. 
March 3, 1865. 



Aggregate of debt bearing lawful- 
money interest 



Total interest-heflriner debt. 



Character of 



4 per cent temporary loan 

5 per oent temporary loan 

6 per cent temporary loan 

6 per oent certificates of in- 
debtedness. 

5 per cent 1 and 2 year notes 

6 per cent 3-year compound- 
interest notes. 

7-30 notes (3-year) 

do 



Amount out- 
standing. 



$612,727 98 
31,309,710 65 
67,185,806 83 
55,905,000 00 

32,536,901 00 

173,012,141 00 
234,400,000 00 
505,600,000 00 



1,190,561,787 46 



2,351,699,479 26 



Besides the interest-bearing debt then outstanding there was a 
considerable debt bearing no interest, as follows: 

Demand notes $392,070 00 

United States notes 427,768,499 00 

Fractional currency 26,057,469 20 

Matured debt, interest ceased 1,373,920 09 

Unpaid requisitions 660,900 00 



456,252,858 29 
The total ascertained indebtedness of the United 

States was therefore 2,807,952,337 55 

The cash in the Treasury was 68,355,578 69 



And the debt, less cash in the Treasury, was. , . . 2,739,596,758 80 



24 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

The foregoing tables do not include bonds issued in aid of 
Tacific railroads. 

The first three items in the above table of debt bearing coin 
interest represent obligations which were negotiated prior to the 
suspension of specie payments, January 1, 1802, and were therefore 
sold for gold. A portion of these bonds were sold at a discount, 
the aggregate amount of such discount being $7,358,544.19. All the 
remainder of the obligations stated in the above tables were sold 
at not less than par in United States notes. 

Soon after the close of the war the revenues began to exhibit a 
surplus over expenditures. The surplus was applied from time 
to time to the redemption of short-term obligations, which con- 
sisted of debt bearing interest in lawful money (United States 
notes). Such portion of these obligations as could not be redeemed 
for lack of funds was converted into 5-20 bonds, as authorized by 
the act of March 3, 1805. These transactions were completed by 
May 1, 1809. The Government then began using the surplus reve- 
nues in the purchase of its unmatured bonds at the market price 
in currency. The average price paid in May, 1809, was 115.84, which 
was equivalent to 82.72 in gold, or a discount of 17.28. These pur- 
chases were continued until September, 1873. The total amount 
purchased was $323,253,800; the net cost in currency was $302,981,- 
483.79 and the net cost in gold was $307,702,207.04. The average 
price in currency was 112.27 and the average price in gold was 95.19. 

CREDIT-STRENGTHENING ACT. 

During the war the necessities of the Government compelled 
the borrowing of money in many different ways. Some of 
the obligations issued for money so borrowed were admittedly 
payable in lawful money but other obligations, such as the 5-20 
bonds, while bearing interest payable, under the laws author- 
izing them, in coin, contained no specific statement as to 
the kind of money in which the principal should be paid at 
maturity. In this respect these bonds did not differ from all the 
other bonds issued since 1791, since none of them contained any 
provision as to the kind of money in which they should be paid; 
but, before the war, gold and silver coins were the only recognized 
legal-tender money, while after the Avar the existence of the legal- 
tender United States notes gave rise to discussion as to the power 
of the Government to liquidate all its debts in paper money. To 
settle the conflicting questions arising from this discussion, Con- 
gress passed the act entitled "An act to strengthen the public 
credit*" which was approved March 18, 1809. The text of ^e act 
was as follows: v 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 25 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, That in order to 
remove any doubt as to the purpose of the Government to dis- 
charge all just obligations to the public creditors, and to set- 
tle conflicting questions and interpretations of the laws by vir- 
tue of which such obligations have been contracted, it is hereby 
provided and declared that the faith of the United States is sol- 
emnly pledged to the payment in coin or its equivalent of all 
the obligations of the United Slates not bearing- interest, known 
as United States notes, and of all the interest-bearing obligations of 
the United States, except in cases where the law authorizing the 
issue of any such obligation has expressly provided that the same 
may be paid in lawful money or other currency than gold and silver. 
But none of said interest-bearing obligations not already due shall 
be redeemed or paid before maturity unless at such time United 
States notes shall be convertible into coin at the option of the • 
holder, or unless at such time bonds, of the United States bearing 
a lower rate of interest than the bonds to be redeemed can be 
sold at par in coin. And the United States also solemnly pledges 
its faith to make provision at the earliest practicable period for 
the redemption of the United States notes in coin. 

Approved, March 18, 1869. 

By this act the United States solemnly pledged its faith to the 
payment of all its obligations in coin, except those which were 
specificallj' pajable in some other currency; but in order to pre- 
vent improper speculation in the public debt it was provided that 
the Government should not redeem any of its obligations in coin 
before their maturity, unless at the same time it should be able to 
redeem United States notes in coin, or until the public credit 
should have become so good that the Government could sell bonds 
bearing lower rates of interest at par in coin. 

Refunding. — The refunding act of July 14, 1870, authorized the 
s?le, at not less than par in coin, of 5 per cent ten-year bonds, 4% 
per cent fifteen-year bonds, and 4 per cent thirty-year bonds, the 
proceeds to be applied to the redemption of the war debt. The re- 
funding operations under this act began in 1S71 and continued 
until the summer of 1S79. At first the sales were confined to the 
5 per cent bonds. In 1876, when the credit of the United States had 
sufficiently improved, the 4% per cent bonds were offered for 
sale; and in 1877 they were withdrawn and the 4 per cents of 1907 
were substituted. All these classes of bonds were sold at not less 
than par for gold or its equivalent, and the proceeds were used in 
redeeming, in gold, an equal amount of the bonds representing 
the war debt. 

The classes of bonds sold for refunding and the bonds redeemed, 
with the proceeds, are shown in the following tables: 



26 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Five per cent loan of 1881 $500,000,000 

Four and one-half per cent loan of 1891 185,000,000 

Four per cent loan of 1907 710,345,950 

Total 1,395,345,950 

Bonds redeemed. 

Six per cent five-twenties of 1862 $401,143,750 

Six per cent five twenties of March, 1864 1,327,100 

Six per cent five-twenties of June, 1864 59,185,450 

Six per cent five-twenties of 1865 160,144,500 

Six per cent consols of 1865 211,337,050 

Six per cent consols of 1867 316,423,800 

Six per cent consols of 1868 37,677,050 

Five per cent loan of 1858 14,217,000 

Five per cent ten-forties of 1804 193,890,250 

Total 1,395,345,950 

A considerable amount of 5 per cent bonds (about sixty-five mil- 
lions) was exchanged at the beginning of the refunding operations, 
bond for bond, for 6 per cents. These exchanges are included in the 
above tables. 

The annual saving of interest to the Government by the refund- 
ing operations was $19,900,846.50. 

The greater part of the war debt was sold for currency. Bonds 
amounting to $1,395,345,950 were redeemed in gold, and the gold 
with which they were redeemed was obtained from the purchasers 
of other bonds bearing lower rates of interest. 

The refunding operations included all the bonds which up to 1879 
hud become redeemable. Meanwhile resumption of specie pay- 
ments had brought all the business of the country to the coin basis. 
As the remaining war debt matured it was either continued at a 
lower rate of interest or redeemed in gold. The continued bonds 
were also redeemed from time to time, as the surplus revenues 
permitted, until no bonds remained outstanding except those 
authorized by the refunding acts. These last-mentioned bonds and 
all the bonds now outstanding are payable in "coin." 

The foregoing statement does not include the bonds, payable ii* 
lawful money, which were issued in aid of Pacific railroads. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 27 

RESUMPTION. 

The resumption act was approved January 14, 1875; it directed the 
Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and provide for the redemp- 
tion of United States notes in coin, on and after January 1, 1879, 
and it authorized him to use the surplus revenues for that purpose, 
from time to time, and to sell and dispose of, at not less than par 
in coin, either of the descriptions of bonds described in the re- 
funding acts above mentioned. In pursuance of this authority 
$95,500,000 of the 4% and 4 per cent bonds were sold for redemp- 
tion purposes, and the proceeds ($96,000,000 in gold) were placed in 
the Treasury as a fund for such redemption. In time this fund 
became known as the "gold reserve," and in the bank act, ap- 
proved July 12, 1882, in a section providing for the issue of gold 
certificates, the sum of $100,000,000 was prescribed by Congress as 
the limit to which the gold reserve might be reduced without 
affecting the issue of gold certificates. 

The presentation of United States notes for redemption prior to 
1S93 was not great enough to reduce the reserve fund below 
$100,000,000. During the operation of the Wilson bill the revenues 
of the Government from customs fell off rapidly, the deficiencies 
for the four years of the Cleveland Administration amounting to 
183. The excess of expenditures over revenues thus exist- 
ing was supplied from cash in the Treasury ($162,807,577) ; so that 
in April, 1893, the minimum of the gold reserve was reached, and 
the fund became so low that in February, 1894, an issue of bonds 
became necessary, ostensibly to enable the Government to restore 
the gold reserve and redeem the obligations of the United States. 
Accordingly, popular subscriptions were invited for an issue of 
$50,000,000 of ten-year 5 per cent bonds, which were dated Feb- 
ruary 1, 1894, and realized to the Government $58,633,295.71 in gold. 
In November, 1894, another issue of $50,000,000 of the same class 
of bonds was necessary, the sum realized being $58,538,500. In 
February, 1895, the Government was again obliged to replenish 
the gold reserve, which it did by the purchase, under contract, of 
0,000 ounces of gold coin, which were paid for with United 
States 4 per cent thirty-year bonds, amounting to $62,315,400. An- 
other sale of $100,000,000 of 4 per cent thirty-year bonds was made 
through popular subscriptions, invited in January, 1896. The total 
amount of bonds thus issued since 1893 to protect the gold reserve 
was $262,315,400, and the total proceeds thereof, in gold coin, was 
$293,454,286.74. 

The amount of United States bonds outstanding April 30, 1898, 
was as follows: 

4y 2 per cent bonds continued at 2 per cent $25,364,500 

4 per cent bonds of 1"J07 559,644,950 



2S REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

5 per cent bonds of 1904 $100,000,000 

4 per cent bonds of 1925 162,315,400 

Total 847,324,850 

All these bonds were sold at not less than par for gold coin, or 
its equivalent; they are all redeemable in coin of the standard 
value of July 14, 1870, which was the date of the first of the re- 
funding acts. The standard weights and fineness for coins at that 
date were the same as at present, the gold unit being a dollar of 
the standard weight of 25.8 grains and the silver unit being the 
silver dollar of the standard weight of 412% grains. The interest 
on all these bonds is payable quarterly in coin of the same 
standard. 

The Government has never issued any bonds payable, by their 
terms, either principal or interest, in gold coin or in silver coin. 
Before the war, the obligations of the Government contained no 
statement as to the kind of money in which they should be paid, 
and none of the war obligations contained any such provision, 
except the certificates of temporary loan and the 7-30 notes of 
1864 and 1865, which were all payable, by their terms, in lawful 
money. 



BONDS. 

Republican Economy Demonstrated by Comparison with 
Cleveland's Bond Issue. 

Under the Cleveland Administration this Government was com- 
pelled to sell $262,315,400 in bonds. The issues were made as fol- 
lows: 

February, 1 894, at 5 per ecu t $50,000,000 

November, 1894, at 5 per cent 50,000,000 

February, 1895, at 4 per cent 62,315,400 

January, 1896, at 4 per cent 100,000,000 

To1 al 262,315,400 

The interest on this amount of bonds for ten years is $114,926,160, 
or nearly $11,500,000 per annum. 

Now, let us see what these bonds would have cost, premium 
barred, if issued under the same terms as those authorized by a 
Republican Congress to raise revenues to conduct the war with 
Spain. These bonds were sold for 3 per cent, instead of 4 and 5. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 29 

Reduced to a mathematical form, the problem stands as follows: 

Total amount of bonds (Cleveland Administration) $202,315,400 

Rate of interest authorized under McKinley .0:: 

7,869,462.00 
It will thus be seen that if the bonds issued under the Cleve- 
land Administration had been floated at the low rate of interest 
authorized under the McKinley Administration: 

Cleveland annual interest 11,492,616 

McKinley annual interest 7,869,462 

It would have saved the people $3,623,154 

or $36,231,540 in ten years, and $108,694,620 in thirty years. 

And how easy it was to float a 3 per cent bond was shown 
by the extraordinary demand of the public for the $200,000,000 
plaeed in small sums last July at that rate. The bids exceeded a 
round billion. Nothing demonstrates better than these two finan- 
ciering- feats the difference between the economic administration 
of the Republican party and the blundering- policy of the Demo- 
crats in national affairs, especially if we consider, as we certainly 
should do, that the Democrats floated their loan in time of peace, 
while the Republicans floated $200,000,000 bonds— $62,315,400 less 
than under Cleveland — in the midst of war, at a relative saving 
to the country of $3,623,154 per annum. 

BOND ISSUE OF 1898 TO DEFRAY WAR COSTS .—HOW THE 
BONDS WERE PLACED. 

On June 13, 1S98, the Treasury Department called for subscrip- 
tions to $200,000,000 of the $400,000,000 bonds authorized by the 
war-revenue act to provide ways and means for carrying on the 
war with Spain. Subscriptions were received at par for a period 
of thirty-two days, closing July 14. The bonds were issued in 
denominations of $20, $100, $500, and $1,000, so that every mechanic 
and wage worker had an opportunity to invest in these Govern- 
ment securities. The response was enormous. By the time the 
subscriptions were closed upward of a billion dollars had been 
offered, or more than six times the amount of the bonds. To pre- 
vent them from falling into the hands of syndicates, as under the 
late Democratic Administration, they were not only offered in small 
amounts, but Secretary Gage inserted in his circular setting forth 
the conditions of the sale the following clause: 

The law authorizing this issue of bonds provides that in allot- 
ting said bonds the several subscriptions of individuals shall be 
first accepted, and the subscriptions of the lowest amounts shall 
be first allotted. In accordance with that provision, allotments to 



80 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

all individual subscribers will be made before an}* bonds will be 
allotted to other than individuals. All individual subscriptions for 
$500 or less will be allotted in full as they are received, and such 
subscriptions must be paid in full at the time the subscription is 
made. If the total sum subscribed for in amounts of $500 or less 
should exceed $200,000,000, the allotments will be made according 
to the priority of the receipt of the subscriptions. 

Allotments on subscriptions for over $500 will not be made 
until after the subscription closes, July 14, and will then be 
made inversely according- to the size of the subscription, the small- 
est subscription being first allotted, then the next in size next, and 
so on, preference being given to individual subscriptions. Persons 
subscribing for more than $500 must send in cash or certified 
checks to the amount of 2 per cent of the sum subscribed for, 
such deposit to constitute a partial pajnnent and to be forfeited 
to the United States in the event of failure on the subscriber's 
part to make full payment for his subscription, according to the 
terms of the circular. Allotments to subscribers for more than 
$500 will be made as soon as possible after the subscription closes. 

It is impossible as this book goes to press to give the* allotment 
of bonds by amounts, or to present more than a g-eneral state- 
ment of the result of the sale. At the proper time the Treasury 
Department will give a statement to the public showing in detail 
the amount of bonds allotted by denominations, in pursuance 
of the plan defined in Secretary Gage's circular. The total number 
of bids received, including offers made by syndicates, which were 
not considered, amounted to $1,325,000,000, or over six times the 
amount of the issue. Over four hundred clerks were required 
to handle the work entailed by the enormous correspondence. 
In an interview regarding- the sale, Assistant Secretary Vanderlip, 
of the Treasury Department, a few hours after the bids closed 
made the following statement: 

"It is, of course, impossible to give final figures at this hour. 
The Department received to-day just under 25,000 letters, and yes- 
terday 24,300. The mass of applications must be put througli a 
detailed operation before a total can be arrived at and the exact 
line at which allotments will be made announced. My estimate 
at this hour is that it will be around $5,000; that is to say, that 
all applications for a smaller amount than that figure will be 
allotted in full, while all applications for larger amounts will 
receive nothing. At this hour there has actually been listed 
$84,300,000 of the $500 and smaller subscriptions, and the amount 
now on the tables will carry that probably just above $90,000,000. 

"The amount scheduled and totaled in the subscriptions larger 
than $500 is at this hour $090,610,840, and I estimate it will reach 
$735,000,000. Thus the total subscription, including the $500,000,000 
of syndicate bids, will reach $1,325,000,000. We have held out cases 
where there were doubts as to the bona fide character of sub- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 31 

scriptions amounting-, in the subscriptions for $500 and under 
alone, to $19,494,740. The total number of subscriptions for $500 
and under that has now passed the stampers is 228,000, and that 
figure will be somewhat further increased. The total of larger 
subscriptions numbered is 65,800, and there are still several thou- 
sand of these larger subscriptions to be listed. In the last nine- 
teen days the Department received 255,800 subscriptions, an average 
of 13,262 a day. The last letter was opened within two hours 
after the subscription closed. We have had at the close of the 
work 400 employees, working from 9 in the morning until 10.30 
at night. The fact that there are at this hour out of nearly 
300,000 subscriptions received onty 71 cases held up because of 
some irregularity, such as a misplaced remittance or informality 
of subscription, is some indication of the thoroughness of the 
work." 

GREENBACKS OR BONDS?— WHICH POLICY IS THE MOST 

PATRIOTIC? 

Under the head of "Money," in another part of this handbook, 
is a brief history of the issue, value, etc., of our paper money 
from 1862 to 1878. Supplementary to that information, the atten- 
tion of the reader is called to the attempt of the Democrats in 
the Fifty-fifth Congress to substitute an issue of $150,000,000 of 
greenbacks for bonds bearing 3 per cent interest, as proposed 
by the Republicans, and as finally adopted by both Houses, which 
is now the law. A great to-do was made by the Democrats over 
the bond issue, and in the House Representative Champ Clark, of 
Missouri, threatened to read out of the party the six Democrats 
who voted for the war-revenue bill and against the proposition of 
their colleagues to tie the hands of the Government in its conduct 
of the war. 

In their arguments against bonds the Democrats and their allies 
did all in their power to create the impression that an issue of 
greenbacks was vastly preferable to bonds, because it is a non- 
interest-bearing debt, while the bonds draw 3 per cent. A glance 
at the history of our experience with the greenbacks will show 
the fallacy of this argument. 

Having no intrinsic value, the value of all paper currency must 
depend upon the power of the government to keep it at par with 
the best metallic coin, which was gold during the war of secession 
and was still gold during the war with Spain. In another place 
will be found a table showing the premium on gold and gold value 
of United States legal -tender notes from 1862 to January 1, 1879. 
It shows that these notes fell in value to 49.2 cents in 1864, so 
that any person working for wages or a farmer receiving pay 



32 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

for a bushel of grain was compelled to sacrifice 51 cents on every 
dollar paid him. Willi the close of the war there was a slight 
increase in the value of the greenback, but from 1865 to 1869 
it constantly fluctuated from 63.6 to 75.2, rose to 87 in 1870, the 
year in which the Franco-Prussian war broke out; fell from 89 
to .sT. '.i in 1873, rose to 89.9 the next year, and dropped again to 87 
in 1875. The proposition to resume specie payment that is, the 
use of silver and gold — began to be agitated about this time, and 
with this iu prospect the greenback, assured of redemption in 
coin, began a steady upward tendency, rising to 89.8 in 1876, 
95.4 in 1877, 99.2 in 1878, going to par after the resumption of 
speeie payment. 

Acting under the so-called Gresham law, by which the better 
money is driven out of circulation by the cheaper, gold, on ac- 
count of its greater value, went to a premium and was exported 
in such large quantities that Congress decided to adopt a policy 
which is one of the articles of faith of the Populists and other 
fiat money advocates. It attempted to legislate on the subject, 
and passed a law to prohibit the export of gold. And right 
here is shown a true object lesson in the utter powerlessness 
of legislation to regulate the value of money that has no intrinsic 
value. 

A gold dollar wavS w T orth nearly two greenbacks in June, 1864. 
In fluctuated from 194 cents to 198% early in June, 1864. On June 
17, 1864, a law went into effect entitled "An act to prohibit cer- 
tain sales of gold and foreign exchange" (Statutes at Large, vol. 
13, ]). 132). This was an attempt to keep gold in the country and 
to stay the downward tendency of the greenbacks. 

On that day gold was quoted at 196%. The day following the 
enactment of this law it fell to 195%. The day after was Sunday, 
but bright and early Monday morning, June 20, the slaughter 
of the greenback continued, undismayed by statutory acts or Con- 
gressional makeshifts. Gold rose to 198%, and thence on rapidly, 
from day to day, jumped to 208, 230, 240, and 250. When it reached 
1liis point it was July 2, less than two weeks from the enactment 
of the law, and Congress passed another act, entitled "An act to 
repeal the act of the 17th of June, 1864, prohibiting the sale 
of gold and foreign exchange" (Statutes at Large, vol. 13, p. 344). 

Legislation had not been able to check the outflow of gold by 
the act of June 17; and the act of July 2, 1864, again demon- 
strated the impotency of Congressional enactments, for the green- 
back still kept falling, w^hile gold rose, until one gold dollar 
was equal in value to nearly three paper dollars, touching, the 
high-water mark on July 11, when it was quoted at 285. > For 
convenient reference, the following table is attached, showing the 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 3* 

fluctuation of the greenback from June 1 to July 31, 1864, cover- 
ing- the dates of both acts of Congress to which reference has been 
made— i. e., that of June 17 and that of July 2— and before and 
after those dates: 



Table sh tving quotations 

June 1. 
2. 
3. 
4. 

5. Sunday. 

6. 194 
7. 

8. 193—19314 

9. 
10. 198 y 2 — 19S3/4 
11. 

12. Sunday 

13. 195% 
14. 

15. 19734 

16. 19714 

17. 196%— 196% 

18. 195y 4 — 195y 2 

19. Sunday 

20. 198— 19S14 

21. 199—208 

22. 210—230 

23. 205—223 

24. 213—217 

25. 214—220 

26. Sunday 

27. 221—240 

28. 234—240 

29. 235—250 

30. 245—250 



of yold exchange from June 5, to July 31, 18(14 

July 1. 222—250 

2. 230—250 

3. Sunday 

4. Holiday 

5. 235—249 

6. 248— 261 y 3 

7. 262—27:; 

8. 2663/ 4 — 276% 

9. 260—275 

10. Sunday 

11. 276—285 

12. 271—282 

13. 26834—273 

14. 258—268 

15. 244—256 

16. 248V2—2611/4 

17. Sunday 

18. 25414— 261 y 2 

19. 258y 2 — 268% 
261— 263 : y 4 
-256y 2 — 260 

22. 2501/2—257% 

23. 2533/4—256 

24. Sunday 

25. 2 55 3/ s — 2583/4 

26. 2573/ 4 — 259 y 2 

27. 254— 257 y 4 

28. 244—252 

29. 250—2531/2 

30. 253—258 

31. Sunday 



20. 

21- 



There can hardly be any sincere patriotism at the bottom of 
a proposition to conduct a gTeat international war on a fiat 
money basis, which will swindle our own people; and there can 
be no denial of the charge that the Democratic lenders were aware 
of the worthlessness of the greenbacks in a crisis like the war 
3 



34 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

with Spain, for it was admitted by them in Congress. Representa- 
tive Sayres, of Texas, chairman of the Committee on Appropria- 
tions in the Fifty-third Congress, admitted it. In the debate on 
the war revenue bill in the House, April 27, 1898 (Record 102, p. 
4746), Mr. Sayres contended that $400,000,000 of bonds, which it 
was proposed to authorize, was more than was needed. He argued 
that $300,000,000 was sufficient money to keep 200,000 men in the 
field for an entire year; but in this calculation he was leaving out 
of account the fact that the Navy had also to be provided for. 
The following colloquy ensued: 

Mr. HOPKINS. This is only an authorization. There is no 
necessity to borrow the money unless the Government needs it. 

Mr. DINGLEY. Now, Mr. Chairman, on that point I desire to 
call attention anew to the fact that in one year of the civil 
war the expenditure was eleven hundred million dollars on the 
part of the Federal Government. 

Mr. SAYRES. The year to which the gentleman refers, I believe, 
was 1865. 

Mr. DINGLEY. Eighteen hundred and sixty-five. 

Mr. SAYRES. Those expenses were counted in greenbacks, 
which then commanded 50 or- 60 cents on the gold dollar. 

Mr. DINGLEY. So you do not think it would be wise to issue 
greenbacks now and go back to that condition? 

To this Mr. Sayres made no reply other than to say, "The 
gentleman must not evade the question." Coming from so emi- 
nent a member of the Democratic party in Congress, the proof 
is complete that a due regard for economy as well as our financial 
safety dictated the action of the Republican Congress in turning 
its face against an issue of greenbacks and adopting the wiser 
plan of issuing bonds. 

Scanning this table, can anyone doubt that the Republican mem- 
bers of Congress adopted a wise course in refusing to go back 
to the experience of 1864, and from 1864 to 1868, inclusive, by 
launching another burden of one hundred and fifty million 50- 
cent paper dollars on the people, and in the light of these exhibits, 
will anyone question the wisdom of offering an issue of bonds, 
drawing 3 per cent interest, in such manner that "the common 
people" may find a safe investment for their surplus earnings? 
The 3 per cent interest is paid by indirect taxation and is not 
seriously felt, whereas a depreciated dollar affects every indi- 
vidual, mechanic, merchant or millionaire; for 3 per cent on 
$150,000,000 of bonds, distributed among a population of 75,000,000 
people, is about 6 cents per capita, whereas a 50-cent dollar, which 
the Government is unable to maintain at par, represents an indi- 
vidual loss of 50 cents. 

The question is what is real patriotism — giving the people worth- 
less paper money, or giving them a hundred-cent dollar and ask 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 35 

them to stand by the Government like loyal citizens in time of 
war? 

BONDS IN TIME OF WAR. 

"I believe that if a Democratic administration was forced to sell 
$300,000,000 in bonds to run the Government in times of peace, 
that a Republican administration might be allowed to sell bonds 
enough to run the Government in time of war." — From the speech 
of Representative Amos Cummings (Dem.), of New York, May 2, 
1898. 

POPULAR LOANS AND THE GOVERNMENT. 

[From the Financial Chronicle.] 

The subscriptions to the "popular loan," which closed Thursday 
at 3 o'clock, are announced to have reached $1,325,000,000. As 
an indication of the credit of the Government this response from 
such a mass of capital for a 3 per cent loan at par, having* prob- 
ably only ten years to run, is highly gratifying. It affords, too, 
timely and impressive testimony of the abundance of wealth in 
our midst waiting for investment, telling the public that the only 
condition needed to make this wealth serviceable for industrial 
expansion is confidence. 

TAMMANY FOR GOLD BONDS. 

[From the Chicago Tribune.] 

The city government of New York, which is controlled absolutely 
by Tammany, has just authorized the issue of bonds to the amount 
of $27,000,000. They are made payable in "gold coin of the present 
standard of weight and fineness." The Tammanyites were told 
that "gold" bonds would sell for more than "coin" bonds, and, as 
they are anxious to show that the credit of the city has not been 
impaired by their being in charge of its affairs, they decided to 
issue "gold" bonds. 

That was perfectly proper, but now, after having done that, can 
Tammany delegates in a State or national convention indorse that 
Chicago platform which demands, among other things, "such legis- 
lation as will prevent for the future the demonetization of any 
kind of legal-tender money by private contract?" The sale of 
"gold" bonds by a city is as much a demonetization of legal-tender 
silver as an agreement on the part of an individual to repay in 
gold the gold value money he has borrowed. Tammany can not 
repudiate a platform in practice and then adopt resolutions favor- 
ing it. • 



3t) REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

The s:ile of "gold" bonds because they will bring more than "coin" 
bonds, which might possibly be redeemed in cheap silver, is equiv- 
alent to an admission that the General Government ought to sell 
"gold" bonds when it sells any, and that the equivocal word "coin," 
the use of which hurts the public credit, should be stricken out of 
the statutes. The businesslike course adopted by Tammany in re- 
gaud to city bonds is neither more nor less than an abandonment of 
Bryanism. That organization can not consistently support any of 
his policies henceforth. 

That organization can not consistently allow Congressmen to be 
elected in the districts it controls who will vote for the free coinage 
of silver into cheap dollars, to be used retroactively in the pay- 
ment of existing obligations based on the gold standard. The 
city of New York has millions of "coin" bonds outstanding, whose 
value Tammany does not wish to depreciate, and whose holders 
it does not wish to cheat. Tammany has shown that by giving the 
preference to "gold" over "coin" bonds. 



BJttYAN. 

The New York Journal's Relations to the Late Demo-Popocratic 
Candidate for President. 

As is well-known, the New York Journal was the only influential 
paper in the East' which espoused the cause of William J. Bryan 
in the last Presidential campaign and indorsed the free silver 
platform upon which he made his appeal for votes. 

"Immediately after the election friends of Mr. Bryan, searching 
for his name upon the editorial page of the Journal, looked for it 
in vain. Apparently Mr. Hearst's Eastern paper had forgotten that 
there was in existence such a personage as the gifted Nebraska 
orator, whose incendiary eloquence in the old Coliseum building 
made him a Presidential nominee in 1896. 

"A few days ago, however, there appeared upon the editorial 
page of the Journal a signed communication written by Arthur 
McEwen, the chief editorial writer of that paper, attacking Mr. 
Bryan most savagely. Afterward the Journal hastened to explain 
editorially that it had not officially repudiated Bryan, but woulc? 
support him again in 1900 'if he is nominated.' 

"The Journal now follows up its first attack by another three 
column communication by Mr. McEwen, which contains dozens of 
such charming paragraphs as this: 

" 'Everything now points to the renomination of Mr. Bryan in 
1900. It is the knowledge t>f that which causes Democrats of my 
kind to deplore that as he comes to be better known, to be subject 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TKXT BOOK. 37 

to a critical examination when men are not excited by a political 
canvass, lie grows smaller rather than bigger, and instead of being 
a man of lofty and simple and utterly sincere mind, appears to be 
revealing himself merely as a superior specimen of the smart 
lawyer-politician of the cornfed Middle West, a class with which 
those who know Congress are familiar.' 

Editor Hearst, having been forced into a declaration that his 
paper would support Brjan in 1900 "if he is nominated," is evi- 
dently doing everything in his power to prevent such a contin- 
gency. It is hardly a manly form of journalistic warfare, but the 
chief tenet in the creed of yellow journalism is, "The end justifies 
the means," and the New York Journal believes in that principle. — 
Chicago Times-Herald. 

BRYAN OPPOSED TO AN EFFECTIVE NAVY. 

"I believe in a sufficient navy. We have this now, either in ex- 
istence or in construction. ~\¥e do not need more.'''' — Speech in the 
House of Representatives, July 9, 1892. 

VOTES AGAINST THE USE OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN 
THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF NEW MEXICO. 

[From the Congr. ssional Record of Thursday, June 27, 1894.] 

The SPEAKER. The Clerk will report title of the bill. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

"A bill (H. R. 353) to enable the people of New Mexico to form 
a constitution and State government.". 

Mr. SMITH of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I move to amend by insert- 
ing on page 5, in line 52, after the word "control," the following: 
"And in all of which public schools the English language shall be 
taught." YVe certainly should have in every public school in that 
State the English language taught. Many of the citizens of the 
present Territory do not speak English, and in a large percentage 
of their schools the English language is not taught. I am satisfied 
that the German, the French, the Spanish, or any other language 
may be taught, but 1 am especially anxious, and I believe the peo- 
ple of this country are, that in this and in all of the States 
the English language shall be taught in all the public schools. 
Where is the American citizen who will object to this reasonable 
provision? (To Mr. Antonio Joseph.) Do you decline to accept 
the amendment? 

Mr. JOSEPH. I decline to accept it, 

Mr. HOPKINS of Illinois. Does the gentleman, upon reflection, 
still insist upon his objection? 

Mr. JOSEPH. I do, most emphatically. 

Mr. HOPKINS of Illinois. Well, I trust there is patriotism enough 



38 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

in this House to decline to admit New Mexico into the Union as 
a State unless so just and proper an amendment as this be adopted. 

Mr. GEAR. It is well-known fact that 70 per cent of the 
population of New Mexico are either Spanish or of Indian descent. 
It is only a proper precaution when these people come here and 
ask Statehood in the American Union to require that their children 
shall be taught the language of the United States. 

Mr. SMITH of Illinois. If we admit New Mexico I hope it shall 
be with the understanding that although you may now teach the 
English language, hereafter you must teach it — the language of the 
American people and of all our country. (Applause on the floor 
and in the galleries.) 

Mr. BURROWS. I call for the yeas and nays. 

The amendment was again read. The question was taken; and 
there were — yeas, 84; nays, 117; not voting, 148. 

Mr. WILSON of Ohio. I offer the amendment which I send to 
the desk. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the amendment 
of the gentleman from Ohio. 

The Clerk read as follows: "After line 52, insert 'And for teach- 
ing the English language as a branch of study in all public schools, 
but not to the exclusion of other languages.' " 

The question was taken, and there were: 

Yeas, 81 — Adams (Ky.), Aitken, Aldrich, Baker (Kans.), Baker (N. 
H.), Bartholdt, Bingham, Boen, Boutelle, Bowers (Cal.), Broderick, 
Brosius, Bundy, Burrows, Cannon (111.), Chickering, Cooper (Wis.), 
Cousins, Curtis (Kans.), Dalzell, Daniels, Davis, Dolliver, Fletcher, 
Funk, Gear, Hager, Hainer, Harmer, Hartman, Haugen, Heard, 
Heiner, Henderson (111.), Hepburn, Hermann, Hitt, Hopkins (111.), 
Hudson, Hull, Johnson (Ind.), Johnson (N. Dak.), Kem, Keifer, 
Lacey, Lapham, Lester, Linton, Loudenslager, Lucas, Mahon, Marsh, 
McCall, McKeighan, McNagny, Meiklejohn, Mercer, Milliken, Payne, 
Verkins, Pickler, Randall, Ray, Reed, Reyburn, Russell (Conn.), 
Smith, Sperry, Stephenson, Charles W. Stone, William A. Stone, 
Strong, Tawney, Updegraff, Van Voorhis (N. Y.), Van Voorhis 
(Ohio), Wanger, Wever, Wilson (Ohio), Woomer, Wright (Mass.). 

Nays, 115 — Alderson, Alexander, Allen, Arnold, Bailey, Bankhead, 
Bell (Colo.), Bell (Tex.), Berry, Black (Ga.), Boatner, Bower (N. C), 
Branch, Brookshire, Brown, BRYAN (Nebr.), Bunn, Bynum, Caba- 
ness, Cadmus, Caminetti, Capehart, Caruth, Catchings, Clancy, 
Clark (Mo.), Clarke (Ala.), Cobb (Ala.), Cobb (Mo.), Cockrell, 
Cooper (Fla.), Cooper (Ind.), Covert, Cox, Crain, Crawford, Cum- 
in ings, De Armond, De Forrest, Dinsmore, Dockery, Enloe, Epes, 
Erdman, Fyan, Geissenhainer, Grady, Graham, Hall (Mo.), Hare, 
Hayes, Henderson (N. C), Holman, Hooker (Miss.), Hunter, Izlar, 
Jones, Kyle, Latimer, Lawson, Layton, Livingston, Lynch, Maddox, 
Maguire, McAleer, McCreary (Ky.), McCulloch, McDannold, Mc- 
Dearmon, McEttrick, McGann, McLaurin, McMillin, McRea, Meyer, 
Money, Montgomery, Morgan, Moses, Ogden, O'Neil (Mass.), Page, 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 39 

Paschal, Patterson, Pearson, Pendleton (Tex.), Pendleton (W. Va.), 
Pigott, Richardson (Tenn.), Robbins, Russell (Ga.), Ryan, Sayers, 
Shell, Snodgrass, Somers, Sorg, Stallings, Swanson, Talbert (S. C), 
Tarsney, Tate, Taylor (Ind.), Tracey, Tucker, Turner (Ga.), Tyler, 
Warner, Washing-ton, Wells, Wheeler (Ala.), Williams (Miss.), Wise, 
Woodard. 

Not voting — 152. 

IS HE A POPULIST? 

The Washington Post of February 13, 1896, contained the follow- 
ing article: 

"William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska, he who would lay down 
his life in the cause of free silver, but looks remarkably healthy 
for a would-be martyr, was conversing- yesterday in the Senate 
lobby with Mr. Tillman of South Carolina. Along came Allen of 
Nebraska, who may be nominated for the Presidency by the Popu- 
lists. 'How would Allen and Tillman do for a ticket?' Mr. Allen 
inquired laughingly. 

" 'It would suit me,' said Bryan. 

"But Mr. Bryan did not spend all his time at the Capitol yes- 
terday telling stories. He had some missionary work to do. He 
saw two score of the silver Senators and Representatives to urge 
them, and especially the former, to allow no compromise of the 
bond bill on any lines whatever, on the ground that any deviation 
from free coinage would be hurtful to the interests of silver and 
of the new silver party. Several of the Senators promised that 
the outcome should be free silver or nothing, but when Mr. Bryan 
asked some of the Southern Democrats in the House to go still 
further and bolt the Democratic party if free coinage was not 
incorporated in the Democratic platform he did not succeed in 
making many converts. Some of the South Carolina men are will- 
ing to take the step, but in Georgia the feeling is different. Ex- 
Speaker Crisp told Mr. Bryan very plainly that the Georgia dele- 
gation would go out to Chicago, as he hoped, determined to do 
what could be done in the way of recognition of silver, but it 
would go back to Georgia to support the nominees of the party. 
Representative Livingston made the same sort of an answer, and 
altogether Mr. Bryan ran his plow into somewhat sterile ground." 



BUCHANAN. 

See under "Currency." 



CHEAP MONEY. 

This is one of the catch-phrases of the demagogues who are 
plotting the overthrow of our financial system, in order to secure 



40 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

the free coinage of a dollar of inferior value, costing the bullion 
producer less than 40 cents, but for which every man who has to 
sell the products of his handiwork has to pay 100 cents in labor or 
substance. This is what the late James G. Blaine said on this head 
in the Senate, February 7, 1878: 

"The effect of paying the laborer in this country in silver coin 
of full value, as compared with irredeemable paper — or as com- 
pared, even, with a silver dollar of inferior value — will make itself 
felt in a single generation to the extent of tens of millions — per- 
haps hundreds of millions — in the aggregate savings which repre- 
sent consolidated capital. It is the instinct of man, from the 
savage to the scholar — developed in childhood and remaining with 
age — to value the metals which in all lands are counted "precious." 
Excessive paper money leads to extravagance, to waste, to want, 
as we painfully witness to-day. With abounding proof of its de- 
moralizing and destructive effect, we hear it proclaimed in the 
halls of Congress, that 'the people demand cheap money.' I deny 
it. I declare such a phrase to be a total misapprehension — a total 
misinterpretation of the popular wish. The people do not demand 
cheap money. They demand an abundance of good money, which 
is an entirely different thing." 



CIVIL SERVICE. 

From President McKinley's message to the two Houses at the 
beginning of the second session of the Fifty-fifth Congress, Decem- 
ber 6, 1897: 

"Much, of course, still remains to be accomplished before the 
system can be made reasonably perfect for our needs. There are 
places now in the classified service which ought to be exempted and 
others not classified may properly be included. I shall not hesi- 
tate to exempt cases which I think have been improperly included 
in the classified service or include those which in my judgment 
will best promote the public service." 



CIKCTTLATION. 

Annual Increase in ClroulaHen. 

In 1896, in a speech at Greensboro, N. C, William J. Bryan asserted 
that Senator Sherman had stated that there should be an addition 
of $42,000,000 per annum to the circulating medium of the country 
to keep pace with the growth of population, and he said: 

"What provision has the Republican party made for the supply of 
the money that we need?* None whatever." 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



41 



Attention is called to the fact that the amount of money coined 
by the mints of the United States since the beginning 1 of the cam- 
paign of 1896 is more than double the increase named by Senator 
Sherman and approved by Mr. Bryan in the speech referred to. 

According to the official statement of the Treasury Department 
the money in circulation July 1, 1896, and July 1, 1898, was as 
follows: 

July 1, 1S98 $1 ,843,435,749 

July 1, 1896 '. 1 ,:>0C,434,966 

Gain in circulation in twenty-four months 337,000,783 

The addition to the currency of the country by coinage of the 
United States mints since July 1, 1896, is as follows: 

July 1, 1896, to January 1, 1897 $39,129,305 

January 1, 1897, to January 1, 1898 96,041,882 

Total 135,171,187 

Coinage, fiscal year 1898 (to June 30) 82,609,933 



CIRCULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Following are the official figures of the Treasury Department 
showing the money in circulation in the United States July 1, 1896, 
January 1, 1898, and July 1, 1898: 



Gold coin 

Standard silver dollars. 

Subsidiary silver 

Gold certiorates 

Silver certirii ates , 

Treasury notes 

United States notes 

Currency certificates.... 
National bank notes 



Total. 



July 1, 1896 



$45 1. 9^5,064 
•"■2,116,904 
6 p,2 '4,451 
42.198,119 

330,657,191 
95,245,047 

224,249,868 
31,890,000 

215,168,122 



1,506,434,966 



January 1, U 



8547, 
61, 

65, 
36, 

37.; 

103, 

262, 

43, 

223, 



5^8,360 
491,078 
72(1,308 
557,689 
695,592 
443,936 
480,927 
315,000 
827,755 



1,721,100,640 



July 1, 1898. 



8660,959,880 
57,259,791 
64,323,747 
35,820,689 
390,^59,080 

98,h&5,58o 

286,572,329 
26,045,000 
223,129,703 



1,843,435,740 



Gain in circulation in twemy-iuur months, 8337,000,783. 



42 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Paper currency of each denomination outstanding- May 31, 1898: 



Denomination. 


United 
States 
notes. 


Treasury 

notes of 

1890. 


National- 
bank notes. 


Gold cer- 
tificates. 


Silver cer- 
tificates. 


Total. 




82,522,938 

2,169,048 

62,818,662 

81,077,861 

69,344,232 

14,648,375 

25,466,400 

15,484,500 

74,124,000 

15,000 

10,000 


$15,826,939 

10,466,076 

31,162,655 

29,683,900 

9,289,460 

263,850 

2,264,400 

"'T,024,bo6 


8349,640 

168,508 

71,658,670 

70,319,400 

52,556,260 

10,741,800 

21,731,900 

lll.oOO 

28,000 




$30,884,224 

18,804,414 

109,256,375 

124,697,H16 

80J97.470 

22,750,335 

10,256,870 

192,500 

294,000 


$49,583,741 

31,606,046 

274,896,362 

805,778,477 

216,485,316 

51,072,215 

68,868,970 

19,199,000 

88,009,500 

5,220,000 

12,830,000 












Twenty dollars.. 

Fifty dollars 


$4,697,894 
2,667,855 
3,645,400 
8,410,500 
6,539,500 
5,205,000 

12,820,000 


One hundred dollars. 
Five hundred dollars 
One thousand dollars 


Ten thousand dollars 










30,691 


80,691 












Total 


347 681,016 
1,000,000 


101.9S1.280 


227,696,369 


37,486,149 


397,732,504 


1,112,577,318 


Unknown, destroyed 


l,000,00u 


Net 


346,681,016 


101,981,280 


227,696,369 


87,486,149 


397,732,504 


1,111,577,318 





PER CAPITA CIRCULATION. 

The per capita circulation of the United States in June, 1896, 
the date of Bryan's nomination, was $21.15. In March, 1897, the 
date of President McKinley's inauguration, it was $23.01, and on 
July 1, 1898, it was $24.74. 



CANADA. 

Some of the Articles from the Canadian Tariff. 

Ale, beer, and porter, in bottles 24c. per gal. 

Ale, beer, and porter, in casks 16c. per gal. 

All sugars above No. 16, Dutch standard lc. per lb. 

All sugars below No. 16, Dutch standard y 2 c. per lb. 

Animals, living 20 per cent. 

Apples, dried 25 per cent. 

Apples, including duty on barrel 40c. per bbl. 

Barley 30 per cent. 

Beans 15c. per bu. 

Beeswax 10 per cent. 

Bicycles 30 per cent. 

Binders' twine 10 per cent. 

Biscuits 25 per cent. 

Books 20 per cent. 

Boots and shoes 25 per cent. 

Brick 20 per cent. 

Buckwheat %c. per lb. 

Buckwheat 10c. per bu. 

Buggies, carriages, etc 35 per cent. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 43 

Butter 4c. per lb. 

Candles 25 per cent. 

Canned meats 25 per cent. 

Cheese 3c. per lb. 

Chicory 3c. per lb. 

Cider, clarified 10c. per gal. 

Cider, not clarified 5c. per gal. 

Coal, bituminous, slack 20 per cent. 

Coal, bituminous, first class 53c. per ton. 

Cocoa shells and nibs, chocolate 20 per cent- 
Cocoa butter 4c. per lb. 

Cocoanuts $1 per 100. 

Cocoanut, dessicated 5c. per lb. 

Coffee 2c. per lb and 10 per cent. 

Collars and cuffs 35 per cent. 

Compressed yeast 3c. per lb. 

Condensed milk 3^c. per lb. 

Condensed coffee with milk 30 per cent. 

Corn meal 25c. per bbl. 

Cotton duck 22y 2 per cent. 

Cotton fabrics 25 per cent. 

Cranberries, plums and quinces 25 per cent. 

Damask of linen 30 per cent. 

Earthen and stone ware 30 per cent. 

Egg's 3c. per doz. 

Embroideries 35 per cent. 

Extract of malt 25 per cent. 

Extract of coffee 3c. per lb. 

Feathers 20 per cent. 

Fire engines 35 per cent. 

Fruits preserved in brandy $2 per gal. 

Fruits in airtight cans 214c per lb. 

Glass, common, window 20 per cent. 

Glass, plate 25 per cent. 

Glass, silvered 35 per cent. 

Ground mustard 25 per cent. 

Grapes 2c. per lb. 

Guns, rifles, etc 30 per cent. 

Hay $2 per ton. 

Honey 3c. per lb. 

Hops 6c. per lb. 

India rubber clothing 35 per cent. 

Indian corn 7 y 2 c. per bu. 

Iron and steel, scrap, wrought, waste $1 per ton. 

Iron in pigs $2.50 per ton. 



44 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Iron or steel ingots $2 per ton. 

Iron, rolled, in beams, girders, etc $7 per ton. 

Jellies, jams, and preserves 3y 4 c. per lb. 

Jewelry, for adornment 30 per cent. 

Knit goods 35 per cent. 

Lard, cottolene, etc 2c. per lb. 

Leather, calf, sheep, etc ny 2 per cent. 

Lime juice and other fruit juices, with more than 

25 per cent proof spirits $2 per gal. 

Lime juice and fruit juices 60c. per gal. 

Live hog l 1 /^ - per Tb. 

Lumber, sawed 25 per cent. 

Lumber, manufactured 20 per cent. 

Macaroni and vermicelli 25 per cent. 

Malt 15c. per bu. 

Maple sugar 20 per cent. 

Meats, not elsewhere specified 2c. per lb. 

Meats, fresh 3c. per lb. 

'Mowing machines 20 per cent. 

Mustard cake 15 per cent. 

Musical instruments 30 per cent. 

Mutton and lamb, fresh 35c. per lb. 

Nuts 3c. per lb. 

Nuts, shelled 5c. per lb. 

Nutmegs and mace 25 per cent. 

Oats 10c. per bu. 

Oatmeal 20 per cent. 

Oranges, lemons, and limes 25c. per box. 

Oranges, lemons, and limes, in bulk $1.50 per M. 

Oysters, in bulk, shelled ' 10c. per gal. 

Paper bags, all kinds 25 per cent. 

Peaches 1c. per lb. 

Pease 10c. per bu. 

Pickles, sauces, and .catsups 35 per cent. 

Playing cards 6c. per pack. 

Poultry and game 20 per cent. 

Potatoes 15c. per bu. 

Preserved ginger 30 per cent. 

Printing paper, all kinds 25 per cent. 

Printing presses 10 per cent. 

Prunes, raisins, dried currants lc. per lb. 

Railway cars 30 per cent. 

Rice, uneJcaned y 2 c. per lb. 

llice. cleaned l%c. per lb. 

U) e. Hour 50c. per bbl. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 45 

Eye 10c. per bu. 

Salt, fine, in bulk, and coarse salt 5c. per 100 lbs. 

Salt, in bag-s, barrels, and otliei packages. .7' ;.<-'• per 100 lbs. 

Seeds, in bulk 10 per cent. 

Seeds, in small parcels 25 per cent. 

Sewing 1 machines 30 per cent. 

Shirts *. 35 per cent. 

Soap lc. per lb. 

Spices, unground 12y 2 c. per lb. 

Spices, gTound 25 per cent. 

Spirituous and alcoholic liquors $2.40 per gal. 

Starch 1% C - per lb. 

Steam engines, boilers, etc 25 per cent. 

Strawboard, in sheets 25 per cent. 

Sweet potatoes and yams 10c. per bu. 

Syrups %c. per lb. 

Tallow and stearic acid 20 per cent. 

Tea and green coffee 10 per cent. 

Tomatoes 20c per bu. and 10 per cent. 

Tomatoes and other vegetables, canned l%c. per lb. 

Trees, fruit 3c. each. 

Unenumerated goods 20 per cent. 

Vegetables 25 per cent. 

Vines and plants 20 per cent. 

Watch cases 30 per cent. 

Watches, clocks, etc 25 per cent. 

Wagons, drays, etc 25 per cent. 

Wheat 12c. per bu. 

Wheat flour 60c. per bu. 

Wire nails of all kinds 3-5c. per lb. 

Women's and children's dress goods 25 per cent. 

Yeast cakes and baking powder Gc. per lb. 



COIN. 

As used in Connection with the Redemption of Government 

Obligations. 

[From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 1897.] 

The word "coin," now used to express the obligation in the 

public debt, is an ambiguous word. It is no doubt understood by 

the more discriminating public creditor to mean gold coin, and the 

solemn act of Congress pledging the maintenance of silver coin 

upon a parity with gold coin makes it impossible to construe the 

word "coin," as therein used, to mean anything other than gold or 



46 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

its full equivalent. Yet as this is a conclusion of logic rather than 
a clear statement of fact, the simpler and more humble investors 
or would-be investors in the public debt are confused and doubtful, 
and the public credit is the weaker therefor. 

The earlier issues of our Government bonds were payable in 
"dollars." With greenbacks a legal tender, with gold and silver on 
a substantial commercial parity, but both at a* large premium over 
paper money, a similar question arose, What did "dollars" mean? 
And in 1869, "to remove all doubt upon the subject," an act was 
passed solemnly pledging- the faith of the United States to the pay- 
ment in coin or its equivalent of all its interest-bearing obliga- 
tions, except when otherwise expressly provided in the law. The 
commercial disparity between our "legal-tender dollars" and "coin 
dollars" was not then essentially greater than the present com- 
mercial disparity between silver and gold. This act of 1869 was 
judicious. To refund our outstanding bonds now payable in coin 
into bonds payable in gold would strengthen and confirm the 
public credit and put us in a position to command the markets 
of the world for our securities on the most advantageous terms. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



VALUES OF FOREIGN COINS, 1889-1898. 

[Prepared by the Director of the Mint.] 



Country. 



Argentina 

Austria-Hungary 

Belgium 

BoliTia 

Brazil 

British Possessions, N. A, 
(except Newfoundland). 

Britisn Honduras 

Central American States : 

Costa Rica 

Do 

Guatemala 

Honduras 

Nicaragua 

Salvador.. 

Chil» 



China. 



Colombia.- 

Cuba 

Denmark .. 

Ecuador 

Egypt , 

Finland- 

Franc* 

German Empire. 
Great Britain .... 

Greece— 

Haiti. 

India _ 

Italy- 

Japan 

Liberia 

Mexico , 

Netherlands 

Newfoundland... 

Norway 

Persia 

Peru 

Portugal 

Russia m 

Spain „ 

Sweden 

Switzerland 

Tripoli 

Turkey 

Uruguay 

Venezuela , 



Standard. 



Gold and silver. 

Gold 

Gold and silver.. 

Silver 

Gold 

do 



Gold- 
Silver. 



...do. 



Gold and silver. 



Silver. 



..do 

Gold and silver. 

Gold- 

Silver 

Gold 

..do 

Gold and silver. 
Gold 

..do 

Gold and silver. 

..do 

Silver 

Gold and silver. 

..do 



Gold 

Silver , 

Gold and silver. 

Gold 

do 

Silver 

..do 

Gold 



Monetary unit. 



Peso 

Crcwn 

Franc 

Boliviano. 

Milreis 

Dollar 



Colon 
Peso... 



do 



Tael 



do 



Gold and silver 

Gold 

Gold and silver, 

Silver 

Gold 

,.do _ Peso 

Gold and silver.. Bolivar 



do 

f Amoy 

Canton 

Chefoo 

Chin Kiang 

Fuchau 

Haikwan (cus.) 

Hankow 

Hongkong 

Niuchwang 

Ningpo 

Shanghai 

Swatow 

Takao 

,Tien-Tsin 

Peso 

do 

Crown. 

Sucre 

Pound (100 piasters)... 

Mark 

Franc 

Mark 

Pound sterling 

Drachma 

Gourde 

Rupee 

Lira 

Von J G0ld 

Yen { Silver 

Dollar 

do 

Florin _ 

Dollar 

Crown 

Kran 

Sol 

Milreis 

■— {5£rz= 

Peseta 

Crown 

Franc 

Mahbub of 20 piasters. 
Piaster 



January 1. 



1896. 



SO 96,5 
.20,3 
.19,3 
.49,1 
.54,6 
1.00.0 



.49,1 
.49,1 
.91,2 

.755" 



.72,5 



.76,9 

.49,1 

.92,6 

.26,8 

.49,1 
4.94,3 

.19,3 

.19,3 

.23,8 
4.86,6% 

.19,3 

.96,5 

.23,3 

.19,3 

.99,7 

.52,9 
1.00,0 

.53,8 

.40,2 
1.01,4 

.26,8 

.09,0 

.48,6 
1.08,0 

.77,2 

.39,3 

.19,3 

.26,8 

.19,3 

.44,3 

.04,4 



.19,3 



1897. 



80.96,5 
.20,3 
.19,3 
.47,4 
.54,6 
1.00.0 



.47,4 



.47,4 

.36,5 

.76,7 

.76,5 

.73,3 

.74,9 

.70,9 

.78,0 

.71,7 

(a) 

.71,9 

.73,7 

.70,0 

.70,8 

.77,2 

.74,3 

.47.4 

.W2,6 

.26,8 

.47,4 
4.94,3 

.19,3 

.19,3 

.24,8 
4.86,6% 

.19,3 

.96,5 

.22,5 

.19,3 

.99,7 

.81,1 
1.00,0 

.51,5 

.40,2 
1.01,4 

.26,8 

.08,7 

.47,4 
1.08,0 

.77,2 

.37,9 

.19,3 

.26,8 

.19,3 



.04,4 
1.03,4 
.19,3 



3.96,5 
.20,3 
.19,3 
.42.4 
.54,6 

1.00,0 



.46,5 



.42,4 

.36,5 
.68,5 
.68,3 
.65,5 



.69,7 
.64,1 

.64,3 

.65,9 

.62,6 

.63,3 

.69,0 

.66,4 

.42,4 

.92,6 

.26,8 

.42,4 
4.94,3 

.19.3 

.19.3 

.23,8 
4.86,6% 

.19,3 

.96,5 

.20,1 

.19,3 

.49,8 



1.00,0 
.46,0 
.40,2 

1.01,4 
.26,8 
.07,8 
.42,4 

1.08,0 
.77,2 



.19,3 
.26,8 
.19,3 



.04 4 
.03,4 
.19,3 



July 1. 



$0.96,5 
.20,3 
.19,3 
.41,8 
.64,6 
1.00,0 



a. The " British dollar" has the same legal value as the Mexican dollar in Hongkong, the Straits 
Settlements, and Labuan. 



4S REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

GENERAL GRANT SAID ''COIN" MEANS "GOLD." 

The Democrats and their allies, Populists and Silver Republicans, 
declare that the word "coin" in the redemption of Government ob- 
ligations may be legally construed to mean silver as well as gold, 
and they would accordingly pay the bonds of the United States 
and the greenbacks and Treasury notes in the white metal if they 
had the power to do so. Let us see where the Republicans get 
their inspiration for construing the word "coin" as equivalent to 
gold. They get it from the history and record of the times when 
the debt was contracted, as interpreted in the first inaugural ad- 
dress of Ulysses S. Grant as President of the United States, who 
was elected upon a platform requiring the Government of the 
United States to make good its promise to pay its debts in dollars 
which every human being at that time understood to be the gold- 
coin dollars of the United States. What did General Grant say? 

"To protect the national honor every dollar of Government in- 
debtedness should be paid in gold, unless otherwise expressly 
stipulated in the contract." 

What bond issue of the United States, made to provide money to 
carry on the civil war, contained the express stipulation that it 
was to be paid otherwise than in gold? In a letter to Minister 
Washburn, from Paris, in 1878, General Grant wrote: 

"The whole Democratic party cried itself hoarse over the out- 
rage upon the Constitution when the nation in its desperation 
adopted the "legal-tender note." Now the whole party seems to be 
willing to issue an unlimited quantity of this money in spite of 
their previous declaration, in spite of the solemn promise that 
above a certain amount — four hundred million — should not be 
issued, in spite of the solemn obligation that those issued should be 
redeemed in coin, understood at that time to be gold coin." 

Yet it is to-day claimed that the contract to pay in paper was 
wickedly changed so as to make paper bonds payable in coin, and 
the word "coin" wickedly changed to mean "gold." 

What are the facts? 

The loan act which authorized the 5-20 bonds became a law Feb- 
ruary 25, 1862. Jay Cooke & Co. were the loan agents of the Govern- 
ment. By the authority of the Secretary of the Treasury these 
agents advertised a 6 per cent loan, interest and principal payable 
in coin. There is not a loan bill on the statute books by which the 
kind of money in which coupon or principal is payable is men- 
tioned, and yet the hard-money policy of the Government has been 
uniform. 

The question was not raised during the finance debate of 1862. 
The evidence is overwhelming that these bonds were to be paid in 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. • 49 

coin. A sinking- fnnd of coin was set apart to be used each year to 
liquidate the very debt that was being created. At thai date no- 
body supposed the legal-tender currency would be issued beyond 
the $150,000,000 authorized, whereas the principal of these bonds 
was $500,000,000. Every member of Congress knew it. They were 
sold alongside of the coin-bearing" bonds under the 10-40 act and 
met as ready a sale. Can any man believe that the buyers under- 
stood that they were getting paper bonds? No member of either 
House of Congress suggested such a thing. Mr. Stevens never gave 
a syllable of countenance to paper-money payment until long after 
the contracts had been made. In his speech on the loan bill in the 
House on February 6, 1SG2, three direct admissions are made that 
in his view the bonds were redeemable after twenty years in gold. 
In the same debate Mr. Hooper, a member of the Committee on 
Ways and Means, of which Mr. Stevens was chairman, used this 
language (Globe, second session 37th Congress, page G91): 

"The proposed issue of Government notes guards against this 
effect of inflating the currency by the provision to convert them 
into Government bonds, the principal and interest of which, as 
before stated are payable in specie." 

This was after the committee had reported the bill almost unani- 
mously. Mr. Stevens rose immediately afterwards and suggested 
that the debate close, without intimating that Mr. Hooper was 
wrong. The Government and the public understood this contract 
alike. In the debate of 1SG3 on the 10-40 loan act, the intimation 
was for the first time made that the paper of the Government 
could pay the 5-20 bonds. 

At this point in the debate Mr. Thomas, of Massachusetts, moved 
the express provision for payment in coin, w 7 hich was carried after 
this remark from Mr. Horton, an influential member of the Ways 
and Means Committee, from Ohio: 

"I wish to state here that the Committee on Ways and Means in 
framing this bill never dreamed that these twenty-year bonds would 
be payable in anything other than gold until the gentleman yester- 
day told it upon the floor of the House. I say to the gentleman and 
to this House that I never heard an expression that these bonds 
were to be paid in anything other than coin. The form here pro- 
posed is the form always used by the Government, and they have 
always been paid in coin up to this day." — Globe, first session, 
Fortieth Congress, page 800. 

To learn the truth of these contracts an intelligent man has only 
to turn to the reports of Secretary Fessenden and the official mes- 
sages of the President and the concurrent and unanimous judgment 
of both Houses of Congress. The agreement interpreted by the 
history of the times w r as to pay them in money and not in depre- 
4 



50 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



ciated promissory notes. And the only coined money then known 
at the mints or in the business of the people was gold. Without 
that understanding" not a bond would have been taken in any 
market. Bull Run was not a very good advertisement for United 
States bonds. The existence of the Government, not to speak of 
its solvency, was at stake when these bonds were put upon the 
doubtful markets of Europe and America. — From the speech of Hon. 
J. P. Dolliver, in the House of Representatives. 



DENOMINATIONS, WEIGHT, AND FINENESS OF THE COINS 
OF THE UNITED STATES. 



GOLD. 








Denomination. 


Fine gold 
contained. 


Alloy con- 
tained.* 


Weight. 


One dollar ($1) 


Grains. 
23.22 
58.05 
69.66 
116.10 
232.20 
464.40 


Gi'ains 

2.58 
6.45 
7.74 
12.90 
25.80 
51.60 


Grains. 
25.80 


Quarter eaa;le ($2.50) 


64.50 


Three dollars ($3) 


77.40 


Half eagle ($5) 


120.00 


Eagle (flO) 


258.00 


Double eagle ($20) 


546.00 







*The alloy neither adds to nor detracts from the value of the coin. 
SILVER. 



Denomination. 


Fine silver 
contained. 


Alloy con- 
tained. 


Weight. 


Standard dollar 


Grains. 

371.25 
173.61 
86.805 
34.722 


Grains. 

41.25 

19.29 

9.645 

3.858 


Grains. 
412.50 


Half dollar 


192.90 


Quarter dollar 


96.45 


Dime 


88.58 







Prior to the act of r ebruary 21, 1853, all silver oins were legal tender in all payments 
whatsoever. The act of February 21, 1853, reduced the weight of all silver coins of less 
denomination than the silver dollar about. 7 per cent, to be coined on Government account 
only, and made them legal tender in payment of debts for all sums not exceeding $5. 







MINOR. 








Denomination. 


Fine copper 
contained. 


Alloy con- 
tained. 


Weight. 




Grains. 

57.87 
45.60 


Grains. 

19.29 
2.40 


Grains. 
77.16 




48 







*s>3veuty-five per cent copper, 25 per cent nickel. 

t Ninety-five per cent copper, 5 per cent tin and zinc. 

Troy weights are used, and while metric weights are by law 
assigned to the half and quarter dollar and dime, troy weights 
still continue to be employed, 15.432 grains being considered as the 
equivalent of a gram, agreeably to the act of July 28, 1866. 

The weight of $1,000 in United States gold coin is 53.75 troy 
ounces, equivalent to 3.68 pounds avoirdupois. The weight of 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



51 



$1,000 in standard silver dollars is 859.375 troy ounces, equivalent 
to 58.92 pounds avoirdupois, and the weight of $1,000 in subsidiary 
silver is 803.75 troy ounces, equivalent to 55.11 pounds avoirdupois. 



COINAGE 

Silver Dollars Coined Before and Since "The Crime of >73" — 
The Record of 1897. 

The total coinage of standard silver dollars during- the fiscal year 
1897 amounted to $21,203,701. 

This is significant considered side by side with table XLIII con- 
tained in the report of the Director of the Mint, giving the total 
coinage of silver dollars from 1792 to 1873, the year in which it is 
alleged "silver was struck down." This table shows the coinage of 
silver dollars to have been: 

From 1792 to 1853 $2,506,890 

From 1853 to February 12, 1873 5,524,348 



Total coinage in 81 years 8,031,238 

It will be seen that the coinage of silver dollars during the single 
year of 1897 exceeded the total coinage for the eighty-one years 
from 1792 to 1873 by $13,172,463, or 164 per cent. 

Coinage of 1897 $21,203,701 

Coinage from 1792 to 1873 8,031,238 



Excess in 1897 13,172,463 

The coinage of silver dollars since "the crime of '73" foots up 
the enormous total of $505,993,684, down to June 30, 1898. This is 
what Republican legislation has done to "discredit" the "money 
of the people." Not a dollar was coined from 1806 to 1835, in- 
clusive, operations in that dire^ion having been suspended by 
order of President Jefferson (see official order elsewhere). The 
total coinage of silver dollars from 1793 to the beginning of the 
civil war, when the Democratic party had been in power con- 
tinuously for many years, is shown in the following table: 



1792-1795 $204,791 

1796 72,920 

1797 * 7,776 

1798 327,536 

1799 423,515 

1-00 220,920 



1801 $54,454 



1802. 
1803. 
1804. 
1805. 
1836. 



41,650 

66,064 

19,517 

321 

1,000 






REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



1839. 

1S40. 

1S11. 

1842. 
1843. 

1S44. 
1845. 
1846, 
1847. 
1848. 
1849. 
1S50. 
1851. 
1852. 



$300 

61,005 

173,000 

184,618 

165,100 

20,000 

24,500 

169,600 

140,750 

15,000 

62,600 

47,500 

1,300 

1,100 



1353 $46,110 

1354 33,140 

1855 26,000 

1356 63,500 

.1857 94,000 

1858 

1859 636,500 

I860 733,930 



Total 4,140,070 

1861 to 1873 3,891,168 



Total in 81 years.. 8,031,238 



Instead of having- struck down silver, it will be seen from the 
foregoing comparison of official figures that the Republican party 
is the real friend of the "dollar of our daddies." 

COINAGE OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The following table exhibits the number of fine ounces and value 
of gold and silver coinage of the United States, by calendar years, 
from 1873 to 1897: 



Coinage of gold and silve 


r by the mints of the United Stales, 1373-1897. 


Calendar years. 


Gold. 


Silver. 


Fine ounces. 


Value. 


Fine ounces. 


Coining 
Value. 


1873 


2,758,475 
1,705,441 
1,594,050 
2,253,281 
2,128,493 
2,408,400 
1,890,499 
3,014,163 
4,685,162 
3,187,317* 
1,414,581 
' 1,160,601 
1,343,519 
1,400,246 
1,159,664 
1,518,046 
1,035,899 
990,100 
1,413,614 
1,682,832 
2,757,231 
3,848,045 
2,883,941 
2,276,191 
3,677,878 


$57,022,748 
35,254,630 
32,951,940 
46,579,453 
43,999,864 
49,786,052 
39,080,080 
62,308,279 
96,850,890 
65,887,685 
29,241,990 
23,991,756 
27,773,012 
28,945,542 
23,972,383 
31,380,808 
21,413,931 
20,467,182 
29,222.005 
34,787,223 
56,997,020 
79,540,160 
69.616.H58 
47,053,060 
76,028,485 


3,112,891 

5,299,421 

11,870,635 

18,951,777 

21,960,246 

22,057.548 

21,323,498 

21,201,232 

21,609,970 

21,635,469 

22,620,701 

22,069,935 

22,400,433 

24,817,064 

27,218,101 

25,543,242 

27,454,465 

30,320,999 

21,284,115 

9,777,084 

6,808,413 

7,115,898 

4,407,055 

17,858,592 

14,298,769 


$4,024,748 
6,851,777 
15,347,893 
24,503,308 
28,393,046 
28,518,850 
27,569,776 


1874 

1875 


1876 

1877 

1878 


1879 


1880 


27,411,694 


1881 

1882 


27,940,164 
27,973,132 


1883 

1884 : 

1885 

188o 

1887 


29,246,968 
28,534,866 
28,962,176 
32,086,709 
35,191,081 


1888 


33,025,606 


J889 


35,496,683 


1890 


39,202,908 


1891 


27,518,857 


1892 


12,641,078 


1893 


8,802,797 


1894 


9,200,351 


1895 


6,698,010 


1896 


23,089 899 


1897 


18,487,297 






Total 


54,187,663 


1,120,158,536 


453,017,551 


585,71 9,6 13 







REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



53 



Coinage of gold and silver since November 1, 1893, the date of the 
repeal of the purchasing clause of the act of July 14, 1890, to June 
30, 1898: * 



November 1, 1893, to June 30, 1898, 

November and December, 1893 

Calendar year 1894 

Calendar year 18*5 

Calendar year 18% 

Calendar year 1897 „ 

January to June 30, 1S98 , 

Total 



Gold. 



$20,627,917 60 
79,546,160 00 
59,616,367 50 
47,053,060 00 
76,028,4X5 00 
35.728,597 50 



318,595,577 50 



Silver dollars. 



8227 

3,093,972 

862,880 

19,876,762 

12,651,731 

6,178.400 



42,663,972 00 



Subsidiary 
silver. 



$848,533 30 

6,106,378 85 

4,835,130 25 

3,213,137 05 

5,836,506 30 

1,914,488 00 



22,753,233 75 



Coinage of silver coins, by acts and denominations, from 1792 to 
June 30, 1898. 



Denomiuation. 



Dollars 

Trade dollars. 



Total dollars. 



Half dollars 

Half dollars, Columbian. 

Quarter dollars 

Quarter dollars, Col'n 

Twenty-cent pieces 

Dimes 

Half-dimes 

Three-ceut nieces 



Total subsidiary. 



Total silver. 



1792 to 1863. 



$2,506,890 00 



2,506,890 00 



66.2S0.640 50 



1853 to Feb. 
12, 1873. 



$5,524,348 00 



5,524,348 00 



32,666,832 50 



3,994,040 50 17,879,790 50 

""'"""I Z'"'"'"'. 



3,890, 230 10 

1,825,126 40 

744,927 00 



i6,734,964 50 



79,241,854 50 



4,908,520 00 

3,055 ,f,93 00 

537,160 20 



59,017,396 20 



64,571,744 20 



Feb. 12, 1873, to 
June 30, 1898. 



$461,996,522 00 
35,965,924 00 



497,692,446 00 



37,479,548 00 
2,501,052 50 
33,166,121 00 
10,005 75 
271,000 00 
22.073.y41 80 



95,501,669 05 



593,194.115 05 



Total silver. 



$470,027,760 00 
36,965,924 00 



505,993 684 000 



136,427,021 00 

2,501,052 50 

55,039,952 00 

10,005 75 

271,000 00 

30,872,691 90 

4,880,219 40 

1,282,087 20 



231,284,029 75 



737,277,713 75 



Fractional silver coinage, 1792 to 1853 $76,734,964 50 

Subsidiary silver coinage, 1853 to February 12, 1873 59,047,396 20 

Subsidiary silver coinage, February 12, 1873, to June 30, 1898 95,501,669 05 



Total. 



2J1 ,28 1,029 



54 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

COINAGE OF NATIONS. 



• 
Countries. 


1894. 


1895. 


1896. 


Gold. 


Silver. 


Gold. 


Silver. 


Gold. 


Silver. 




579,646,160 

554,107 

27,633,807 

35,203,648 


89,200,351 
29,481,033 
4,002,657 

"'2,288,504 

772,000 

1,067,945 

233.861 

41,365 

10,742,232 


$59,616,358 

504,193 

18,547,229 

33,695,008 


$5,698,010 
24,832,351 
5,776,584 


$47,053,060 

565,985 

23,402,560 

34,602,786 


$23,089,899 

21,092,397 

6,470,352 










4,044,935 
1,544,000 
1,826,038 
3,696,192 


5,579,692 


Franca 


1,897,395 

37,433,154 

2,315,481 


20.845,337 
25,588,334 
38,590,432 


21,719,880 

25,133,476 

10,284 




2,718,368 
30,985,566 






Austria-Hungary c 


40,395,456 


18,208,728 


9,056,188 


33,898,739 


7,904,911 

771,800 

5,386,942 

13,399,062 

1,900,800 

428,130 

67,000 

109,007 






3,946,225 
24,131,363 
478,440 
160,800 
120,600 
46,443 
121,593 
579,000 
450,018 




205,649 

23,883,505 

119,880 

140,700 

80,400 






1,576,440 


1,515,000 


1,125,000 






70,897 


135,692 










165,239 


896,921 

""772,000 
3,420,717 






""44,390 
414,483 


"r.544,o6o 

50,114 




465,516 
84,403 


1,930 

7,473 

562 770 










30,759 




















12,000 

1,700,000 

8,638,630 

12,542,772 

347 






2,100,000 

6,000,000 

1,532,087 

347 

144,518 

58,000 

12,517 

718,753 




2,200,000 

8,253,340 

6,092,709 

347 


















Tu»is 


232 


232 


232 




140,000 
98,000 






















Haiti 






730,285 










982,715 














1,508,087 
2,704,831 






4,360,153 

8,252 

83,308 

193,000 

121,779 




4,073,270 
















1,102,073 




169 798 












Ohile 




8,353,212 


4,243,919 

1.000,000 
500,000 
30,000 


5,424,686 


677,877 






Guatemala 




3,561,988 
50,000 
9,733 


145 






























8,389,222 




167,240 
392 






93,097 
47,608 










11,900 
386,000 














386,000 




Straits Settlements 




305,000 
96,500 
327,337 
2,316,224 
579,000 
142,110 


450,446 












193,000 
589,985 








354,630 






579,097 








236,856 






Ceylon 










3,322,752 










TotaL 


227,921,032 


113,095,788 


231,087,438 


121,610,219 


195,899,517 


153,395,740 





a Rupee calculated at coining rate, $0.4737. b Silver ruble calculated at coining rate, $0.7718, 
e Florin calculated at coining rate, $0.4052, under the coinage act of August 2, 1892. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



50 



The following" coinage was executed at the mints of the United 
States during the fiscal year 1S98: • 



Denomination. 



Pieces. 



.Double eagles 

Eagles 

Half eagle- 

Quarter eagles 

Total gold 

Standard dollars , 

Half dollars 

Quarter dollars 

Dimes 

Total silver.., 

Five cents 

One cent , 

Total minor., 
Total coinage 



2,348,723 

993,162 

1,536,067 

19,380 



4,897,332 



10,002.780 
4,737,652 
10,579,600 
14,440,780 



39.810,812 



19,015,343 
53,871,696 



72,887,039 



117,595,183 



Value. 



$46,974,460 00 

9,931,620 00 

7,680,335 00 

48,450 00 



64,634,865 00 



10,002,780 00 
2,393,826 » 
2,644,900 00 
1,444,078 Ou 



16,485,584 00 



950,767 15 
538,716 96 



1,489,484 11 



82,609,933 11 



The following table exhibits the value of the pure silver in a 
silver dollar at prices of silver per ounce fine from $0.50 to $1.2929, 
or parity: 



Price of 


Value of pure 


Price of 


Value of pure 


Price of 


Value of pure 


silver per 


silver in a 


silver per 


silver iu a 


silver per 


silver iu a 


fine ounce. 


silver dollar. 


fine ouuce. 


silver dollar. 


fine ounce. 


silver dollar. 


$0.50 


80.387 


$0.77 


$0,596 


$1.04 


$0,804 


.51 


.394 


.78 


.603 


1.05 


.812 


.52 


.402 


.79 


.611 


1.06 


.820 


.53 


.410 


.80 


.619 


1.07 


.828 


.54 


.418 


.81 


.626 


1.08 


.835 


.55 


.425 


.82 


.634 


1.09 


.843 


.56 


.433 


.83 


.642 


1.10 


.851 


.57 


.441 


.84 


.650 


1.11 


.859 


.58 


.449 


.85 


.657 


1.12 


.866 


.59 


.456 


.86 


.665 


1.13 


.874 


.60 


.464 


.87 


.673 


1.14 


.882 


.61 


.472 


.88 


.681 


1.15 


.889 


.62 


.480 


.89 


.688 


1.16 


.897 


.63 


.487 


.90 


.696 


1.17 


.905 


.64 


.495 


.91 


.704 


1.18 


.913 


.65 


.503 


.92 


.712 


1.19 


.920 


.66 


.510 


.93 


.719 


1.20 


.928 


.67 


.518 


.94 


.727 


1.21 


.9.S6 


.68 


.526 


.95 


.735 


1.22 


.944 


.69 


.534 


.96 


.742 


1.23 


.951 


.70 


.541 


.97 


.750 


1.24 


.959 


.71 


.549 


.98 


.758 


1.25 


.967 


.72 


.557 


.99 


.766 


1.26 


.975 


.73 


.565 


1.00 


.773 


1.27 


.982 


.74 


.572 


1.01 


.781 


1.28 


.990 


.75 


.580 


1.02 


.789 


1.29 


JM 


.76 


.588 


1.03 


.797 


* 1.2929 


1.00 



* Paritv. 



f>« 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



The following- table shows the bullion value of 371*4 grains of 
pure silver at the annual average price of silver each year from 
1837 to 1896, inclusive: 



Year. 


Value. 


Year. 


Value. ! 


Year. 


Value. 


Year. 


Value. 


1837 


81.009 
1.008 
1.023 
1.023 
1.018 
1.007 
1.003 
1.008 
1.004 
1.005 
1.011 
1.008 
1.013 
1.018 
1.034 
1.025 


1853 


81.042 
1.042 
1.0 9 
1.039 
1.H46 
1.039 
1.052 
1.045 
1.031 
1.041 
1.040 
l.(-40 
1.035 
1.036 
1.027 
1.025 


1869 


81.024 
1.027 
1.025 
1.022 
1.004 

.988 ; 

.964 i 

.894 

.929 

.891 

.868 

.886 

.880 

.878 

.858 

.861 


1885 


80 823 

.769 


1SX8 


1854 


1870.. . 


1886 


18:;9 


1 1855 


1871 

1872 


18S7 


.756 


1840 


18o6 

I 1857 


1888 

1889 


.727 


1841 


1873 


.723 


1842 


1 1858 

1859 


1874 

1875 


1890 


.809 


1843 


1891 


.764 


1844 


I860 


1876. . 


1892 


.673 


1845 


' 1861 


1877 .... 


1893 


.603 


1846 


1862 


1878 

1879... 


1894 


.491 


1847 


1863 


1895 


.505 


1818 


1864..... 


1880 


1896 


.522 


1849 


1865 

1866 .... 


18S1 

1882 

1883 


1897 


.467 


1850 


1898 (6 in.) 


.443 


1851 


1867 




1852 


1868 


1884.... 













Grin age val 


ne in gold of an ounce of fine silver at the ratios 1:15-1:40. 


Eatio. 


Value 

of an 

ounce of 

fine 
silver. 


Ratio. 


Value of 

an ounce 

of fine 

silver. 


Ratio. 


Value 

of an 

ounce of 

fine 

silver. 


1 to 15 


81.3780 
1.3336 

1.2929 

1.2919 

1.2527 

1.2159 

1.1811 

1.1483 

1.1173 

10879 

1.0600 

1.0335 

1.0083 

.9843 

.9614 

.9396 

.9187 


1 to 23 


80.8987 
.8790 
.8613 
.8437 
.8268 
.8106 
.7950 
.7800 
.7656 
J'. 17 
.7382 
.7253 
.7109 
.7007 
.6890 
.6777 
.6668 
.6562 


1 to 32 


80.6459 


1 to 15^ 

1 to 15.98s (United 


It0 23% 

J to 24 


1 to 32% 


.6360 


1 to 33 

1 to 33% 


.6264 


States ratio) 

1 to 16 


1 to -4:£ 

1 to 25 .. 


.6171 


1 to 34 


.6080 


1 to 16% 


1 to 25% 


1 to 34% 


.5992 


1 to 17 


1 to 26 


1 to 35 


.5906 


1 to 17% 


1 to 26% 


1 to 35% 


.5823 


1 to 18 


1 to 27 


1 to 36 


.5742 


1 to 18% 

1 to 19. 


1 to 27% 


1 to 36% 


.5663 


1 to 28 

1 to 28% 


lto37 


.5587 


1 to 19% 

1 to 20 


1 to 37% 


.5512 


1 to 29 


1 to 38 


.5439 


1 to 20% 


lto29% 

1 to 30... . 


1 to 38% 


.5369 


1 to 21 


1 to 39 

1 to 39% 


.5300 


1 to 21% 


1 to 30% 


.5233 


1 to 22 


1 to 31 


Ito40 


.5168 


1 to 22% 


1 to 31%... . 











REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



57 



Below is given the coinage of the mints of the United States from 
their organization, 1792, to June 30, 1898: 



Denomination. 



Double eagles. 



Eai 

Half eagles 

Three-dollar pieces (coinage discontinued under act of 

September 26, 1>90) 

Quarter eagles 

Doilars (coinage dbcontinued under actol September 26, 

1890) 



Total gold. 



SILVER. 

Dollars (coinage discontinued, act of February 12, 1873, 

and resumed under act of February 28, .878) 

Trade dollars. 

Half dollars 

Half dollars, Columbian souvenir 

Quarter dollars 

Quarter dollars, Columbian souvenir 

Twenty-cent pieces (coiuage discontinued, act of May 2, 



1878). 



Dimes. 

Half dimes (coinage discontinued, act February 12, 1873) 

Three-cent pieces (coiuage discontinued, act February 

12, 1873) 



Total silver , 



Five-cent pieces, nickel 

Three-cent pieces, nickel (coinage discontinued, act. Sep- 
tember 26, 1890) 

Two-cen t pieces, bronze (coinage discontinued, act Feb- 
ruary 12, 1873) 

One-cent pieces, copper (coinage discontinued, act Feb- 
ruary 21, 1857) 

One-cent pieces, nickel (coinage discontinued, act April 
22.1864) 

One-cent pieces, bronze 

Half-cent pieces, copper (coinage discontinued, act Feb- 
ruary 21, 1857) 



Total minor. 



Total coinage. 



Pieces. 



69,223,625 
28,451,290 
46,410,076 

539,792 
11,527,732 

19,499,337 



175,651,852 



470,027,760 

35,965,924 

272,854,042 

5,002,105 

220,15 ,808 

40,023 

1,355,000 

308 726,919 

97,604,388 

42.736.240 



1,454,472,209 



317,056,438 
31,378,316 
45,601,000 

156,288,744 

200,772,000 
898,731,744 

7,985,222 



1,657,813,4 .4 



3,2 7,937,525 



Value. 



51,384,472,500 00 
284,512,900 00 
232,050,380 00 

1,619,376 00 
28,819,330 00 

19,499,337 00 



1,950,973,823 00 



470,027,760 00 

35.965,924 00 

136,427,021 00 

2,501,052 50 

55,039,952 00 

10,005 75 

271,000 00 

30,872,091 90 

4,880,219 40 

1,282,087 20 



737,277,713 75 



15,852,821 90 

941,349 48 

912,020 00 

1,562,887 44 

2,007,720 00 

8,987,317 44 

39,926 11 



,304,042 37 



2,718,555,579 12 



♦Silver-dollar coinage under act of— 

April 2, 17'.'2 $8,031,238 

Febiuarv28, 1878 $378,166,793 

July 14,*1890 78,7ol,257 

March 3, 1891 5,078,472 

461.996,522 



Total 470,027,7( 






REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



In the following- table is given the coinage of gold and silver of 
the mints of the world for the calendar years 1873-1896: 





Gold. 


Silver. 


Calendar year. 


Fine ounces. 


Value. 


Fine ounces. 


Coining 
value. 


1878 


12,462,890 
6,568,279 
9.480,892 
10,30»,645 
9,753,196 
9,113,202 
4,390,167 
7,242,951 
7,111,864 
4,822,851 
5,071,882 
4,810,061 
4,632,273 
4,578,310 
6,046,510 
6,522,346 
8,170,611 
7,219,725 
5,782,463 
8,343,387 
11,243,342 
11,025,680 
11,178,855 
9,476,620 


$257,630,802 
132,778,387 
195,987,428 
218,119,278 
201,616,466 
188,386,611 
90.752,811 
149,725,081 
147,015,275 
99,697,170 
104,845,114 
99,482,795 
95,757,582 
94,642,070 
124.99?,465 
134,828,855 
168,901,519 
149,244,965 
119,534,122 
172,473,124 
232;420,517 
227.921,032 
231,087,438 
195,899,517 


101,741,421 

79,610,875 

92,747,118 

97,899,525 

88,449,796 

124,671,870 

81,124,555 

65,442,074 

83,539,051 

85,685,996 

84,541,904 

74,120,127 

98,044,475 

96,566,844 

126,388,502 

104.354,000 

107,788,256 

117,789,228 

106,962,049 

120,282,947 

106.697,783 

87,472,523 

94,057,903 

118,642,018 


$131,544,464 
102,931,232 
119,915,467 
126,577,164 
114,359,332 
161,191,913 
104.888,313 
84,611,974 
108,010,086 
110,785,934 
109,306,705 
95,832,084 


1874 


1875 


1876 


1877 


1878 


1879 

1880 


1881 


1882 


1883 


1884 


1885 


126,764,574 


1886 


124,854,101 
163,411,397 
134,922,344 
139,362,595 
152,293,144 
138,294,367 
155,517,347 
137,952,690 
113,095,788 
121,610,219 
153.395,740 


1887 




1889 


1890 

1891 




1893 




1895 

1896 


Total 


185,358,002 


3,831,690,424 


2,344,620,840 


3,031,428,974 



Notk. — This table includes recoinages. The amount of recoinage of gold coins in the 
United States during the above period is $45,354,422 and of silver coins $36,616,971.14. It is 
not practicable to state the recoinage of other nations, as the reports received do not state 
It separately. The recoinage of gold in the United States is much smaller in proportion to 
>ur total coinage of gold than in most foreign countries, because in the United States coin 
is represented in circulation principally by paper money. 

THE PURPOSE OF COINAGE. 

The purpose of coinage is simply to make safe and convenient 
what wonld otherwise be unsafe and inconvenient. Coinage is not 
necessarily, and probably was not originally, a function of govern- 
ment. The word dollar is itself a memento of coinage by private 
individuals. The first thalers or dollars were made at a private 
mint in Joachimsthal, in Bohemia, in 1581. In those troublous 
times princes and kings were playing fast and loose with their 
coinage, were putting into the coins less than the weight of metal 
certified by the stamp, and compelling people by legal-tender edicts 
to accept them as of full weight. The great merit of the Joachims- 
thal mint was that the pieces or coins made by it were of uniform 
goodness. Thus they attained great popularity and wide use, and 
the thaler came to be known and prized all over Europe. In the 
early days of California, when it was more inaccessible than the 
uttermost part of the earth is now, private coinage was general. 
Inrlividuals and companies refined gold and ran it into pieces of 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 59 

uniform size, stamping on each piece its weight, the pieces thus 
made being voluntarily and freely used as money. That is the 
essence of coining. Putting the metal into the form of disks or 
bars neither adds to nor subtracts from its value; it only adds to 
the convenience of using the metal. The only reason why, by 
common consent and then by constitutional and legal provision, 
we have the Government do the coining and forbid anyone making 
coins resembling those made by the Government, is to guarantee 
uniformity of goodness, thereby facilitating trade. The fact that 
the Government certifies the weight and fineness of the metal 
contained in the disk does not add anything to its value, except 
as putting the metal into pieces of convenient size and shape ren- 
ders it easier and safer to use, and it thereby passes more promptly 
from hand to hand. Even those who know nothing of metallurgy 
or assaying feel safe in accepting the metal whose weight is cer- 
tified by one known and trusted by all. 

COINAGE OF GOLD. 

In the United States there is free and unlimited coinage of gold; 
that is, standard gold bullion may be deposited at the mints in any 
amount, to be coined for the benefit of the depositor, without 
charge for coinage; but when other than standard bullion is re- 
ceived for coinage a charge is made for parting, or for refining, or 
for copper alloy, as the case may be. Refining is the elimination 
from the bullion of all base metals. Parting is the separation of 
any silver which may be contained in the bullion. The charges 
for these operations vary according to the actual expenses. When 
copper is added for alloy a charge of 2 cents per ounce is made for 
the amount actually added. The depositor receives in gold coin the 
full value of the gold in his bullion, less such charges as are in- 
dicated above. 

The mints may lawfully refuse to receive gold bullion of less 
value than one hundred dollars, or When it is too base for coinage; 
but in practice deposits of gold bullion are accepted without regard 
to amounts, and rejected only when too base for coinage. 

COINAGE OF SILVER. 

Under existing law in the United States subsidiary silver and 
standard silver dollars are coined only on Government account. 
They are coined from bullion purchased by the Government and 
the profits of such coinage belong to the Government. There is at 
present no authority for the purchase of bullion for the coi-nage 
of standard silver dollars, but, if necessary, sufficient bullion may 
be purchased to maintain the stock of subsidiary silver. 

The Government is still coining standard silver dollars from the 



00 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

luillioii purchased under the act of July ]4, 1890. The amount of 
bullion on hand November 1, 1893, when the purchasing clause 
of that act was repealed, was 140,699,852.67 fine ounces, costing 
$126,758,280, the coining value of which was $181,914,961. Between 
November 1, 1893, and July 1, 1898, there were coined from 
this bullion 42,663,972 standard silver dollars, of which 29,350,406 
represent the cost of the bullion coined and are held in the Treas- 
ury for the redemption of Treasury notes of 1890, while the re- 
mainder, 17,167,662 constitute the gain or seigniorage, and being 
the property of the United States have been paid into the Treas- 
ury to be used like other available funds. 

The seigniorage is an addition to the volume of money in the 
country while the silver dollars representing the cost of the bul- 
lion are not, since they are only paid out in redemption of Treasury 
notes of 1890, whereupon the latter are canceled and retired, as 
prescribed by the act of July 14, 1890. 

The total expenditure by the United States for silver bullion, 
exclusive of subsidiary coinage, is: 

Under the act of February 28, 1878 $308,279,260 71 

Under the act of July 14, 1890 155,931,002 00 

Total 464,210,202 71 

There have been coined from the bullion thus purchased standard 
silver dollars of the face value of $356,918,050, and there remain un- 
coined 107,701,936.55 fine ounces, which cost $97,407,873.95. 

The present bullion value (July 1, 1898) of the 

standard silver dollars coined is $212,076,218 61 

And the present bullion value of the uncoined bul- . 

lion is 63,922,170 33 

Making a total bullion value of 275,999,394 91 

JEFFERSON SUSPENDS SILVER COINAGE. 

No silver dollars were coined by the mints of the United States 
from 1806 until 1836, their coinage having been suspended by order 
of President Jefferson in the following letter, addressed by James 
Madison, then Secretary of State, to the Director of the Mint at 
Philadelphia: 

Department of State, May 1, 1806. 

Sir: In consequence of a representation from the director of the 
Bank of the United States that considerable purchases have been 
made of dollars coined at the mint for the purpose of exporting 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT POOR. C)\ 

them, and ns it is probable further purchases and expectations will 
be made, the Presidents directs that all the silver to be coined at the 

mint shall be of small denominations, so thai the value of the 
largest pieces shall not exceed half a dollar. 
I am, etc., 

JAMES MADISON. 

Robert Patterson. Esq.. 

Director of the Mint. 

IMPORTANT COINAGE ACTS— THE ACT OF 1853. 

"An act amendatory of existing- laws relative to the half dollar, 
quarter dollar, dime, and half dime. 

"'lie it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of tlie 
United states of America in Congress assembled. That from and after 
the first day of June, eighteen hundred and fifty-two (three), the 
weight of the half dollar or piece of fiftv r cents shall be one hun- 
dren and ninety-two grains, and the quarter dollar, dime, and 
half dime, shall be, respectively, one-half, one-fifth, and one-tenth 
of the weight of said half dollar. 

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That the silver coins issued in 
conformity with the above section, shaH be legal tenders in pay- 
ment of debts for all sums not exceeding five dollars.'' 

* * * * • * 

Approved, February 21. 1853. 

THE ACT OF 1873. 

"An act revising and amending the laws relative to the minis, 
assay offices, and coinage of the United States. 

***** * 

"Sec. 13. That the standard for both gold and silver coins of the 
United States shall be such that of one thousand parts by weight 
nine hundred shall be of pure metal and one hundred of alloy; and 
the alloy of the silver coins shall be of copper, and the alloy of the 
gold coins shall be of copper, or of copper and silver; but the silver 
shall in no case exceed one-tenth of the whole alloy. 

. 14. That the gold coins of the United States shall be a one- 
dollar piece, which, at the standard weight of twenty-five and 
eight-tenth grains, shall be the unit of value; a quarter-eagle, or 
two-and-a-half dollar piece; a three-dollar piece; a half-eagle, or 
five-dollar piece; an eagle, or ten-dollar piece; and a double-eagle, 
or twenty-dollar piece. And the standard weight of the gold dol- 
lar shall be twenty-five and eight-tenths grains; .of the quarter- 
eagle, or two-and-a-half dollar piece, sixty-four and a-half grains; 
of the three-dollar piece, seventy-seven and four-tenths grains; of 
the half-eagle, or five-dollar piece, one hundred and twenty-nine 



62 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

grains; of the eagle, or ten-dollar piece, two hundred and fifty- 
right grains; of the double-eagle, or twenty-dollar piece, five hun- 
dred and sixteen grains; which coins shall be a legal tender in all 
payments at their nominal value when not below the standard 
weight and limit of tolerance provided in this act for the single 
piece, and when reduced in weight, below said standard and toler- 
ance, shall be a legal tender at valuation in proportion to their 
actual weight; and any gold coin of the United States, if reduced in 
weight by natural abrasion not more than one-half of one per 
centum below the standard weight prescribed by the law, after a 
circulation of twenty years, as shown by its date of coinage, and 
at a ratable proportion for any period less than twenty years, shall 
be received at their nominal value by the United States Treasury 
and its offices, under such regulations as the Secretary of the 
Treasury may prescribe for the protection of the Government 
against fraudulent abrasion or other practices; and any gold coins 
in the Treasury of the United States reduced in weight below this 
limit of abrasion shall be recoined. 

"Sec. 15. That the silver coins of the United States shall be a 
trade-dollar, a half-dollar, or fifty -cent piece, a quarter-dollar, or 
twenty-five cent piece, a dime, or ten-cent piece; and the weight 
of the trade-dollar shall be four hundred and twenty grains troy; 
the weight of the half-dollar shall be twelve grams (grammes) and 
one-half of a gram (gramme); the quarter-dollar and the dime 
shall be, respectively, one-half and one-fifth of the weight of said 
half dollar; and said coins shall be a legal tender at their nominal 
value for any amount not exceeding five dollars in any one pay- 
ment. 

"Sec. 16. That the minor coins of the United States shall be a 
five-cent piece, a three-cent piece, and a one-cent piece, and the 
alloy for the five and three-cent pieces shall be of copper and nickel, 
to be composed of three-fourths copper and one-fourth nickel, 
and the alloy of the one-cent piece shall be ninety-five per centum 
of copper and five per centum of tin and zinc, in such proportions 
as shall be determined by the Director of the Mint. The weight of 
the piece of five cents shall be seventy-seven and sixteen hundredths 
grains, troy; of the three-cent piece, thirty grains; and of the one- 
cent piece, forty-eight grains; which coins shall be a legal tender, 
at their nominal value, for any amount not exceeding twenty-five 
cents in any one payment. 

"Sec. 17. That no coins, either of gold, silver, or minor coinage, 
shall hereafter be issued from the mint other than those of the de- 
nominations, standards, and weights herein set forth." 

Approved, February 12, 1873. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 63 

THE BLAND-ALLISON ACT. 

"An act to authorize the coinage of the standard silver dollar, 
and to restore its legal-tender character. 

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall 
be coined, at the several mints of the United States, silver dollars 
of the weight of four hundred and twelve and a half grains troy 
of standard silver, as provided in the act of January eighteenth, 
eighteen hundred thirty-seven, on which shall be the devices and 
superscriptions provided by said act; which coins tog-ether with 
all silver dollars heretofore coined by the United States, of like 
weight and fineness, shall be a legal tender at their nominal value, 
for all debts and dues public and private, except where otherwise 
expressly stipulated in the contract. And the Secretary of the 
Treasury is authorized and directed to purchase, from time to 
time, silver bullion, at the market price thereof, not less than two 
million dollars worth per month, nor more than four million 
dollars worth per month, and cause the same to be coined monthly, 
as fast as so purchased, into such dollars; and a sum sufficient 
to carry out the foregoing provision of this act is hereby appro- 
priated out of any money in the Treasurj' not otherwise appro- 
priated. And any gain or seigniorage arising from this coinage 
shall be accounted for and paid into the Treasury, as provided 
under existing laws relative to the subsidiary coinage: Provided, 
That the amount of money at any o,ne time invested in such 
silver bullion, exclusive of such resulting coin, shall not exceed 
five million dollars: And provided further, That nothing in this 
act shall be construed to authorize the payment in silver of cer- 
tificates of deposit issued under the provisions of section two 
hundred and fifty-four of the Revised Statutes. 

"Sec. 2. That immediately after the passage of this act the 
President shall invite the governments of the countries composing 
the Latin Union, so-called, and of such other European nations 
as he may deem advisable, to join the United States in a con- 
ference to adopt a common ratio between gold and silver, for the 
purpose of establishing internationally, the use of bimetallic 
money, and securing fixity of relative value between those metals; 
such conference to be held at such place, in Europe or in the 
United States, at such time within six months, as may be mutu- 
ally agreed upon by the executives of the governments joining 
in the same, whenever the governments so invited, or any three 
of them, shall have signified their willingness to unite in the same. 

"The President shall, by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate, appoint three commissioners, who shall attend such 
conference on behalf of the United States, and shall report the 



b4 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

doings thereof to the President, who shall transmit the same to 
Congress. 

"Said commissioners shall each receive the sum of two thou- 
sand five hundred dollars and their reasonable expenses, to be 
approved by the Secretary of State; and the amount necessary to 
pay such compensation and expenses is, hereby appropriated out of 
any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated. 

"Sec. 3. That any holder of the coin authorized by this act may 
deposit the same with the Treasurer or any assistant treasurer 
of the United States, in sums not less than ten dollars, and re- 
ceive therefor certificates of not less than ten dollars each, cor- 
responding- with the denominations of the United States notes. 
The coin deposited for or representing the certificates shall be 
retained in the Treasury for the payment of the same on demand. 
Said certificates shall be receivable for customs, taxes, and all 
public dues, and, when so received, may be reissued. 

"Sec. 4. All acts and parts of acts inconsistent with the pro- 
visions of this act are hereby repealed. 

"SAM. J. RANDALL, 
"Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
"W. A. WHEELER, 
"Vice-President of the United States and 
, "President of the Senate." 

Passed over President's veto. 

THE SHERMAN ACT. 

"An act directing the purchase of silver bullion and the issue of 
Treasury notes thereon, and for other purposes. 
[Public— No. 214. 1890.] 

"Re it enacted by the Senate and Bouse of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary 
of the Treasury is hereby directed to purchase, from time to time, 
silver bullion to the aggregate amount of four million five hun- 
dred thousand ounces, or so much thereof as may be offered in 
each month, at the market price thereof, not exceeding* one dollar 
for three hundred and seventy-one and twenty-five hundredths 
grains of pure silver, and to issue in payment for such purchasers 
of silver bullion Treasury notes of the United States to be pre- 
pared by the Secretary of the Treasury, in such form and of such 
denominations, not less than one dollar nor more than one thou- 
sand dollars, as he may prescribe, and a sum sufficient to carry 
into effect the provisions of this act is hereby appropriated out 
of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated. 

"Sue. 2. That the Treasury notes issued in accordance with the 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 65 

provisions of this act shall be redeemable on demand, in coin, 
at the Treasury of the United States, or at the office of any as- 
sistant treasurer of the United States, and when so redeemed 
may be reissued; but no greater or less amount of such notes 
shall be outstanding- at any time than the cost of the silver bul- 
lion and the standard silver dolllars coined therefrom, then held 
in the Treasury purchased by such notes; and such Treasury 
notes shall be a legal tender in payment of all debts, public and 
private, except where otherwise expressly stipulated in the con- 
tract, and shall be receivable for customs, taxes, and all public 
dues, and when so received may be reissued; and such notes, when 
held by any national banking- association, maj- be counted as a 
part of its lawful reserve. That upon demand of the holder of 
any of the Treasury notes herein provided for the Secretary of 
the Treasury shall, under such regulations as he may prescribe, 
redeem such notes in gx>ld or silver coin, at his discretion, it being 
the established policy of the United States to maintain the two 
metals on a parity with each other upon the present leg-al ratio, 
or such ratio as may be provided by law. 

'"Sec. 3. That the Secretary of the Treasury shall each month 
coin two million ounces of the silver bullion purchased under 
the provisions of this act into standard silver dollars until the 
first day of July, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, and after that 
time he shall coin of the silver bullion purchased under the pro- 
visions of this act as much as may be necessary to provide for 
the redemption of the Treasury notes herein provided for, and 
any gain or seigniorage arising from such coinage shall be ac- 
counted for and paid into the Treasury." 

****** 

Approved, July 14, 1890. 

EFFECT OF FREE COINAGE ON SAVINGS DEPOSITS, INSUR- 
ANCE POLICIES, ETC. 

More than 2,000,000 of our people have taken out life insurance 
policies, which are now in force, amounting to $4,202,857,393, and 
have paid the premiums on them year after year in good money, 
while the mutual benefit and assessment and cooperative and 
fraternal companies and associations have 3,500,000 members who 
have contributed a large part of their earnings to the funds held 
to reimburse losses sustained by sickness or death. The obliga- 
tions of these companies and associations to their members amount 
to $5,184,670,936; and the industrial companies in the United States 
have a membership of 6,919,998, with insurance amounting to 
S^tfi. ^"0.078 in addition to all the foregoing, and it is constantly 
increasing. How many laboring men and women have taken out 

■ 



66 BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

policies or otherwise contributed from their earnings to insure 
themselves against loss by accident while engaged in the prosecu- 
tion of their work can not be accurately ascertained, but the num- 
ber is known to be very large. 

The banks, trust companies, building associations and other 
similar institutions owe the people of the United States to-day 
$5,353,138,521 for money actually deposited, a sum nearly eight 
times greater than the total capital of all the national banks in the 
country; while the life insurance policies held by the people in 
the various kinds of corporations and associations and in force 
to-day amount to $10,203,804,357, a larger sum than has been ac- 
tually invested in all our railroads, and about fifteen times larger 
than the capital of all the national banks. In view of these facts, 
which can not be successfully disputed, I submit that you ought 
seriously to consider all the consequences to yourselves and your 
fellow-citizens before you agree to the free and unlimited coinage 
of legal tender silver at a ratio of 16 to 1, in order that these 
great corporations and associations may have the privilege of 
discharging their debts to the people by paying "51 or 52 cents 
on the dollar, for that is exactly what it means. 

It is a low estimate to say that each one of the depositors in 
savings and other banks and in building associations, and each 
holder of a life insurance policy and member of a mutual benefit 
and assessment association has dependent upon him or her an 
average of at least two other persons, and, if so, a majority of 
all our people are directly or indirectly creditors of these corpora- 
tions and associations and are interested in the preservation of 
a standard of value which will insure the payment of their claims 
in as good money as they parted with when they made their loans 
or deposits or paid their assessments or premiums. Every dollar 
the people put into these banks and trust companies and other 
institutions, and every dollar they paid for insurance was worth 
100 cents' worth of commodities in the market when they earned 
it and when they invested it, and they have an unquestionable 
right to demand that it shall be refunded to them in dollars 
worth 100 cents everywhere. The adoption of any policy that 
would deprive them of this right would not only inflict an enor- 
mous loss upon them, but would so seriously impair their faith 
in the fidelity and utility of such institutions that attempts to 
accumulate and save surplus earnings would be abandoned, or at 
least greatly discouraged for a long time to come. 

But if free and unlimited coinage of legal-tender silver at the 
rntio of 16 to 1 is established in this country, a very large part 
of the money deposited in these various kinds of savings institu- 
tions will not even be repaid in depreciated silver, but will be 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 67 

wholly lost, because such a reckless monetary system would pre- 
cipitate a financial panic, which very few, if any, of the deposito- 
ries could survive. I doubt that there is a single financial insti- 
tution in the country that could sustain the pressure that would 
be immediately made upon it by its depositors and other creditors, 
when it became apparent that our standard of value was to be 
lowered and our currency depreciated by free coinage. — From 
Ex-Secretary John G. Carlisle's address to the workingmen of 
Chicago, April 15, 1S96. 

"THE CRIME OE '73." 

Although the copyright on this time-worn expression has nearly 
expired, the countiy continues to hear a great deal about this 
alleged act of violence against the integrity of the white metal. 
In spite of the fact that nearly three times as many silver dollars 
were coined during the one year of 1S ( J7 as in all the years from 
the establishment of the mints to 1873, people are still told that 
silver was stricken down surreptitiously by the act of 1S73 (see 
elsewhere), and strange to say, this beguiling fiction finds belief 
among many persons, who have not the facts at hand to con- 
tradict it. It should be remembered that in 1873 neither gold 
nor silver was in circulation. The bill to make gold the standard 
Of value had been before Congress three years. From the date 
of its introduction in the Senate it was printed, by order of Con- 
gress, with amendments, thirteen times, and was considered during 
five different sessions by the Senate and House. The debates on 
the bill in the Senate covered 66 pages and in the House 78 pages 
of the Congressional Globe. It was finally passed with a provi- 
sion authorizing the coinage of the so-called trade dollar. The 
omission of the standard silver dollar was broadly commented 
upon during ^:he debate. It was first proposed to include a silver 
dollar, but not of 412 % grains. Mr. Hooper, of Massachusetts, 
who in February, 1872, reported the bill from the Committee that 
formulated it, in the House, said: 

"Section 16 reduces the weight of the silver dollar from 412% 
grains to 3S4 grains, thus making it a subsidiary coin in harmony 
with the silver coins of less denomination to secure its concurrent 
circulation with them. The silver dollar of 412% grains, by rea- 
son of its bullion or intrinsic value, being greater than its nominal 
value, long since ceased to be a coin of circulation." 

The opposition to the bill came from those who, as others are 
doing now, sought to derive personal profit from the continuance 
of free coinage at the ratio of 16 to 1. Then the antagonism 
emanated from the bullion brokers as now it does from the 
silver barons; and the New York members, headed by Mr. 



68 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Brooks, especially manifested a strong opposition to the meas- 
ure, which is explained by these circumstances: Although 
the law of 1853 abolished the coinage of our minor silver 
coins for private account, Mr. Guthrie, Secretary of the Treas- 
ury under President Pierce, ordered the Mint to receive silver 
from private individuals and coin it. This order gave the coin 
and bullion brokers an Opportunity for immense profits. They 
collected our silver dollars, which had a normal value of 100 cents, 
took them to the mints and had them coined into minor coins. 
Every tiro dollars yielded font" half dollars, a dime and almost half 
a dime, or about 7 per cent profit. From $250,000 to $1,000,000 were 
made in this way every year, with a prospect of many millions 
profit when we should resume specie payments. 

As shown by the remark of Mr. Hooper, the bill of 1873 was 
intended to put a stop to these immense illegitimate transactions 
by reducing the weight of the silver dollar from 412% grains to 
384 grains, "thus making it a subsidiary coin in harmony with 
the silver coins of less denominations;" it was subsequently done 
by omitting the standard silver dollar entirely. Mr. Kelley, of 
Pennsylvania, in a speech provoked by the persistent efforts of 
certain members to cause the defeat of the bill, vigorously as- 
sailed the dishonest methods of these bullion and coin brokers.. 
He said: 

"But, sir, I again call the attention of the House to the fact that 
the gentlemen who oppose this bill insist upon maintaining a silver 
dollar worth 3y 2 cents more than the gold dollar and worth 7 
cents more than two half dollars, and that so long as those pro- 
visions remain you cannot keep silver coin in the country. * * * 

"Let me, Mr. Speaker, hastily point out some of the interests 
that are on this floor seeking to protect themselves by preventing 
the passage of this bill. One silver bullion dealer in New York 
during the last Congress admitted to Mr. Hooper that under one 
defect in existing laws'he was making at the cost of the Govern- 
ment from $75,000 to $100,000 a year. His profits — and he is but 
one of those who are growing fat and greedy upon the defects 
in our mint laws — arise in this way: Our country, like every 
other civilized government, should procure its own metal out of 
Which to make subsidiary coinage. Now, sir, every coin of ours 
that is not gold is subsidiary. Our silver dollar, half dollar, and 
every other coin that is not gold is subsidiary. All .other govern- 
ments pay the expense of minting by the difference between the 
intrinsic value of subsidiary coins and the value at which they 
circulate. And such was the law of this country until by a ruling 
of Mr. Guthrie the Mint was ordered to receive silver from private 
individuals and coin it. Now, it so happens that a constituent of 
the gentlemaB From New York has been taking advantage of that 
ruling and deposited silver to be made into half dollars and other 
silver coins. He has, as he stated to my colleague (Mr. Hooper, 
of Massachusetts.) and myself, been doing a business of from 
$1,800,000 to $2,000,000 per annum, giving him as profit an annual 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 69 

income equal to the salary of the President for the Presidential 
term. * * * 

"Now, sir, is the Government of the United States to be made 
the prey of the people of the world in order to give large profits 
to a few silver bullion brokers in New York? For there is the 
whole question. Beyond that, it is a mere question of petty detail. 
It is not my purpose to make an elaborate speech on this subject. 
I sought the iioor at this time to point out the fact that in the 
existing- state of things, with specie payments in abe3^ance, there 
is a job of from $5,000,000 to $10,000,000 in the defeat of this bill." 

In those days it was the coin and bullion brokers of Wall Street 
that clamored for the blessings of free coinage at the ratio of 
16 to 1. In these days it is the millionaire silver barons who 
clamor for it. In 1ST3 the method of drawing profit from our 
currency system was little better than sweating 1 coins, which is 
a penitentiary offense; in 1898 it is proposed to give every pro- 
ducer of silver bullion the difference between the intrinsic and 
the nominal value of a silver dollar. In the first instance the 
illegitimate profit was 7 per cent; in the second it would be 60 
per cent. 

SENATOR MILLS OF TEXAS ON FREE COINAGE AT 16 TO 1. 

The great Democratic free-trade apostle of Texas, United States 
Senator and ex-chairman of the House Committee on Ways and 
Means, on March 6, 189S, in his letter withdrawing from the Sena- 
torial race, declared that free silver coinage at the ratio of 16 to 1 
by the United States alone is impossible. He said; 

"Now that the great body of the commercial world has taken 
its stand against silver, I do not believe it in the power of the 
United States alone, by its independent action, to restore the value 
of silver to par with gold at 16 to 1. I believe that the United 
es can restore the demand which they withdrew, but do not 
believe that they can restore the demand which was withdrawn 
by other countries when they closed their mints against silver." 

TEE STANDARD DOLLAR FALLS TO 39.66 CENTS. 

In August, 1897, the silver contained in the standard dollar, 
which The Government is now keeping at par with gold, fell to 
a. fraction below 40 cents, as shown by the following- Associated 
Press telegram: 

"New York, August 24, 1897. — Silver broke all records again to- 

. falling to 23% pence in London, which is % penny below 

the previous low point, and to 5V/ 2 cents in New York, which is % 

t below the previous low record. Mexican dollars sold at 39% 

cents. 

"At to-day's New York price for bars the value of the silver in 
the standard dollar is 39.66 cents." 



70 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

TEST OF COINED MONEY. 

"The melting pot is the test of coined money, and that which 
loses value in melting" is bad money and that which does not 
is good money."— -Henry Cernuchi, prominent bimetallist of Europe, 
now deceased. 

SEIGNIORAGE ON THE SILVER COINAGE, FISCAL YEAR 

1897. 

A statement prepared at the Mint Bureau shows that the num- 
ber of silver dollars coined at the United States mints during 
the fiscal year ended June 30, 1897, was 21,203,701, on which the 
seigniorage, or profit to the Government, amounted to $6,336,104.25. 
This profit was turned into the Treasury from time to time as 
the coinage progressed, and was used to reduce taxation instead 
of wandering into the pockets of the silver producers, as would 
have been the case under free coinage. 

COINAGE ON PRIVATE ACCOUNT AND COINAGE ON GOV- 
ERNMENT ACCOUNT. 

There are two policies as to coinage. Coinage may be "on private 
account," or it may be "on government account." The difference 
between these two policies may be shown by a simple illustration. 

Half a century ago, when a farmer wished to have some flour 
made, he sacked up some wheat and took it to the little mill beside 
the stream. The miller received it, ground it into flour, and 
returned to the farmer the flour made out of his own wheat; 
or, if the farmer hadn't time to wait, he gave him an equivalent 
amount of flour made out of wheat previously left for grinding by 
some one else. If no one came with a grist, the mill remained idle. 
The policy on which the mill was run was that of grinding for 
individuals, at such times and in such quantities as suited them. 
Such a mill was called a custom mill. In recent years there have 
been many improvements in the machinery for making flour. A 
milling plant is now an expensive thing. The owners of it can not 
afford to take the chances of its being idle a large part of the time. 
It can not be run on the policy of the custom mill. In order that 
the mill may be kept steadily at work, its owners build warehouses 
and buy their own grain. The owners of the mill will not receive 
from individuals their grain to be ground. The}' grind only the 
grain belonging to the company. A mill run on this policy we call 
a merchant mill. 

Similarly there are two policies of coinage. If the government 
says to the owners of a money metal, "Bring your metal to the 
mint, whenever you desire, and in such quantities as may suit you; 
the g-overninent will convert it into coin for you and will hand 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 71 

back to you the coin made out of your own metal, or an equivalent 
amount of coin made out of metal of some one else who has been 
at the mint before you;" if such be the policy of coinage, if the 
government coins for individuals, as the custom mill used to gTind 
for individuals, coinage is said to be "on private account." 

But if on the other hand, the government says, "The metal which 
we shall coin we shall first of all buy; the metal will then belong 
to the government; when it has been converted into coin the coin 
will belong to the government, to be disposed of as in the judg- 
ment of the administration will best serve the public interests." 
If such be the policy, coinage is said to be "on government 
account." 

When coinage is on private account the volume of coins issued 
depends upon the choice of individuals. The owners of the money 
metal may have it converted into coin, or not, as they choose. 
When coinage is on government account the volume of the coins 
can be controlled by the government. 

In this country the coinage of gold has always been on private 
account. For a great many years the coinage of silver has been on 
government account. Uncle Sam virtually says, "I am willing to 
leave the volume of gold coin to the choice of individuals. But 
silver coin is needed for the small everyday transactions, and I 
shall myself see to it that the people of the country have an abund- 
ant supply." The so-called "free coinage" means coinage on pri- 
vate account. The advocates of free coinage of silver wish to take 
away from Uncle Sam his power to control the volume of silver 
money. The Republican party believes in leaving that control with 
Uncle Sam. 

Xo one will contend that by the change from the custom mill to 
the merchant mill wheat has been "defoodized;" neither is it proper 
to say that by the change from coinage on private account to coin- 
age on government account silver has been "demonetized." 



COMMERCE. 

See also under "Finance and Commerce.'* 
FRENCH ESTIMATE OF THE WORLD'S COMMERCE. 

Consul John C. Covert writes the State Department from Lyons, 
France, under date January 20, 1898: 

"Mr. Jules Roche, formerly Minister of Finance and Commerce, 
yesterday made a significant address to a conference of the mer- 
chants and bankers of Lyons on the necessity of more energetic 
efforts to increase the foreign trade of France. He dwelt chiefly 
upon England, Germany, the United States, and France, in their 



72 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



capacity as exporters, rating- their importance in the order named. 
For the year L896 he stated their foreign trade (imports and ex- 
ports) to be: 



Couutry. 



England 

Germany 

United States 
France 



Amount. 



Francs. 

18,500,000,000 

10,500,000,000 

8,000,000,000 

7,200,000.000 



83,570,500,000 
2,026,500,000 
1,544,000,000 
1,389,600X00 



Ten years previous, in 1886, the relative position of these nations 



Country, 



England 

United States 

Germany 

France 



Amount. 



Francs. 

14,000,000,000 
7,000,000,000 
7,327,000,000 
7,457,000.000 



82,702,000,000 
1,351,000,000 
1,414,111,000 
1,439,201,000 



The foreign commerce of England augmented in the ten years 
32 per cent; that of Germany 46 per cent; that of the United States 
14 per cent; that of France fell off 3 per cent. 

INTERNAL COMMERCE— THE NATIONAL BALANCE SHEET. 

Large business corporations and joint stock concerns of every 
kind are conducted by boards of directors, elected by votes of 
the stockholders for given terms. These directors dictate the 
business policies to be followed, and depend upon the success or 
failure of these for their continuation at the head of affairs, for 
the inexorable logic of the "balance sheet" presented determines 
their fate. 

In a business aspect the United States form a joint stock con- 
cern, with Congress aud the Administration as the "board of 
directors" and the voters the stockholders, who are now called 
upon to select directors for another term. The policies advocated 
by the candidates are well "known, but the exact effect of the 
different policies upon the business interests of the country, and 
therefore of the individual stockholders, can best be determined 
by the "balance sheets" of the two last boards, representing simi- 
lar policies. 

An exact comparison may be made'of the foreign business trans- 
acted during different periods from the record of exports and 
imports of the Treasury Department, and this has been largely 
relied upon by the advocates of different policies for their argu- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 75 

meats, although it is but a drop in the bucket in comparison 
with the domestic business transacted. 

The amount of the latter can not be so accurately determined] 
owing- to the lack of complete figures. Sufficient data exist, how- 
ever, to establish certain facts which are appalling in their im- 
mensity, and which will justify but one conclusion. 

The volume of domestic business transacted is best indicated 
by the recorded transactions of the banks belonging- to the clearing- 
house associations all over the country. 

Taking- -this record for the years 1889-1892, representing- the 
period of the Harrison Administration and the McKinley bill, and 
comparing- it with that for the years 1893-1896, representing- the 
last Cleveland Administration and the Wilson bill, the clearing- 
house transactions recorded were as follows: 

Harrison Administration: 
1889 $53,501,411,510 

1590 58,845,279,505 

1591 57,298,737,938 

# 60,883,572,438 

$230,529,001,391 

Cleveland Administration: 

$58,880,682,455 

1594 45,028,496,746 

1595 50,975,155,046 

51,935,651,733 

— = 206,819,985,980 

Loss under Cle\eland Administration 23,709,015,411 

This represents the exact loss in volume of business transacted 

those banks only which belonged to associations existing in 
cavh of the periods, and makes no account of the hand-to-hand 
business transacted, nor that of banks not belonging to clearing 
houses. Were the latter known, the loss would be proportionally 
increased. The statement is, moreover, unfair to the Harrison 
Administration, because there were many clearing- houses with an 
immense volume of transactions included in the figures for 1893- 
which were organized subsequent to 1892: there were also a 
large number of clearing houses organized during the Harrison 
Administration which were not represented during the whole of it. 
Making a correction for each period 'based upon the percentage 
of business done by new associations organized raises the figures 
to the following: 

Harrison Administration, $2 59,219 

eland Administration, 1S93-1S96 ^i!7,o.3u,684,000 



Loss under Cleveland Administration 26,334,454,219 



74 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Twenty-six billion dollars! This sum is too enormous to be 
"•rasped by the finite mind. It may perhaps be better compre- 
hended when it is stated as being- more than the entire assessed 
valuation of all the real estate and personal property taxed in 
the whole United States in 1890, according to the Eleventh Census, 
namely, $25,473,173,418. 

Two times the valuation of all farms in the United States, in- 
cluding land, fences, and buildings ($13,279,252,649). 

Three times the value of all railroads, including street railways, 
with their rolling stock and equipments ($8,685,407,323). ' 

Ten times the value of all live stock on farms, farm implements, 
and machinery ($2,703,015,040). 

More than ten times the estimated value of all farm products 
for the year 1889 ($2,400,107,454). 

Twenty-six billion dollars! More than $2,000. or over $500 per 
year, for each and every family in the United States. 

The loss in volume of foreign business transacted under the 
Cleveland Administration as compared with that under the Harrison 
Administration was $238. 308, 684, but even this imyiiense sum was 
less than 1 per cent of the loss in the volume of domestic business. 

The significance of this tremendous decline in the volume of 
domestic business transacted under the Democratic policies should 
be apparent. These policies they may be depended upon to re- 
inaugurate if given an opportunity, with inevitably similar results. 

If such a "balance sheet" were presented to the stockholders of 
a private corporation, would they not fall over themselves to vote 
back the old board of directors? And should the stockholders 
in the national concern — the voters — be less alive to their own 
interests? 

Such a falling off in business done means most to the vast 
army of voters whose sole dependence is upon their earnings; to 
the laborers, mechanics, clerks, small tradesmen, and farmers; 
for it means vastly restricted opportunities for employment and 
trade. The fallacious arguments of "lower prices" and "cheaper 
living" should induce no man to advocate a policy which will result 
in reducing his earnings and opportunities. 

To him who has no money nothing is cheap. 

ALL BUSINESS RESTS UPON THE LAW OF AVERAGE. 

All trade and all civilization and everything rest upon the fact 
that men are honest and fairly competent. — upon the average — and 
that any system of business which has for its foundation tho 
average intelligence and average honesty of the people is s.:fe. 
All business rests upon that. Every kind of business in every 
commercial community rests upon that. A jobbing merchant who 



mmmmmmmmmmm 



would sell his whole stock to one man and charge it up to him 
on the books at sixty days' time would make an unsafe and dan- 
gerous trade. He would not think of doing- it. But he can sell 
the same goods to a thousand different men on the same terms — on 
sixty days' time — and charge it on the books, and it is safe busi- 
ness. It is safe because he has distributed his risk among a thou- 
sand men. Among these thousand men there may be a man in- 
capable or dishonest here and there, but upon the whole his cus- 
tomers will be honest and capable, and as I have said, the whole 
business of the country rests upon the assumption, ascertained 
by experience, that men as a rule are fairly intelligent and fairly 
honest. 

Many people, a few weeks ago, hearing of the terrible accident 
that occurred on the Hudson Kiver, felt that they never wanted 
to ride on a railroad again, and yet the next day the railroad pub- 
lished a statement showing that they had carried 26,000,000 people 
the year before without killing a man. So, on the whole, we 
know that it is safe to ride on the railroads. Insurance companies 
are ready to insure your life for a very small sum for railroad 
journeys, and they make lots of money by it. — Judge Eobert S. 
Taylor, before the House Committee on Banking and Currency. 



CONSUMPTION. 

Consumption per capita in the United States. 



Year. 


Consumption per capita of— 


Consumption of 
raw wool. 


Kaw 

cotton. 


Wheat. 


Corn. 


Sugar. 


Coffee. 


Tea. 


Total per 
capita. 


Per cent, 
foreign. 


1869 


Pounds. 
12.88 
12.82 
14.10 
11.10 
15.19 
13.60 
11.90 
14.77 
14 03 
13.71 
15.90 
18.94 
19.64 
16.15 
20.80 
16.30 
15.66 
19.39 
16.84 
19.59 
17.22 
18.50 
22.02 
24.03 
17.07 
15.91 
22.48 
43.34 
55.06 


Bushels. 
5.21 
5.41 
4.69 
4.79 
4.81 
4.-16 
5.38 
4.89 
5.01 
5.72 
5.58 
5.35 
6.09 
4.98 
6.64 
5.64 
6.77 
4.57 
5.17 
5.62 
5.34 
6.09 
4.58 
5.91 
4.85 
3.41 
4.54 
4.78 
3.88 


Bushels. 
23.79 
22.62 
27.40 
21.09 
22.86 
20.95 
18.66 
28.14 
26.13 
26.37 
26.61 
28 88 
31.6-1 
21.92 
29.24 
27.40 
31.04 
32.60 
27.68 
23.86 
31.28 
32.09 
22.79 
30.33 
23.66 
22.76 
16. 9S 
30.19 
28.91 


Pounds. 
35 
33 
36.2 
40.4 
39.8 
41.5 
43.6 
35.2 
3S.9 
34.3 
40.7 
42.9 
44.2 
48.4 
51.1 
53.4 
51.8 
56.9 
52.7 
56.7 
51.8 
52.8 
66.1 
63.5 
68.4 
66 
62.6 
61.6 
64.5 


Pounds. 
6.45 
6 

7.91 
7.28 
6.87 
6.59 
7.08 
7.33 
6.94 
6.24 
7.42 
8.78 
8.25 
8.30 
8.91 
9.26 
9.60 
9.36 
8.53 
6.81 
9.16 
7.83 
7.99 
9.61 
8.24 
8.01 
9.22 
8.04 
9.95 


Pounds. 
1.08 
1.10 
1.14 
1.46 
1.53 
1.27 
1.44 
1.35 
1.23 
1.38 
1.21 
1.39 
1.54 
1.47 
1.80 
1.09 
1.18 
1.37 
1.49 
1.40 
1.29 
1.33 
1.29 
1.37 
1.32 
1.34 
1.38 
1.81 
1.55 


Pounds. 
5.78 
5.43 
5.73 
6.75 
5.67 
4.81 
5.28 
5.21 
5.16 
5.28 
5.03 
6.11 
5.66 
6.36 
6.62 
6.85 
6.69 
7.39 
6.68 
6.31 
6.33 
6.03 
6.43 
6.72 
7.05 
5.08 
6 82 
6.88 
8.26 


17.8 


1870 


22.7 


1S71 


29.4 


1872 


45.3 


1873 


33.2 


1874 


17.5 


1875 

1876 


22.1 
18.3 


1877 

1878 


16.3 
16.9 


1879 

18S0 

1SS1 



1883 


14.2 

34.9 

17.3 

19 

18.7 


1884 


20.6 


1885 


18 


1886 


28.9 


1&87 


27.4 


1888 


28.9 


1889 


31.8 


1890 


27 


1891 


30.8 


1892 


33.1 


1893 


35.7 


1894 


14.2 


1895 


46.1 




1897 


45.9 
57.8 







76 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



COTTON. 

Southern Cotton Industry Growing at the Expense of New 
England Mills. 

The rapid growth of this industry in the South is shown by the 
valuable table compiled by Mr. Alfred B. Shepperson, of New 
York, and embodied in the Statistical Abstract for 1897, showing 
the amount of cotton taken for home consumption from 1848 to 
1897. Only the last ten years are here shown; the figures stand 
for thousands of bales. 



Year. 


Taken for home 
consumption by — 




Northern 
Mills. 


Southern 
Mills. 


Total. 


1887 


1,687 
1,805 
1,790 
1,780 
2,027 
2,172 
1,652 
1,580 
2,019 
1,605 
1,793 


401 
456 
480 
545 
613 
684 
72:: 
711 
852 
900 
999 


2,088 

2,261 
2,270 
2,325 
2,640 
2,856 
2,375 
2,291 
2,871 
2,505 
2,792 


1888 


1889 


1890 


1891 


1892 


1893 


1894 


1895 


189o ... 


1897 





It will be observed that in 1893 and 1896 the total output of 
the Northern mills was less than that of 1887, while the increase 
for 1897 over that of 1887 was but 106,000 bales; whereas the 
Southern mills show a steady increase every year, and the output 
in 1897 was 589,000 bales greater than that of ten years before. 
Nearly all the Southern cotton mills were started by New England 
capital, and the successful way in which this new industry is 
competing with the old mills of New England, many of them 
with superannuated manufacturing machinery, only goes to show 
what well-directed efforts may do for the manufacturing interests 
of the South. 

COTTON, 1897. 

The total reported production of cotton in 1896-97 was 8,532,705 
bales, being 1,371,611 bales, or 19.2 per cent, more than was re- 
ported for 1895-96. 

The total reported area of production was 23,273,209 acres, as 
compared with 20,184,808 acres in 1895-96, an increase of 3,088,401 
acres, or 15.3 per cent. 

The total value of the crop was $291,811,564, a decrease from 
the preceding year of $1,547,292, or 0.5 per cent. 

The average yield was 0.37 bale per acre, or at the rate of 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



77 



2.73 acres per bale, as compared with 0.35 bale per acre, or its 
equivalent, 2.82 acres per bale, in 1895-96. 

It may be stated, as a matter of interest, that while ten years 
ago only about 6 per cent of a crop of 6,500,000 bales was consumed 
by mills situated in the cotton-growing States, during the year 
1896-97 over 11 per cent of a crop of more than 8,500,000 bales was 
so consumed. It is also worthy of note that the sea-island crop 
of 1S96-97. 104,368 bales, was the largest ever produced, the next 
largest being that of 1S95-96, estimated at about 93,000 bales. 



CUBA. 

Our Trade with Cuba from 1887 to 1897. 

At a time when public attention is so largely centered upon 
Cuba, some account of our trade with this island prior to and 
since the outbreak of this revolution may prove of interest. The 
statistics given cover the ten years ending June 30, 1896, and in 
some cases also the first nine months of the fiscal j-ear 1897. 

A general summary of our trade with Cuba during the period 
mentioned is presented in the following table: 

Value of merchandise imported and exported by the United States in our trade with 
Cuba during the fiscal years 1887 to 1896, inclusive, and the nine months ended 
March 31, 1897. 





Imports. 


Exports. 




Years ended June 30 — 


Domestic 
merchan- 
dise. 


Foreign 
merchan- 
dise. 


Total. 


Total 
trade. 


1887 

1888 


8i9.515.434 
49,319,087 
52,130,623 
53,801,591 
61,714,395 
77,931,671 
78,706,506 
75,678,261 
52,871 ,259 
40,017,730 


$10,138,930 
9,724,121 
11,297,198 
12,669,509 
11,929,605 
17,622,411 
23,604,094 
19,855,237 
12,533,260 
7,312,348 


5407,481 
329,435 
394,113 
414,906 
295,283 
331,159 
553,604 
270,084 
274,401 
218,532 


810,546,411 
10,053,560 
11,691,311 


860,061,845 
59,372,647 


1889 


1890 


13,084,415 s'ooe'XJE 


1891 

1892 


12,224,888 

17,953,570 
24,157,698 
20,125,321 
12,807,661 
7,530,880 


73,939,283 
95,885.241 
102,864,204 
95,803,582 
65,678.920 
47,548,610 


1893 


1S94 


IS £ 


1896 


Nine months ended March 
31,1397 


8,841,831 


5,685,888 


399 098 


6,084,986 


14,926,817 




' 



The statistics given in the above table show very clearly the 
effect of the revolution in Cuba upon our commercial intercourse 
with that island. During the fiscal year of 1897 the total value of 
our Cuban trade amounted to only $26,666,591, as compared with 
$102,864,204 in 1893, the year preceding the breaking out of the 
war. This was a falling off of nearly 75 per cent, in the short 
space of three years. 

See also under "War." 



78 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIQN TEXT BOOK. 

CURRENCY. 

President Buchanan's Message on the Misfortunes Resulting 
froni a Vicious Monetary System. 

In his first annual message, December 8, 1857, President Bu- 
chanan said: 

"Since the adjournment of the last Congress our constituents 
have enjoyed an unusual degree of health. The earth has yielded 
her fruits abundantly, and has bountifully rewarded the toil of 
the husbandman. Our great staples have commanded high prices, 
and, up till within a brief period, our manufacturing, mineral, and 
mechanical occupations have largely partaken of the general pros- 
perity. We have possessed all the elements of material wealth in 
rich abundance, and yet, notwithstanding all these advantages, our 
country, in its monetary interests, is at the present moment in a 
deplorable condition. In the midst of unsurpassed plenty in all 
the productions of agriculture, and in all the elements of national 
wealth, we find our manufactures suspended, our public works 
retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds abandoned, and 
thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment and re- 
duced to want. The revenue of the Government, which is chiefly 
derived from duties on imports from abroad, has been greatly 
reduced, while the appropriations made by Congress at its last 
session for the current fiscal year are very large in amount. 

"Under these circumstances a loan may be required before the 
close of the present session; but this, although deeply to be re- 
gretted, would prove to be only a slight misfortune when compared 
with the suffering and distress prevailing among the people. With 
this the Government can not fail to deeply sympathize, though it 
may be without the power to extend relief. 

"It is our duty to inquire what has produced such unfortunate 
results, and whether their occurrence can be prevented. In all 
former revulsions the blame might have been fairly attributed 
to a variety of co-operating causes; but not so upon the present 
occasion. It is apparent that our existing misfortunes have pro- 
ceeded solely from our extravagant and vicious system of paper 
currency and bank credits, exciting the people to wild speculations 
and gambling in stocks. These revulsions must continue to recur 
at successive intervals as long as the amount of the paper cur- 
rency and bank loans and discounts of the country shall be left 
to the discretion of fourteen hundred irresponsible banking insti- 
tutions, which, from the very law of their nature, will consult the 
interests of their stockholders rather than the public welfare." 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



79 



DOUBLE STANDAKD. 

The question of a standard of value being under investigation 
in 1831, a Democratic Congressional committee, with Campbell P. 
"White as chairman, reported as follows: 

"The committee think that the desideratum in the monetary 
ni is the standard of uniform value. They cannot ascertain 
that both metals have ever circulated simultaneously, concurrently. 
and indiscriminately in any country where there are banks or 
money dealers, and they entertain the conviction that the nearest 
approach to an invariable standard is its establishment in one 
metal, which metal shall 'compose exclusively the currency for 
large payments." 

METALLIC AND PAPER CIRCULATION, 1898. 

Amounts of gold and silver coins and certificates, United Suites notes, and national- 
bank notes in circulation July 1, 1898. 





General 

Stock, coined 

or issued. 


In Treasury. 


Amount in 
circulation 
July 1, 1S98. 


Amount in 
circulation 
July 1, 1897. 




5755,735,164 
461,996,522 
76,421,429 
37,420,149 
398,556,504 
10 1,2. 7,280 
346,681,016 

26,605,000 
227,900,177 


$104,775,254 

404.736,731 

12,097,682 

1,599,510 

7,897,424 

2,541,700 

60,108,687 

560,000 
4,770,474 


8660,959,880 
57,259,791 
64,323,747 
35,820,633 

39',659,0S0 
98,66-5,580 

286,572,329 

26,045.000 
223,1 29,7 L'3 


$519,146,675 
52,001,202 
59,228,540 
37,255,919 

358,336,363 
83,905,197 

248,5S3,578 






Gold certificates _ 


Treasury notes, act July 14, 1890.. 


Currency certificates, act June 8, 


61,130,000 
226,410,767 







Totals, 


2,442,523,241 


599,087,492 


1,843,435,749 


1,646,028,246 



Population of the United States July 1, 1898, estimated at 
'4,522,000; circulation per capita, $24.74. 



COIN AND PAPER CURRENCY. 

There are ten different kinds of money in circulation in the 
United States, namely, gold coins, standard silver dollars, sub- 
sidiary silver, gold certificates, silver certificates, Treasury notes 
issued under the act of July 14, 1890, United States notes (also 
called greenbacks and legal tenders), national-bank notes, and 
nickel and bronze coins. These forms of money are all available 
as circulation. While they do not all possess the full legal tender 
quality, each kind has such attributes as to give it currenc}'. The 
status of each kind is as follows: 

Gold coin is legal tender at its nominal or face value for all 
debts, public and private, when not below the standard weight 
and limit of tolerance prescribed by law; and when below such 
standard and limit of tolerance, it is legal tender in proportion to 
itfi weight. 



80 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Standard silver dollars are legal tender at their nominal or face 
value in payment of all debts, public and private, without regard 
to the amount, except where otherwise expressly stipulated in the 
contract. 

Subsidiary silver is legal tender for amounts not exceeding $10 
in any one payment. 

Treasury notes of the act of July 14, 1890, are legal tender for all 
debts, public and private, except where otherwise expressly stipu- 
lated in the contract. 

United States notes are legal tender for all debts, public and 
private, except duties on imports and interest on the public debt. 
Gold certificates, silver certificates and national-bank notes are 
not legal tender, but both classes of certificates are receivable for 
all public dues, while national-bank notes are receivable for all 
public dues, except duties on imports, and may be paid out by 
the Government for all salaries, and other debts and demands 
owing by the United States to individuals, corporations and asso- 
ciations within the United States, except interest on the public 
debt, and in redemption of the national currency. All national 
banks are required by law to receive the notes of other national 
banks at par. 

The minor coins of nickel and copper are legal tender to the 
extent of 25 cents. 

REDEMPTION. 

Gold coins and standard silver dollars, being standard coins of 
the United States, are not "redeemable." 

Subsidiary coins and minor coins may be presented in sums or 
multiples of twenty dollars to the Treasurer of the United States 
or to an assistant treasurer for redemption or exchange into lawful 
money. 

United States notes are redeemable in "coin," in sums not less 
than $50, by the assistant treasurers in New York and San Fran- 
cisco. 

Treasury notes of 1890 are redeemable in "coin," in sums not less 
than $50, by the Treasurer and all assistant treasurers of the 
Bruited States. - ■ 

National-bank notes are redeemable in lawful money of the 
United States by the Treasurer, but not by the assistant treasurers. 
They arc also redeemable at the bank of issue. In order to provide 
for die redemption of its notes when presented) every national bank 
is required by law to keep on deposit with the Treasurer a sum 
equal to 5 per cent of its circulation. 

Gold cert ifieates, being receipts for gold coin, are redeemable in 
sucli coin by the Treasurer and all assistant treasurers of the 
United States. 



KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. . 81 

Silver certificates are receipts for standard silver dollars de- 
posited, and are redeemable in such dollars only. 

•'Coin" obligations of the Government are redeemed in gold coin 
when g-old is demanded, and in silver when silver is demanded. 

PER CAPITA WEALTH. 

Is the amount of money in a country an index of its prosperity, 
as free coinage men insist? The per capita metallic wealth of the 
I'nited States, according to the report of the Director of the Mint, 
was $24.74. According to this theory the people of Aden and 
Perim, Ceylon, Hongkong, Labaun, and Straits Settlements ought 
to be the most prosperous in the world, for theirs is nearly three 
Times that of the people of the United States, their per capita share 
of the world's money stock being 63.680. Any American ought to 
be glad to change places with the natives of Hawaii, whose per 
capita wealth is 60, chiefly gold; or the Siamese whose per capita 
is 42.68; or the people of the South African Republic, with 38 per 
capita. Great Britain's per capita is but 20.65; Germany's but 
18.95, yet the export commerce of these nations is enormous. Re- 
ducing their per capita share in the nione}^ stock of the world to a 
table, giving their foreign commerce in juxtaposition, will show 
how little relation one bears to the other. 

Per capita. 1S96. Foreign commerce*. 

Great Britain 20.65 $3,570,500,000 

Germany 18.95 2,026,500,000 

France 34.68 1,389,600,000 

Great Britain with a per capita metallic money wealth 14.03 less 
than France, has a world commerce nearly three times as great 
as that of France, while Germany with a per capita metallic stock 
15.63 less than France, conducts nearly twice as much foreign busi- 
ness as France. 



CURRENCY REFORM. 

Action of the Business Men of the Middle West. 
One of the results of the contest between silver monometallism 
and sound money in 1896 was the action of the business men of the. 
Midde West to take steps for providing a currency system which 
would meet the needs of the whole country, take the currency out 
of politics, and avoid such contests in future. Two great conven- 
tions of business men, held at Indianapolis in January, 1897, and 
January, 1S98, were the result. The first convention authorized the 



♦Figures of Mr. Jules Roche, formerly French Minister of Finance and Commerce. 

6 



82 ' REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

appointment of a Monetary Commission, for the careful study of 
the currency problem and its relation to the development of the 
United States and for the preparation of a measure which would 
strengthen the national credit and afford a sufficient and scientific 
currency. The plans of this convention were carried out, the Com- 
mission was appointed and made its report, and the second con- 
vention gave an enthusiastic and unanimous indorsement to the 
plan reported and recommended its adoption to Congress. 

The movement for the creation of a Monetary Commission origi- 
nated in Indianapolis soon after the election of 1896. Mr. Hugh H. 
Hanna, an active Republican of that city, and a few other promi- 
nent citizens proposed a conference of representatives of Western 
boards of trade fox* the purpose of considering this subject. The 
matter was laid before the board of governors of the Indianapolis 
Board of Trade by Mr. Hanna, on November 18, 1896. He referred 
to the fact that public sentiment had not yet crystalized in favor 
of any specific plan of currency reform, and expressed the belief 
that a movement for definite action might best originate in the 
Central West. His motives and purposes were defined thus: 

"No movement could or should succeed that is not based upon the 
broadest possible justice and intelligence, and in the entire interest 
of the whole people. Such investigation and framing should only 
be intrusted to those who are great enough to rise above all party 
relations and prejudice, to discard all former ideas 'when con- 
fronted with better methods, and fairly and honestly deal with the 
great question for the general good and for defense against the 
instability of values, which has caused such immeasurable losses to 
the people of this country within the few years just passed. The 
business man is the victim of all such agitation, and I stand in his 
name to protest with all possible emphasis against further risk by 
delay, lest the opportunity slip." 

THE INDIANAPOLIS CONVENTION. 

This declaration by Mr. Hanna was the keynote of the movement 
which led to the appeal to President McKinley for the appoint- 
ment of a Currency Commission. The Indianapolis Board of Trade 
first invited a conference of representatives from each of the boards 
of trade of Chicago, St. Louis, Cincinnati, Louisville, Cleveland, 
Columbus, Toledo, Kansas City, Detroit, Milwaukee, St. Paul, Des 
Moines, Minneapolis, Grand Rapids, Peoria, and Omaha. This meet- 
ing was only for the purpose of deciding upon the basis of a 
larger convention, which was held on January 12, 1897, in Tomlin- 
soji Hall, Indianapolis. The boards of trade, commercial clubs, and 
similar organizations in all cities of the United States having 
8,000 or more inhabitants, according to the census of 1890, were in- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 83 

vited to take part, and about 350 delegates responded. Ex-Gov- 
ernor Stanard, of Missouri, was the temporary presiding officer, 
and the Hon. C. Stuart Patterson, of Philadelphia, was permanent 
chairman. The subject of currency reform was discussed on the 
floor and in committees, and it was determined that a Currency 
Commission should be created whose recommendations would carty 
with them the weight of the business sentiment of the country. 

There was some division of opinion in the committee on resolu 
tions as to whether the Commission should be appointed by author- 
ity of Congress or by direct authority of the convention. Both 
sides yielded something in this respect, and it was agreed that 
Congress should first be asked to act upon the subject, and that in 
case of failure to act promptly a Commission should be named by 
the Executive Committee of the Convention then in session. An 
Executive Committee of fifteen was named by the chairman of the 
convention, with Mr. Hanna at its head. 

In his inaugural address President McKinley made reference to 
the subject as follows: 

"The country is suffering from industrial disturbances from 
which speedy relief must be had. Our financial system needs some 
revision; our money is all good now, but its value must not be 
further threatened. It should all be put upon an enduring basis, 
not subject to easy attack, nor its stability to doubt or dispute. Our 
currency should continue under the supervision of the Govern- 
ment. The several forms of our paper money offer, in my judg- 
ment, a constant embarrassment to the Government, and imperil a 
safe balance in the Treasury. Therefore I believe it necessary to 
devise a system which, without diminishing the circulating medium 
or offering a premium for its contraction, will present a remedy 
for those derangements which, temporary in their nature, might 
well in the years of our prosperity have been displaced by wiser 
provisions. With adequate revenue secured, but not until then, we 
can enter upon such changes in our fiscal laws as will, while secur- 
ing safety and volume to our money, no longer impose upon the 
Government the necessity of maintaining so large a gold reserve, 
with its attendant and inevitable temptations to speculation. Most 
of our financial laws are the outgrowth of experience and trial, and 
should not be amended without investigation and demonstration 
of the wisdom of the proposed changes. We must be both "sure we 
are right" and "make haste slowly." If, therefore, Congress in its 
wisdom shall deem it expedient to create a commission to take 
under early consideration the revision of our coinage, banking, 
and currency laws, and give them that exhaustive, careful and dis- 
passionate examination that their importance demands, I shall cor- 
dially concur in such action. If such power is vested in the Presi- 



84 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

dent, it is my purpose to appoint a commission of prominent, well- 
informed citizens of different parties, who will command public 
confidence both on account of their ability and special fitness for 
the work. Business enterprise and public training may thus be 
combined, and the patriotic zeal of the friends of the country be 
so directed that such a report will be made as to receive the sup- 
port of all parties, and our finances cease to be the subject of mere 
partisan contention. The experiment is, at all events, worth a trial, 
and, in my opinion, it can but prove beneficial to the entire 
country." 

On July 24th, 1897, a message recommending the appointment 
of a Currency Commission was sent to Congress by the President. 
The House promptly passed a bill authorizing the appointment of 
such a Commission, but the subject was not considered by the 
Senate. 

Mr. Hanna called a meeting of the Executive Committee soon 
after the adjournment of Congress, and early in September an- 
nounced the names of the Commission of eleven to whom they 
intrusted the framing of a currency measure. 

The men selected for such Commission were: 

Ex-Senator George F. Edmunds, of Vermont; ex-Secretary of the 
Treasury Charles S. Fairchild, of New York; Professor J. Laurence 
Laughlin, of Chicago; Mr. C. Stuart Patterson, of Philadelphia; Mr. 
Stuyvesant Fish, of New York: Mr. T. G. Bush, of Mobile; Col. 
George E. Leighton, of St. Louis; Mr. J. W. Fries, of North Caro- 
lina; Mr. W. B. Dean, of St. Paul; Judge Robert S. Taylor, of Fort 
Wayne, Ind.; Mr. Louis A. Garnett, of San Francisco. 

The Commission was non-partisan in character, six of its mem- 
bers were Republicans, and five were Democrats. 

The Commission held their first meeting in Washington, Septem- 
ber 20. Several days were spent in general discussion of the cur- 
rency problem, and three subcommittees were appointed to con- 
sider its different branches — the relation of the coinage to a proper 
currency system, the Government demand notes, and the banking 
system. A series of questions classified under these three heads 
was drawn up and sent to prominent financiers for their opinions 
and recommendations. These recommendations were digested and 
copied for the use of each of the subcommittees, and the separate 
opinions expressed upon each point compared, not merely for their 
value as suggestions, but as an indication of the attitude of finan- 
cial experts throughout the country. The Commission spent many 
days in the discussion of every aspect of the monetary problem 
and the study of different propositions from the standpoint of 
every possibe objection and conceivable advantage. They concluded 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 85 

the work upon their report on December 17, and the report was 
made public on January 3, 1S98. 

The Executive Committee appointed at the Indianapolis Conven- 
tion was in session at the same time with the final meetings of the 
Monetary Commission and decided to call together again the con- 
vention of business men to receive the report of the Commission. 
The date fixed for the second convention was Tuesday, January 
25, and the convention was held in the Opera House at Indian- 
apolis. The attendance was larger than at the first convention. 
The whole number of delegates was in excess of four hundred. 

The resolutions were adopted unanimously and with great en- 
thusiasm. They were presented by Mr. Joseph A. Wheelock, of 
Minnesota, the chairman of the committee on resolutions, but 
were read at his request, by Mr. John C. Bullitt, of Philadelphia, 
who represented the great body of gold-Democrats who joined the 
Republicans in the desire for currency reform. The text of the 
resolutions was as follows: 

"Resolved, That this convention recognizes its obligations to the 
Executive Committee selected under the resolution of January 15, 
1897, for the thorough and able manner in which they have dis- 
charged the duties devolved upon them by those resolutions. They 
deserve the highest commendation for their determined effort to 
obtain an act of Congress providing for the selection of a Monetary 
Commission to which the duty should be intrusted of devising 
the best means of securing a wise and stable currency system 
through legislative enactment. 

"As the Congress did not adopt a law for the appointment of 
such a Commission, the Executive Committee, in pursuance of the 
authority conferred by the convention, proceeded to make such a 
selection, consisting of men from different sections of the country, 
and from different walks of life, who were well fitted by their 
ability, their experience, and their high character to deal with this 
most important subject. The convention recognizes with gratifi- 
cation the wise and able manner in which the Monetary Commis- 
sion has dealt with the subject, and finds in its work the ele- 
ments of a system calculated to be of inestimable benefit to the 
countrj T . 

"We most cordially approve of the plan of currency reform sub- 
mitted by the Monetary Commission, in the belief that if enacted 
into law it would accomplish as far as possible the results contem- 
plated by the Commission, as set out in the following propositions: 

"1. To remove, at once and forever, all doubt as to what the 
standard of value in the United States is and is to be. . 

iL 2. To establish the credit of the United States at the high'est 
point among the nations of the world. 

"3. To eliminate from our currency system those features which 
reason and experience show to be elements of weakness and danger. 

"4. To provide a paper currency convertible into gold, and equal 
to it in value at all times and places, in which, with a volume ade- 
quate to the general and usual needs of business, there shall be 
combined a quality of growth and elasticity, through which it 



86 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

will adjust itself automatically and promptly to all variations 
of demand, whether sudden or gradual; and which shall distribute 
itself throughout the country as the wants of different sections 
may require. 

"5. To so utilize the existing silver dollars as to maintain their 
parity with gold without imposing undue burdens on the Treasury. 

'•('). To avoid any injurious contraction of the currency. . 

"7. To avoid the issue of interest-bearing bonds, except in case of 
unlooked for emergency; but to confer the power to issue bonds 
when necessary for the preservation of the credit of the Govern- 
ment. 

"8. To accomplish these ends by a plan which would lead from 
our present confused and uncertain situation by gradual and pro- 
gressive steps, without shock or violent change, to a monetary 
system which will be thoroughly safe and good, and capable of 
growth to any extent that the country may require. 

"These declarations, and the plan which follows, are honest in 
purpose, they are sound in business principles, they are adapted 
to the needs and wants of the whole people, they are wisely safe- 
guarded against undue contraction of the currency on the one 
hand, or its perilous expansion on the other. We believe their 
enactment into law would stimulate hopefulness, inspire confi- 
dence and conduce to a sense of safety that would be the fore- 
runner of unexampled national growth and prosperity. 

"Approving of the expressed purposes of the Commission and of 
its plan, we do most earnestly and cordially commend it to our 
fellow-citizens as worthy of their approval and adoption, and we 
urge upon the Congress of the United States that the principles 
embodied bj r the Commission in their report should be enacted 
into law, with the belief and expectation that the effect would 
be to secure a solid, substantial, and stable financial system that 
would redound to the credit of the country, and insure a state 
of prosperity that can not be achieved unless there is a system of 
finance the integrity *»jid adaptability of which can not be ques- 
tioned or gainsaid. 

"That, in the opinion of this convention, it is the duty of every 
citizen to urge upon his representatives in Congress the adoption 
of such legal enactments as will carry into effect the recom- 
mendations of the Monetary Commission. 

"Existing conditions are propitious for effort in the direction of 
currency reform. General and able discussion have induced earnest 
and sober thought and turned the minds of men from fallacies and 
delusions to that which was sound and wholesome. The high 
prices of many of our agricultural and manufacturing products, 
the inflowing of gold and the improvement in business have gone 
far toward allaying that feeling of discontent and unrest which 
were so disturbing and so full of menace but a short time ago. 
Never before has public sentiment been in so healthy a state upon 
this subject as is now becoming generally prevalent. 

"The time has now come when the prospects for the establish- 
ment of the gold standard upon a firm and enduring basis are 
brightening and encouraging. The people want a note currency 
which shall be as good as gold. This movement proposes to bring 
about that result. The people want 'a volume of currency ade- 
quate to the general and usual needs of business,' 'with a quality 
of growth and elasticity through which it will adjust itself auto- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 87 

matically and promptly to all variations of demand, whether sud- 
den or gradual.' These ends are not only within the scope of 
what is contemplated, but are the direct objects intended to be 
gained by the plan of the Monetary Commission. 

"The people of the Western and Southern States wish the note 
issues so distributed as that the scarcity of currenc}' will no 
longer hamper and distress them in their business operations. 
A method is proposed whereby their wants can be supplied, and 
their just demands can be complied with. We appeal to them — we 
appeal to all patriotic citizens — to unite with us in an earnest and 
determined effort to secure from Congress such legislation as will 
wisely but surely eventuate in bringing- about sound financial 
methods, and in building- up and establishing confidence, security, 
and safety in business transactions and in the ownership and value 
of property. 

"That the Executive Committee be continued, with power and 
authority to add to their number and to fill any vacancies which 
may occur, and also with power and authority to adopt such 
measures for procuring the needed legislation from Congress as 
they, in their judgment, may deem advisable and expedient." 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S CURRENCY COMMISSION 
MESSAGE. 

President McKinley, on July 24, 1897, sent to the Senate and 
House a message recommending the appointment of a Currency 
Commission. The House on the same day passed a resolution to 
carry out his recommendation, the vote resulting 126 yeas to 99 
nays, 122 not voting, but the Senate adjourned without taking 
action. The message is as follows: 

To the Congress of the United States: 

In mj r message convening the Congress in extraordinary session 
I called attention to a single subject — that of providing revenue 
adequate to meet the reasonable and proper expenses of the Gov- 
ernment. I believed that to be the most pressing subject for settle- 
ment then. A bill to provide the necessary revenues for the Govern- 
ment has already passed the House of Representatives and the 
Senate and awaits Executive action. 

Another question of very great importance is that of the estab- 
lishment of our currency and banking system on a better basis, 
which I commented upon in my inaugural address in the following 
words: 

"Our financial system needs some revision; our money is all good 
now, but its value must not further be threatened. It should all 
be put upon an enduring basis, not subject to easy attack, nor 
its stability to doubt or dispute. The several forms of our paper 
money offer, in my judgment, a constant embarrassment to the 
Government and imperil a safe balance in the Treasury." 

Nothing was settled more clearly at the late national election 
than the determination upon the part of the people to keep their 
currency stable in value and equal to that of the most advanced 
nations of the world. 

The soundness of our currency is nowhere questioned. No loss 
can occur to its holders. It is the system w^ ich should be simpli- 



88 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Red and strengthened, keeping our money just as good as it is now 
with less expense to t lie Government and the people. 

The sentiment of the country is strongly in favor of early 
action by Congress in this direction, to revise our currency laws 

and remove them from partisan contention. A notable assembly 
of business men with delegates from twenty-nine States and Ter- 
ritories was held at [ndianapolia in .January of this year. The 
financial situation commanded their earnest attention, and after a 
two days' session the convention recommended to Congress the 
appoint incut of a Monetary Commission. 

1 commend this report to the consideration of Congress. The 
authors of the report recommend a commission "to make a thor- 
ough investigation of the monetary affairs and needs of this coun- 
try in all relations and aspects, and to make proper suggestions as 
to any evils found to exist and the remedies therefor." 

This subject should receive the attention of Congress at its 
special session. It ought not to be postponed until the regular 
session. 

I therefore urgently recommend that a special commission be 
created, non-partisan in its character, to be composed of well- 
informed citizens of different parties who will command the confi- 
dence of Congress and the country because of their special fitness 
for the work, whose duty it shall be to make recommendations of 
whatever changes in our present banking and currency laws may 
be found necessary and expedient, and to report their conclusions 
on or before the 1st day of November next, in order that the same 
may be transmitted by me to Congress for its consideration at its 
first regular session. 

It is to be hoped that the report thus made will be so compre- 
hensive and sound as to receive the support of all parties and the 
favorable action of Congress. At all events, such a report can not 
fail to be of value to the executive branch of the Government, as 
well as to those charged with public legislation, and to greatly 
assist in the stablishment of an improved system of finance. 

william Mckinley. 

Executive Mansion, July 24, 1897. 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY ON CURRENCY REFORM. 
"Under existing conditions our citizens can not be excused if they 
do not redouble their efforts to secure such financial legislation 
as will place their honorable intentions beyond dispute. All those 
who represent, as you do, the great conservative but progressive 
business interests of the country, owe it not only to themselves, 
but to the people to insist upon the settlement of this great ques- 
ion now, or else to face the alternative that it must be again sub- 
mitted for arbitration at the polls. This is our plain duty to more 
than seven million voters, who fifteen months ago won a great 
political battle on the issue, among others, that the United States 
( io\ eminent would not permit a doubt to exist anywhere concern- 
ing the stability and integrity of its currency or the inviolability 
of its obligations of every kind. That is my interpretation of that 
victory. Whatever effort, therefore, is required to make the settle- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 89 

merit of this vital question clear and conclusive for all time, we 

are bound in good conscience to undertake, and, if possible, realize. 

That is our commission — our present charter from the people."— 

Extract from President McKinley's speech on currency rel'orm 

before the National Manufacturers' Association at New York, on 

Thursday evening-, January 27. 

* * ~ * * * * 

"ft will not suffice for citizens nowadays to say simply that they 
are in favor of sound money. That is not enough. The people's 
purpose must be given the vitality of public law. Better an honest 
effort with failure than the avoiding of so plain and commanding a 
duty. * * * The difficulties in the path of a satisfactory reform 
are. it must be admitted, neither few in number nor slight in de- 
gree; but progress can not fail to be made with a fair and thorough 
trial. An honest attempt will be the best proof of sincerity of pur- 
pose. * * * Discussion can not hurt, it will only help the cause. 
Let us have full and free discussion. * * * Intelligent discussion 
will strengthen the indifferent and encourage the friends of a 
stable sj-stem of finance. * * * Half-heartedness never won a 
battle. Nations and parties without abiding principles and stern 
resolution to enforce them, even if it costs a continuous struggle 
to do so, and temporary sacrifice, are never in the highest degree 
successful leaders in the progress of mankind. For us to attempt 
nothing in the face of the prevalent fallacies and the constant 
effort to spread them is to lose valuable ground already won and 
practically to weaken the forces of sound money for their battles 
of the future." — Extract from President McKinley's speech on cur- 
rency reform before the National Manufacturers' Association at 
New York, on Thursday evening, January 27. 



COMMERCIAL EXPANSION. 

The time is ripe and the hour has come. The x>ast half century 
has been the age of internal upbuilding; we approach now the age 
of external activity. For fifty years and more the genius and 
energy of man have been unlocking- the occult and mysterious 
forces of nature and applying them to the development of the 
inherent resources and embryotic possessions of the nations. It 
has been the era of steam and railroads and electricity. The won- 
derful creations of that fruitful period are the marvel of history. 
In the fifty years from 1840 to 1890 the population of Europe in- 
creased 50 per cent, from 240,000,000 to 350,000,000; but its manu- 
facturers augmented 300 per cent, from $5,500,000,000 a year to 
$15,000,000,000. Within the same time the population of the United 
es more than tripled, from 17,000,000 to 63,000,000, but the 
mighty tide of its manufactures expanded edghteen-fold, from 



90 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

$500,000,000 to over $9,000,000,000. This advancing and amazing 
power of production under modern appliances has outstripped the 
wildest dreams of imagination. It has harnessed Niagara, bridled 
the lightning, and, with a wizard's wand, touched the secret springs 
of the arcana of light and energy and force. It has multiplied 
wealth, comfort, and luxury. It has exalted the humanities and re- 
fined and beautified civilization itself. A greatly increased capacity 
of consumption has followed this magical advance, but it has not 
kept pace with the magnified power of production, and the eco- 
nomic problem of the world to-day is the distribution of the sur- 
plus. 

Under this stress the great nations of Europe are struggling for 
empire and trade. They are scanning the whole horizon for new 
fields of conquest, colony and commerce. They have seized Africa, 
plucked most of Asia, and to-day the eagles are hovering in the air 
with fluttering wings and sharpened beaks over the gigantic but 
inert form of the most ancient of nations, eager for the partition 
and plunder of China. Who doubts that their rude claws would 
already have fastened on Central and South America for their prey 
but for the protecting aegis of the United States and the talis- 
manic charm of the Monroe Doctrine? — a Doctrine which draws 
around this continent a panoply as sacred and potent as "the awful 
circle of the solemn church" which Richelieu drew around the ward 
of France! In this strenuous rivalry for enlarged commerce where 
is our great Republic to stand? Are we to stand with folded hands 
and let the prizes slip? We can not enter upon aggression and 
conquest. We do not seek territorial aggrandizement. But we 
shall not renounce the right of commercial aspiration, and we shall 
let the whole world understand that we aim at the peaceful tri- 
umphs of friendly intercourse and reciprocal trade.— Charles 
Emory Smith, at the Banquet of the National Association of 
American Manufacturers, January 27, 1898. 



DAVIS, JEFF. 

Was He a Tool of Wall Street P 
Jefferson Davis, while at De Soto, Mo., on the Iron Mountain 
Railroad— a Greenback convention being in session— a crowd as- 
sembled at the depot to see the distinguished person, who was 
easily persuaded to speak, when some one asked, "How about Green- 
backs?" Davis replied, "If you want script to trade with among 
yourselves, you can issue county script or township script. It will 
be good as long as you have faith in it; but if you want to do 
business with the world at large, you must use the only curreney 
that is recognized by all the nations of the earth, and that is 
(Jold Coin." 



KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES. 



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94 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

DEFICIENCY. 

See under "Wilson Bill." 



DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

Modern War Cries against "The Moneyed Classes" were Sound- 
ing- Phrases in Washington's Days. 

It must not be supposed that the hue and cry, of Democratic 
origin, about "the moneyed classes," and the arraignment of class 
again class, likewise of Democratic birth, are comparative novel- 
tics in American polities. They were just as prevalent under the 
first Administration as they have been under recent Administra- 
tions. The term most popular in the early days of the Govern- 
ment, to designate those who were supposed to be inimical to 
the "plain people," was "aristocrat." Washington was accused 
of being an "aristocrat." His neutrality doctrine was decidedly 
unpopular, and the same element which in the present generation 
vociferously denounces conservatism in our government, denounced 
President Washington for refusing to take part in the wars be- 
tween England and France. His policy was characterized as a 
betrayal of the masses, who were clamoring for war. But when 
that policy was vindicated by time, and the neutrality doctrine 
was shown to have brought prosperity to the people of the United 
States, the Democrats of that day conveniently forgot their for- 
mer hostility to Washington's wise statesmanship, and Jefferson, 
the leader in this hostile attitude, officially proclaimed a policy 
against "entangling alliances." 

"A curious phase G f prejudice, as already noted, was instilled 
into the minds of the unintelligent Democracy of that day," writes 
J. Harris Patton, M. A., in his short history of "The Democratic 
Party" (1884). "They were often led, by the insinuations and 
hasty assertions of their leaders, to suspect the well-to-do and 
the educated portion of the community of being hostile to them- 
selves. These leaders, at first, as we have seen, characterized those 
who sustained the policy of the Government for the first twelve 
years of its existence as 'aristocrats,' and that term of presumed 
reproach was used until superseded by that of the 'moneyed 
power,' meaning by the latter epithet those who continued to 
sustain the financial principles introduced by Alexander Hamil- 
ton and embodied in the policy of Washington's Administration. 
The policy of neutrality in the meantime became popular, the 
epithet 'aristocrat,' as originally used was no longer available. 
But in relation to financial measures, taxes, tariffs, banks etc., 
'moneyed power' suited their purpose admirably, and every 'poor 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 95 

man' who worked for wages, was impliedly invited to look upon 
the well-to-do and the intelligent as having but little sympathy 
for him. * * * 

"In order to secure more fully their ends, the leaders in these 
societies (Democratic) endeavored to array one portion of the 
community against another. Those who were in favor of neu- 
trality they characterized as 'aristocrats;' every lover of order or 
supporter of the National Government was denounced as such, 
and as an enemy of the 'poor man,' a favorer of the hated aris- 
tocratic England and not of democratic France. It has been the 
policy of the leaders of that political organization from that day to 
this, to proclaim themselves pre-eminently the friend of the 'poor man' 
as they affectionately designate those who obtain a living by working 
in any form for icages, but more especially those engaged in manual 
labor or as employees in manufacturing establishments. They imply 
at the same time the men of wealth or capitalists — in a word 
those who employ work-people — are the enemies of the latter. 

"The epithets which they then used had a meaning and a pur- 
pose. The term 'aristocrat' in that day had a peculiarly unpopu- 
lar significance, and was designed to excite prejudice against those 
who were in favor of Washington's policy. By this term they 
meant to imply that the advocates of neutrality were imitators of 
the English aristocracy." 

In this connection it is but fair to ask workingmen, who are 
the special object of the appeals of the Democratic party to-day, 
how they can reconcile this interest in their behalf with the 
record of the Democratic party in the past, which for many years 
preceding the war was officered and manned by the aristocratic 
slave owners of the South. It was this party that put a stain 
on free labor by maintaining slavery, and it is this party in the 
South to-day that still looks with scorn and contempt upon fac- 
tory labor, unable to find a more respectful term than "poor 
whites" for those who are compelled to make their living by 
manual labor. _ 

The place where labor is respected is in the strongholds of the 
Republican party, or at least where the Republican party has been 
able to make its policies felt. 

DEMOCRATIC PARTY'S POSITION ON SILVER IN 1876. 

That the clamor for the white metal is of comparatively recent 
origin, and that "the crime of '73" itself did not for some years 
after provoke the great indignation which the would-be saviors 
of the country of the present day pathetically affect, is proved 
by the speeches of Senators Stewart and Jones, who were still 
busy in 1S74 praising the unfailing blessings of the gold standard. 



96 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

But late as 1876, the Democratic leaders of the House were still 
sanctioning the crime of '73 by proposing legislation prohibiting 
the Secretary of the Treasury from purchasing silver bullion for 
coinage; rest riding silver coinage to subsidiary coinage, fixing 
the price of silver by the market value, providing for the transfer 
of the seigniorage to the Treasury, and finally limiting the legal 
tender of the standard silver dollar to amounts not exceeding $50. 
Witness 1he following: 

ACT TO REDEEM FRACTIONAL CURRENCY. 

[Forty-fourth Congress— Proceedings in House.] 

A bill (H. R. 2450) to provide for a deficiency in the Printing 
and Engraving Bureau in the Treasury Department, and for the 
issue of silver coin of the United States in place of fractional 
currency. Reported from the Committee on Appropriations. 

March 27, 1876, Mr. llolman submitted the following as a new 
section? 

"Sec. 3. The Secretary of the Treasury is hereby prohibited from 
making any further increase in the interest-bearing debt of the 
United States by the issue and sale of bonds for the purchase of 
silver bullion for coinage. But silver bullion shall, under regula- 
tions to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, be received 
by the several mints for fabrication into subsidiary coins, and paid 
for in such coins at a rate or price per ounce to be fixed from 
time to time, according to the market rate, by the Director of the 
Mint with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the 
basis of the. difference between the par value of such coin and 
the value of such bullion, and an addition not exceeding 1 per 
cent, in the discretion of the Secretary of the Treasury, shall be 
made to the purchasing price as an allowance for the transporta- 
tion of coin. And the excess of the par value of such coin over the 
value of the bullion so deposited, less the amount that shall be 
allowed for transportation, as aforesaid, determined as above 
provided, shall be from time to time covered into the Treasury, 
as the Secretary of the Treasury shall direct: Provided, however, 
That such silver coin* of the denominations aforesaid, and the 
silver bid lion now owned by the United States, shall not exceed 
in par value the par value of the fractional currency now authorized 
by law." 

Mr. E. Wells (Democrat) moved the following proviso to the 
proposed new section: 

Provided, That if silver bullion is not provided for coinage in 
sufficient quantity for the redemption of fractional currency the 
Secretary of the Treasury may, under the provisions of the act 
entitled "An ac1 to provide for the resumption of specie payments, 
approved January 14, 1875, purchasing silver bullion for the pur- 
pose of coinage as provided in said act." 






REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 97 

Which was agreed to — yeas, 118; nays, 106. 
Yeas — Democrats, 45; Republicans, 72; Independent, 1. 
Nays — Democrats, SS; Republicans, 16; Independent, 2. 
Mr. Reagan (Democrat) of Texas offered the following amend- 
ment: 
Insert as section 4 the following: 

"That the silver coins of the United States of the denomination 
of $1 shall be a legal tender at their nominal value for any amount 
not exceeding $50 in any one payment. And silver coins of the 
United States of denominations of less than $1 shall be a legal 
tender at their nominal value for any amount not exceeding $25 
in any one payment." 

Which was agreed to — yeas, 122; nays, 94. 

Yeas — Democrats, 99; Republicans, 22; Independent, 1. 

Nays — Democrats, 23; Republicans, 65; Independent, 1. 

March 31, 1876, the amendment offered by Mr. Holman, as 
amended on motion of Mr. Wells, was disagreed to — yeas, 68; 
nays, 77. 

The bill as amended by the amendment of Mr. Reagan was then 
passed — yeas, 122; nays, 100. 

Yeas — Democrats, 50; Repulicans, 70; Independent, 2. 

Nays — Democrats, 80; Republicans, 18; Independent, 2, 

(For foregoing proceeds see "Congressional Record," Volumes 
14 and 15.) (From the speech of Representative Overstreet of In- 
diana. April 29, 1898.) 

CLEVELAND'S DO-NOTHING POLICY AND ITS RESULTS. 

bThe beneficial activity in legislative and executive matters gen- 
ally, under President McKinley, contrasts strangely with the 
•-nothing policy which characterized the Democrats after the 
election of 1892. President Cleveland, in a speech complained of 
what he called the "hot haste" with which the Republicans went 
to work on the tariff, and other leading propositions of their 
platform soon after President McKinley's inauguration. Rut this 
activity, characteristic of the Republican party, is making history. 
It was more than five months from Mr. Cleveland's inauguration 
as President in 1893, before his Congress met to consider any of 
the propositions to which his party was pledged, and within a 
few days of eighteen months before the leading promise of its 
platform was fulfilled in the enactment of the new tariff law. 
The business unrertainties, the long months of suspense in which 
manufacturers and dealers of all classes were unable to proceed 
intelligently with business enterprises, and the stoppage of busi- 
ness and loss of employment consequent thereon, make the eigh- 
teen months of masterly inactivity in which President Cleveland and 
7 



98 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

his party neglected to fulfill with "hot haste" their promises of 
legislation, the most disastrous in the history of the business of 
the country. 

The following record of prominent events during the eighteen 
months in which President Cleveland and his party held the coun- 
try in suspense prior to the enactment of the legislation promised 
by them, will indicate to some extent whether he was justified 
in complaining of the "hot haste" with which the Eepublican 
party is carrying out its own pledges on this occasion: 

March, 1893 — General strike began among the clothing cutters 
in New York; strike of employees on Toledo and Ann Arbor road. 

April, 1893 — Strike of 4,000 workers on fair grounds at Chicago. 

May, 1893 — Strike of 20,000 coal miners in Ohio; failure of a 
large number of Western banks following the failure of the Co- 
lumbia National Bank of Chicago. 

June, 1893 — Runs on savings banks in Chicago and numerous 
failures of banks in various parts of the country. 

July, 1893 — Announcement of suspension of work in 300 silver 
mines of the United States; bank failures; four bank failures in 
Denver; runs on other financial institutions; numerous business 
failures; great numbers of bank failures in the West and in all 
other sections of the country. 

August, 1893 — Failures of numerous commission houses in Chi- 
cago; failure of Madison Square Bank in New York; riots in New 
York and encounters between anarchists and socialists only pre- 
vented by police; close of long and unsuccessful coal miners' strike 
in Kansas. 

September, 1893 — Strike of "Big Four" employees. 

October, 1893 — Troops called out in Alabama to suppress riots 
of railroad strikers. 

- November, 1893 — Strike of railroad hands of Lehigh Valley Rail- 
road, numbering several thousand; strike of 20,000 hat-makers at 
Danbury, Conn. 

December, 1893 — Riots in Pennsylvania mining region. 

January, 1894 — Strike of many thousand potters in New Jersey 
against reduction of wages; Secretary Carlisle offers a $50,000,000 
loan for public subscription; striking miners in Pennsylvania de- 
stroy property at Brantville and elsewhere. 

. February, 1894— Sale of $50,000,000 of bonds by Secretary Car- 
lisle; many large silk factories in New York close on account of 
strike; all the mines of the Massilon district closed by strikes; 
riotous assemblages of unemployed workmen in Boston dispersed 
by police. 

March, 1894 — General strike among the silk weavers at Pater- 
son, N. J.; West Virginia striking miners burn railroad bridges; 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 99 

riots at Paterson, N. J., among the striking silk weavers; United 
States troops called upon to quell a riot at Denver; State troops 
ordered to Cripple Creek for the suppression of mining troubles; 
Coxey's organization marches toward Washington. 

April, 1S94 — Mob of strikers in East Liverpool become riotous; 
5,000 plumbers and 5,000 coke workers in Pennsylvania go on a 
strike; government of South Carolina declares martial law in all 
cities of the State; six men killed and one fatally wounded in 
the riots of the coke region of Pennsylvania; 8,000 United Mine 
Workers order a strike; general strike of employees of Great North- 
ern Railroad; 150,000 miners cease work in Pennsylvania. 

May, 1894 — Further bloodshed in the coke region of Pennsyl- 
vania. 

June, 1S94 — Maryland militia ordered out to suppress striking 
miners; also State troops ordered out to the scene of strikes in 
Ohio; similar action in Montana; coke strikes, with killed and 
wounded in Pennsylvania; destruction of railroad property in Ohio 
and in Alabama by rioters; strikers arrested for stealing a train 
in Illinois; industrial army captures a train in Wisconsin; strikes 
of miners in Michigan coal mines; Pennsylvania troops ordered 
out to suppress riots; strike of Pullman employees affecting 50,000 
working men. 

July, 1894 — Trains burned by strikers in Chicago and numbers 
of lives lost in the consequent following events; strike of 15,000 
members of allied trades in Chicago; freight trains wrecked by 
strikers at Indianapolis. 

August, 1894 — Woolen mill employees strike in Utica, N. Y.; em- 
ployees of forty mills strike at Fall River. 

August 28, 1894 — The tariff bill becomes a law without the Presi- 
dent's signature. 



DINGLEY BILL. 

Legislative History of the Republican Tariff Measure. 

The bill known as the Dingley act was reported to the House 
from the Ways and Means Committee by Chairman Dingley March 
19, 1897. The House began consideration of the bill March 22. 
It was reported to the Senate, after passing the House, by Sena- 
tor Aldrich, May 4, and taken up for consideration May 25. It 
passed the Senate July 7 and was reported back to the House 
with Senate amendments July 8. Conferees were appointed and 
Mr. Dingley presented the conference report to the House July 
19. It was signed by President McKinley and became a law July 
24, 1897. 

The bill commanded the votes of 28 Southern members in the 

l.dTC. 

L. »r r 



100 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

House. Of these 5 were Democrats — Messrs. Broussard, Davey, 
and Meyer of Louisiana, and Messrs. Slayden and Kleberg- of 
Texas — and 1 Populist, Mr. Howard of Alabama. Sixteen other 
Populists answered "present" on its first passage but did not vote 
against the bill, and only 4 Populists voted no. They were 
Barlow and Castle of California, and Peters and Simpson of Kansas. 

In the Senate 6 Democrats voted for high protective features 
in the measure — Senators Bacon and Clay of Georgia; Tillman and 
McLaurin of South Carolina; McEnery of Louisiana, and Martin 
of Virginia. Senator McEnery voted for the bill on its final pas- 
sage. All of the Southern members are natives of the South, not 
''carpet baggers" as has been alleged, and several of them served 
in the Confederate army. Altogether 33 Southern votes were cast 
for the bill in Senate and House. 

In the Senate 40 voted yea and 30 nay; not voting, 19, as follows: 

Yeas, 40 — Aldrich, Allison, Baker, Burrows, Carter, Clark, Davis, 
Deboe, Elkins, Fairbanks, Foraker, Frye, Gallinger, Gear, Hale, 
Hansbrough, Hawley, Hoar, Jones (Nev.), Lodge, McBride, McEnery, 
McMillan, Mason, Morrill, Nelson, Penrose, Perkins, Piatt (Conn.), 
Piatt (N. Y.), Pritchard, Proctor, Quay, Sewell, Shoup, Spooner, 
Stewart, Thurston, Warren, Wetmore. 

Nays, 30 — Bacon, Bate, Berry, Caffery, Chilton, Clay, Cockrell, 
Daniel N Faulkner, Gorman, Harris, Jones (Ark.), Lindsay, Mallory, 
Martin* Mills, Mitchell, Morgan, Murphy, Pasco, Pettus, Roach, 
Smith, Tillman, Turley, Turner, Turpie, Vest, Walthall, White. 

Not voting, 19 — Allen, Butler, Cannon, Chandler, Cullom, George, 
Gray, Hanna, Heitfeld, Kenney, Kyle, McLaurin, Mantle, Pettigrew, 
Rawlins, Teller, Wellington, Wilson, Wolcott. 

In the House the vote stood 186 yeas, 115 nays, 41 not voting, 

as follows: 

Yeas, 186 — Adams, Alexander, Babcock, Baker (Md.), Barber, Bar- 
ham, Barney, Bartholdt, Beach, Belford, Belknap^. Bennett, Bingham, 
Bishop, Booze, Boutelle, Brewster, Broderick, Bromwell, Bro- 
sius, Broussard, Brown, Brownlow, Brumm, Bull, Burleigh, Bur- 
ton, Butler, Cannon, Capron, Chickering, Clark (Iowa), Clarke (N. 
H.), Cochrane (N. Y.), Codding, Connell, Connolly, Cooper (Wis.), 
Corliss, Cousins, Crump, Crumpacker, Curtis (Iowa), Curtis (Kans.), 
Dalzell, Danford, Davenport, Davey, Davidson (Wis.), Davison (Ky.), 
Dayton, Dingley, Dolliver, Dorr, Dovener, Eddy, Ellis, Evans, Faris, 
Fenton, Fletcher, Foote, Foss, Fowler (N. J.), Gardner, Gibson, 
Gillet (N. Y.), Graff, Griffin, Grosyenor, Grout, Hager, Hamilton, 
Harmer, Hawley, Heatwole, Hemenway, Henderson, Henry (Conn.), 
Henry (Ind.), Hepburn, Hicks, Hilborn, Hill, Hitt, Hopkins, Howe, 
Howell, Hull, Hurley, Jenkins, Johnson (Ind.), Johnson (N. Dak.), 
Joy, Kerr, Ketcham, Kirkpatrick, Kleberg, Knox, Lacey, Landis, 
Linney, Littauer, Lorimer, Loudenslager, Lovering, Low, Lybrand, 
McCall, McCleary, MeEwan, Mclntire, Mahany, Mahon, Mann, 
Marsh, Mercer, Mesick, Meyer (La.), Miller, Mills, Minor, Mitchell, 
Moody, Morris, Mudd, Northway, Olmstead, Otjen, Overstreet, 
Packer (Pn.), Parker (N. J.), Payne, Pearce (Mo.), Pearson, Per- 
kins, Pitney, Powers, Prince, Pugh, Quigg, Ray, Reeves, Royse, Bus- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 101 

sell, Sauerhering, Shattuc, Shelden, Sherman, Showalter, Simpkins, 
Slayden, Smith (111.). Samuel W. Smith, Snover, Southard, South- 
wick, Spalding", Sperry, Sprague, Steele, Stevens (Minn.), Stewart 
(N. J.). Charles W. Stone, William A. Stone, Strode (Nebr.), Sturte- 
vant, Sulloway, Tawney, Tayler (Ohio), Tongue, Updegraff, Van 
Yoorhis. WaDger, Ward, Warner, Weaver, White (111.) , White (N. 
C), Wilber, Williams (Pa.), Wilson (N. Y.), Wright, Young (Pa.), 
The Speaker. 

Nays, 115 — Adamson, Allen, Bailey, Baird, Baker (111.), Ball Bank- 
head, Barlow, Bartlett, Benner (Pa.), Berry, Bodine, Botkin, Brad- 
ley, Brantley, Brenner (Ohio), Brucker, Brundidge, Burke, Camp- 
bell, Carmack, Clardy, Clark (Mo.), Clayton, Cochran (Mo.), Cooney, 
Cooper (Tex.), Cowherd, Cranford, Cummings, Davis, De Armond, 
De Graffenreid, De Yries, Dinsmore, Dockery, Elliott, Epes, Fitz- 
gerald, Fitzpatrick, Fleming, Fowler (N. C), Fox, Gaines, Griggs, 
Handy, Hay, Henry (Miss.), Henry (Tex.), Howard (Ga.), Hunter, 
Jett, Jones (Ya.), King, Lamb, Lanham, Latimer, Lentz, Lewis 
(Ga.), Lewis (Wash.), Little, Livingston, Lloyd, Love, McAleer, Mc- 
Clellan, McCulloch, McDowell, McMillin, McRae, Maddox, Marshall, 
Martin, Meekison, Miers (Ind.), Moon, Norton, Ogden, Osborne, 
Peters, Pierce (Tenn.), Rhea, Richardson, Ridgely, Rixey, Robb, 
Robertson (Pa.), Robinson (Ind.), Savers, Settle, Simpson, Sims, 
Smith (Ky.), Sparkman, Stalling^, Stephens (Tex.), Stokes, Strait, 
Strowd (N. C), Sullivan, Sulzer, Swanson, Talbert, Tate, Taylor 
(Ala.), Terry, Todd, Underwood, Vandiver, Vehslage, Vincent, 
Wheeler (Ala.), Wheeler (Ky.), Williams (Miss.), Zenor. 

Answered "present," 12 — Cox, Gunn, Howard (Ala.), Jones 
(Wash.), Kellev, Maxwell, Newlands, Plowman, Shafroth, Stark, 
Sutherland, Wilson (S. G.) 

REVENUES UNDER THE DINGLEY ACT COMPARED WITH 
THE WILSON TARIFF, AND WAR EXPENDITURES. 

Lack of revenue compelled the Cleveland Administration to in- 
eumber the taxpayers with an additional burden of $262,330,092 by 
the issue of bonds in time of peace to provide means to run the 
Government. Under the operations of the McKinley act there was 
no lack of funds in the Treasury, nor has the Government been 
embarrassed for funds at any time under Republican tariff policy. 
This embarrassment began with the enactment of Democratic tariff 
legislation, the passage of the Wilson bill. Revenues began to 
fall off soon after the triumph of the Democratic party at the polls 
in 1892, when it became known that the new House would lower 
the duties on imports, and importers began to hold back in antici- 
pation of a reduced tariff. For the first three years of the Mc- 
Kinley act the receipts from customs were: 

Twelve months ending September 30, 1891 $190,704,357 89 

Twelve months ending September 30, 1892 185,838,859 19 

Twelve months ending September 30, 189.'; 1S9, 182,905 40 

Total 571,816,122 54 



102 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

President Cleveland was inaugurated in 1893, and with the tri- 
umph of the Democratic party and the early prospect of a reduced 
tariff, the revenues from imports fell off $76,591,965.69, amounting 
to only $112,590,939.77 for the eleven months ended August 31, 1894. 
For July and August, 1894, under the McKinley bill customs re- 
ceipts were abnormally small for this reason, amounting to only 
$8,427,338.46 for the first and $11,804,911.21 for the latter month, 
against average monthly receipts of $15,765,242.12 for the twelve 
months of the year preceding. 

The Wilson act took effect on the 28th day of August, 1894, and 
was repealed July 24, 1898, by the Dingley tariff. Receipts from 
customs for the three years were as follows: 

Twelve months ending August 31, 1895 $161,201,169 35 

Twelve months ending August 31, 1896 154,218,813 94 

Eleven months ending July 31, 1897 168,888,654 11 

Total 484,308,637 40 

McKinley act, three years 571,816,122 54 

Wilson act, three years 484,308,637 40 

Increase over Wilson tariff 87,507,485 14 

The four years' record of the deficiency under the Wilson bill 
is as follows for each fiscal year ended June 30: 

1894 $69,803,260 

1895 42,805,223 

1896 25,203,246 

1897 18,052,454 

Total deficiency 155,864,183 

For reasons the reverse of those which caused imports to be 
abnormally small during the closing period of the McKinley act, 
there was an abnormally large increase in customs receipts under 
the Wilson act for the closing months of its existence. Importers 
rushed in wool, sugar and other imports in large quantities to 
avoid the payment of the higher rates under the Dingley act, and 
receipts from customs for March, 1897, rose to $22,833,856.46;^ were 
for April, $24,454,351.74; for May, $16,885,011.55; for June, $21,560,- 
152.36 and for July, $16,966,801.65. As a result, when the Dingley 
act took effect July 24, 1897, receipts from this source dropped to 
$6,987,702, because the immediate demand had been supplied by 
excessive importations under the lower rates of the Wilson tariff. 

This was foreseen by the Republican leaders, and in all the de- 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 103 

bates on the Ding-ley bill in Congress this temporary dropping off 
of revenue was taken account of and coupled with the general pre- 
diction that as soon as the effect of these anticipatory importations 
had been overcome the operation of the new tariff act would pro- 
vide revenues sufficient to run the Government without further 
bond sales. Within a few months from the passage of the bill, this 
prediction was verified, and the receipts for November and De- 
cember, 1897, and January, February, and March, 1898, exceeded 
the monthly disbursements of the Treasury. 

The following table will show the customs receipts for the first 
six months under the Wilson and Dingley acts: 

1894-95, 1897-98, 

Wilson tariff. Dingley tariff. 

September $15,564,990 56 $7,943,100 28 

October 11,962,118 17 9,713,494 62 

November 10,260,692 56 9,830,025 00 

December 11,203,049 40 11,660,788 74 

January 17,361,916 25 14,269,492 08 

February 13,334,691 99 15,040,680 74 



69,687,448 93 68,457,581 46 

It will be noticed that while the receipts under the Wilson act 
for February were more than two millions less than for the Sep- 
tember preceding, the receipts under the Dingley act were seven 
millions larger for the same periods, and while there was almost a 
continuous falling off for October, November, and December, under 
the former, there was a steady increase under the Dingley tariff. 
In January, 1895, customs revenues showed a spasmodic increase of 
.six millions, only to drop back four millions in February. The 
seventeen-million mark for January was never again reached under 
the Wilson tariff except during the five months preceding its 
repeal; and taking this out of account, it will be seen that the 
receipts for February, 1898, under the Dingley act were not eclipsed 
during the first six months of the Wilson bill save by a small sum 
for September, owing to the increased importations from the repeal 
of the higher duties under the McKinley act. Deducting the re- 
ceipts for January from both, the receipts under the Dingley act 
for five months exceeded those of the Wilson bill for the same 
period $1,862,556.69, while the receipts for February under the 
Dingley act were but $2,321,235.51 lower than the highest receipts 
under its predecessor, the record of January, 1895, except the five 
months marking the debate of the repeal of the Wilson tariff in 
Congress. 

With the blowing up of the Maine in February, 1898, every one 



104 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

foresaw the probability of a war with Spain. There was a lull 
of nearly a month in the situation, during which the Maine dis- 
aster was under investigation, and business was not seriously dis- 
turbed. In March the receipts from customs rose to the highest 
figure yet reached, $15,450,432. But on March 28, the President 
sent to Congress his message transmitting the finding of the naval 
board, showing that the Maine had been blown up by *outward 
causes, and war seemed inevitable. Early in April the situation 
had become so critical that Counsul Hyatt on the 3d left his post 
at Santiago de Cuba, followed by Counsul General Lee from Havana 
on the 10th; on April 18 both Houses passed the war resolution, 
and on the 21st war was formally declared. 

With the opening of hostilities, the withdrawal of a large number 
of merchant ships of the regular lines and others, the canceling 
of large contracts, and the danger menacing American shipping 
generally, importations quite naturally fell off and revenues de- 
creased. For the month of April they were $14,193,977, and there 
was a still further decline in May. But with the record of succes- 
sive victories to the credit of the American army and navy, customs 
receipts again rose in June, and continued a steady upward tend- 
ency for July. 

Table showing customs receipts under Dingley law by days and 

months: 

Average Total receipts 

daily receipts. for month. 

August, 1897 $225,409 $6,987,702 

September, 1897 264,770 7,943,100 

October, 1897 313,338 9,713,494 

November, 1897 327,667 9,830,025 

December, 1897 376,154 11,660,788 

January, 1S9S 460,306 14,269,492 

February, 189S 537,167 15,040,680 

March, 1898 498,401 15,450,438 

April, 1898 473,132 14,193,977 

May, 189S 434,404 13,466,534 

June, 1898 485,199 14,555,729 

July, 1898 489,344 15,169,680 

It may be pointed out that for the first three years of the Mc- 
Kinley act, the average monthly revenues from imports amounted 
to $15,883,781. This, with revenues derived from all sources, left 
a surplus. The Wilson bill for the entire thirty-five months of its 
operation, yielded only $13,837,389 per month from imports, and 
this includes the abnormal record of the five months closing its 
history, during which the importations were vastly in excess of 
any other months, for reasons already explained. Consequently 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 105 

the revenues derived from imports under the Dingiey act for the 
months of February and March this year were sufficient to equalize 
the expenditures, while as a revenue getter, when we include the 
receipts from internal revenue as well as customs, the Dingiey act 
comes fully up to the expectations of its friends. 

Compared with the Wilson act the Dingiey law has yielded 
revenues from all sources as follows: 

Wilson law. Dingiey law. 

First month $22,621,228 $19,023,611 

Second month 19,139,240 21,933,098 

Third month 19,411,403 24,391,415 

Fourth month 21,866,136 25,168,987 

Fifth month 27,804,399 27,931,494 

Sixth month 22,888,057 28,795,227 

Seventh month 25,470,575 28,572,358 

Eighth month 24,247,836 29,307,251 

Ninth month 25,272,978 30,361,443 

Tenth month 25,615,474 30,074,818 

Eleventh month 30,069,698 31,952,541 



264,406,124 297,512,245 

This tabie does not include the money received from the sale of 
the Union Pacific and Kansas Pacific railroads, as follows: 

November, 1897 — Union Pacific $18,194,618 26 

December, 1897— Union Pacific 31,715,204 14 

January, 1S9S— Union Pacific 8,538,401 35 

March, 1898— Kansas Pacific 3,651,500 00 

April, 1898— Kansas Pacific 2,651,500 00 



64,751,223 75 



As the war-revenue bill was approved June 13, 1898 (the 
eleventh month), a small increase in the revenues for June under 
the Dingiey bill is to be credited to that source. The balance in 
favor of the Dingiey law over the Wilson tariff for eleven months 
was thus $33,106,1S1. While the Wilson bill showed a spasmodic 
increase for the eleventh month of its operation, July, 1S95, it 
dropped back to $28,952,697 in August following. The total 
revenues for July, 189S, under the Dingiey and war-revenue acts 
combined was $43,847,108.58. 

The Wilson bill was in operation nine months before it showed 
surplus revenue. The amount then was only $3,932,445, while the 
Dingiey act yielded a surplus of $1,973,102.47 at the end of the 



106 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

sixth month of its existence, in spite of the fact that it bore the 
burden of vast anticipatory importations, rushed through our 
custom houses during March, April, May, June, and July, 1897, to 
take advantage of the lower rates and defective appraisement 
under the Wilson bill. 

Compared with former years the total receipts from, customs, 
internal revenue, and miscellaneous sources, and expenditures for 
all purposes were as follows: 

Twelve months ended— Receipts. Expenditures. 

June 30, 1895 $313,390,075 11 $356,195,298 29 

June 30, 1896 326,976,200 38 352,179,446 08 

June 30, 1897 347,721,905 16 365,774,159 57 

June 30, 1898 402,847,608 31 443,398,879 52 

For the same fiscal periods the excess of expenditures over re- 
ceipts were as follows: To — 

June 30, 1895 $42,805,223 18 

June 30, 1896 25,203,245 70 

June 30, 1897 18,052,254 41 

June 30, 1898 *40,551,271 81 

THE WAR-REVENUE ACT. 

It should be remembered that the war-revenue act is a thing 
apart from the Dingley law, and is intended to defray the heavy 
additional burdens made necessary by the war with Spain. Under 
this act the Treasury Department sold $200,000,000 in bonds. No 
bonds were issued to bolster up deficiencies accruing under the 
normal operation of the Republican tariff act, and no special taxes 
were levied for that purpose. Bonds and additional taxes were 
made necessary, however, to defray the increased cost of maintain- 
ing the army and navy; and this is shown in the following table of 
comparative expenditures since the first month of the Dingley law: 

War. Nary. 

August, 1897 $5,622,852 $2,672,691 

September, 1897 4,276,022 2,787,253 

October, 1897 5,268,718 2,988,573 

November, 1897 5,376,080 2,736,454 

December, 1897 3,728,420 2,984,438 

• Including war expenditures and $4,549,368.26 on account of the sale of the Union Pacific 
railroad, paid out in November, 1897. For the year ended December 31, 1897, as distin- 
guished from the fiscal year, the receipts exceeded the expenditures for the first time since 
the inauguration of the Democratic Administration. The amount wu $17,916,973. accord- 
ing to the " Monthly Summary of Finance and Commerce of the United States " for June, 
1898, p. 1999. 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 107 

War. Navy. 

January, 1898 .- $4,946,098 $3,230,106 

February, 1898 3,780,749 2,056,766 

March, 1898 5,159,571 5,241,442 

April, 1898 6,223,814 12,556,932 

May, 1898 17,093,595 9,093,577 

June, 1S98 19,723,804 9,506,021 

July, 1S98 34,774,153 8,514,279 

For August, 1S97, the expenditures for the army and navy 
amounted to a sum total of but $8,295,543; for July, 1898, they had 
increased to $43,298,432 or five times as much. 

Up to the first of July the appropriations to meet the expenses 
incident to the war with Spain amounted to $361,788,095, as follows: 

For the national defense, act March 9, 1898 $50,117,000 00 

Army and Navy deficiencies, act May 4, 1898 34,625,725 71 

Naval appropriation act, May 4, 1898 — amount of in- 
crease over preceding naval appropriation act 23,095,549 49 

Fortification appropriation act, May 7, 1898 — amount 

of increase over act as passed by House 5,232,582 00 

Naval auxiliary act, May 26, 1898 3,000,000 00 

Additional clerical force, War Department, auditors' 

offices, etc., act May 31, 1898 227,976 45 

Life-Saving Service, act June 7, 1898 70,000 00 

Army and Navy deficiencies, act June 8, 1898 1S,015,000 00 

Appropriations in act to provide ways and means to 

meet war expenditures, June 13, 1898 600,000 00 

Army, Navy, and other war expenses for six months, 

beginning July 1, 1898, in general deficiency act 226,604,261 46 

Expenses of bringing home remains of soldiers 200,000 00 

% 

Total 361,788,095 11 



108 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

ELECTION RETURNS. 



Following are the abbreviations used under this heading: 

B. A T., Black and Tan. Nat., National. Sil., Silver. 

D., Dem., Democrat. Pop., Populist. Soc.-Lab., Socialistic-Labor. 

F. S., Free Silver. Pro., Prohibitionist. S. F., Sound Finance. 

Pas., Fusion. Reg., Regular. S. M., Sound Money. 

Iud., Independent. R., Rep., Republican. Tana., Tammany. 

L. W., Lily White. Scat., Scattering. 



ALABAMA. 

For President, 1896. 

Mc Khiley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Bryan and Watson (Pop.) 

Prohibitionist 

For Governor, 1896. 

Democrat ■ 

Populist indorsed by Republican.... 

Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Eepublican 4,281 

Populist 648 

2d Dis. Dem. (S. M.) 5,361 

Populist 3,856 

3d Dis. Dem. (S M.), Rep.. 5,754 

Populist 4,769 

4th Dis. Pep., Pop 7,345 

Dem. (S. F.) 658 

5th Dis. Pop., Pep. 8,742 

6th Dis. Dem. (S. M.) 4,985 ' 

Populist 3,295 

7th Dis. Republican 4,982 

Dem. (S. M.) 454 

8th Dis. Republican 11,630 

Dem. (S. M.) 333 

9th Dis. Dem. (S. M.), Rep. 2,316 

Populist 5,618 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

54,737 

107,137 76,489 

6,462 

24,089 

2,147 



194,572 

128,541 
89,290 



39,251 



Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

2 4 6 

22 73 95 

9 23 32 



Dem. (Sil.) 11,890 

Dem. (Sil.) 11,703 

Dem. (Sil.) 11,671 

Dem. (Sil.) 10,312 

Dem. (Sil.)... 13,587 

Democrat 10,148 

Dem. (Sil.) 5,628 

Populist 6,168 

Democrat . ^ 15,640 

Dem. (Sil.) 13,499 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



109 



ARKANSAS. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Levering- (Pro.) 

P.entley (Nat. Pro.) . . 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 
37,512 
110,103 72,591 

839 
893 



149,347 



For Governor, 
Republican . . . 

Democrat 

Populist 

Prohibitionist . 



1896. 



Legislature, 
Republicans 
Democrats . . 
Populists . . . 



1898. 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 6,178 

Cd Dis. Republican 6,483 

3d Dis. Republican 8,244 

4th Dis. Republican 6,714 

5th Dis. Republican 9,087 

6th Dis. Republican 5,040 



35,836 




91,124 


55,288 


13,990 




851 




Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


1 2 


3 


30 87 


117 


1 11 


12 



Democrat 20,414 

Democrat 19,109 

Democrat 19,321 

Democrat 16,133 

Democrat 17,566 

Democrat 17,106 



CALIFORNIA. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Prohibitionist 

Bryan and Watson (Pop.) 



For Governor, 1894. 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

146,588 1,822 

144,766 

2,006 

2,573 

21,730 



317,663 



Republican 
Democrat , 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 



110,738 




111,944 


1,206 


mate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


25 62 


87 


15 15 


30 


3 


3 



110 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



For Congress, ig96. 

1st Dis. Republican 17,826 

Pop. (Ind.) 1,497 

2d Dis. Republican 18,013 

Prohibitionist 974 

3d Dis. Republican 19,778 

Prohibitionist ... 327 

4th Dis. Republican 10,940 

Prohibitionist ... 299 

5th Dis. Republican 19,351 

Pop., Dem 8,825 

Socialistic-Labor.. 757 

Gth Dis. Republican 23,494 

Prohibitionist 1,196 

7th Dis. Republican 18,939 

Prohibitionist 803 



Dem., Pop 16,328 

Prohibitionist 249 

Dem., Pop 24,434 

Dem., Pop 16,119 

Socialistic-Labor . . 387 

Dem., Pop 19,074 

Socialistic-Labor .. 968. 

Democrat 10,494 

Prohibitionist. 404 

Dem., Pop 24,157 

Socialistic-Labor . . 542 

Dem., Pop 19,183 

Independent 2,139 



COLORADO. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Levering 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.) . . . 
Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 
Palmer (Nat. Dem.) . . 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

26,271 

161,153 134,882 

1,717 

386 

159 

1 



189,687 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican , 

Bemocrat 

Populist 

National Silverit.e . . . 



For Chief Justice, 1897. 

Republican 

Democrat, Populist 

Populist 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Silver Republicans 

Populists 

National Silverites 
Scattering 



23,929 




87,345, 


15,537 


3,359 




71,808 




Total Vote. Plur. 


or Maj. 


64,947 




68,888 


3,941 


3,359 




Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


6 10 


16 


5 20 


25 


8 2 


10 


11 23 


34 


5 7 


12 


3 


3 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Ill 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Eepublican 9,625 

Prohibitionist 1,066 

Soc.-Lab 173 

2d Dis. Republican 14,385 

Prohibitionist 1,089 



Fusion 67,821 

National Pro 181 

J. J. Losh 1,083 

Populist Fusion 84,018 



CONNECTICUT. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering- (Pro.) 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

National Democrat . 

Prohibitionist 

Socialistic-Labor . . . 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 



For Congress. 

1st Dis. Republican 27,623 

Dem. (Sil.) 10,859 

Prohibitionist .... 501 

2d Dis. Republican 35,944 

Dem. (Sil.) 22,317 

Prohibitionist 482 

3d Dis. Republican 15,269 

Dem. (Sil.) 7,665 

Socialistic-Labor.. 16 

4th Dis. Republican 30,658 

Dem. (Sil.) 15,723 

Socialistic-Labor.. 219 



Total Vote. Plur. 


or Maj. 


110,285 

56,740 

4,336 

1.8^6 

1,223 


53,545 


174,390 




Total Vote. Plur. 


or Maj. 


108,809 

56,523 

5,579 

1,846 

1,254 


52,286 


Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


24 219 
33 


243 
33 


Dem. (S. M.) 

Socialistic-Labor . 


. 2,114 
343 


Dem. (S. M.) 

Socialistic-Labor . 


. 1,213 
674 


Dem. (S. M.) 

Prohibitionist 


500 
408 


Dem. (S. M.) 

Prohibitionist .... 


. 1,404 
430 



112 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

DELAWARE. 

For President, 1896. ,Total Vote. Tlnr. or Maj. 

McKinley 20,452 3,837 

Bryan 16,615 

Palmer 966 

Levering* (Pro.) 602 

38,635 
For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 12,669 

Pep. (Anti-Addicts) 6,977 

Democrat 16,604 3,935 

Prohibitionist 698 

Single Tax 1,005 

Legislature, 1898. Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans 3 6 9 

Democrats 1 20 21 

For Congress, 1896. 

Higgins Republican 7,186 

Addicks Republican 12,828 

Democrat 16,512 

Democrat (S. M.) 933 

Prohibitionist 491 

FLORIDA. 

For President, 1896. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 11,257 

Bryan 29,981 18,724 

Palmer 1,772 

Bryan and Watson (Pop.) 1,977 

Levering (Pro.) 644 

45,631 
For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 8,290 

Democrat 27,172 18,882 

Populist 5,270 

Legislature, 1898. Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans — 3 3 

Democrats 31 63 9 1 

Populists 1 2 3, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



113 



For Congress, 1S96. 

1st Dis. Republican.... 2,797 

Populist 1,308 

2d Dis. Republican 6,576 

Populist 855 

Democrat 14,976 



GEORGIA. 



For President. 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering" 

Bryan and Watson . . 



For Governor, 1S96. 

Democrat 

Populist 



Legislature, 1S98. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 4,716 

Populist 2,672 

2d Dis. Republican 3,868 

Populist 3,035 

Democrat 7,459 

Republican 4,304 

Populist 252 

Republican 6,715 

Democrat 8,236 

Republican 5,087 

Populist 4,256 

8th Dis. Republican 2.701 

Populist 2,962 

9th Dis. Republican 5,421 

Populist . .. 3,926 

Democrat 10,119 

Democrat 9,141 



3d 


d:s. 


4th 


Dis. 


75th 


Dis. 


6th 


Dis. 


7th 


Dis. 



Democrat 14,823 

Prohibitionist 201 

Dem. (S. M.) 1,156 

Prohibitionist 195 



Total Vote. 


Plur. or Maj. 


60,091 




94,232 


34,581 


2,708 




5,716 




440 




163,187 




120,827 


34,995 


85,832 





10th Dis. 
11th Dis. 



Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

13 4 

37 142 179 

6 30 ' 36 



Democrat 8,786 

Democrat 7,454 

Populist 3,093 

Democrat 8,519 

Dem. (Sil.) 9,258 

Populist 4,696 

Democrat 10,719 

Democrat 9,038 

Democrat 11,037 

Populist 7.105 

Popul ist 6,019 



114 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

For President, 1896. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 6,314 

Bryan 23,135 16,821 

Levering . . * . „ 172 

29,621 

For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 6,441 

Pop., Dem., Sil. Rep 22,096 15,655 

Legislature, 1898. Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

Fusion (Dem. and Pop.) 12 29 41 

Fusion (Sil. Rep. and Sil. Dem.) 9 19 28 

Republicans (Gold) — 1 1 

For Congress, 1896. 

Republican 6,054 

Populist Democrat 13,487 

Silver Republican 8,984 

ILLINOIS. 

For President, 1896. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 607,130 142,607 

Bryan (Dem. Fus.) : 464,523 

Palmer 6,390 

Levering 9,818 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.) 793 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 1,147 

1,089,801 

For Governor, 1896.* 

Republican 587,587 113,317 

Democrat 474,270 

Democrat (Nat.) 8,100 

Prohibitionist 14,582 

National Prohibitionist 723 

Socialistic-Labor 983 

Legislature, 1898. Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans 38 86 124 

Democrats 13 64 77 

Populists — 2 2 

Independents — 1 1 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



115 



For Congress, 1896. 




1st Dis. 


Republican 


.. 51,582 




Dem. (S. M.) 


957 


2d Dis. 


Republican 


.. 35,045 




Dem. (S. M.).... 


561 


3d Dis. 


Republican 


.. 22,075 




Dem. (S. M.).... 


255 




Prohibitionist . . 


182 


4th Dis. 


Republican 


.. 22,364 




Dem. (Sil.) 


.. 20,454 




Prohibitionist . . 


236 


5th Dis. 


Republican 


.. 23,053 




Dem. (S. M.) . . . . 


233 




Prohibitionist . . 


257 


6th Dis. 


Republican 


.. 25,723 




Dem. (S. M.) 


537 


7th Dis. 


Republican 


. . 41,510 




Dem. (S. M.).... 


541 




Prohibitionist . . 


478 


8th Dis. 


Republican 


. . 32,073 




Prohibitionist . . 


818 


9th Dis. 


Republican 


. . 32,949 




Prohibitionist . . 


866 


10th Dis. 


Republican .... 


. . 31,459 




Populist 


. . 1,401 


11th Dis. 


Republican .... 


. . 24,765 




Prohibitionist . . 


557 


12th Dis. 


Republican .... 


. . 28,566 




Prohibitionist . . 


478 


1.1th Dis. 


Republican 


.. 27,334 




Prohibitionist . . 


833 


14th Dis. 


Republican 


. . 25,144 




Populist 


392 


15th Dis. 


Republican .... 


. . 24,605 




Prohibitionist . . 


618 


16th Dis. 


Republican .... 


. . 20,472 




Prohibitionist . . 


463 


17th Dis. 


Republican 


. . 23,813 




Dem. (S. M.).... 


217 


18th Dis. 


Republican 


. . 20,599 




Prohibitionist . . 


471 


19th Dis. 


Republican 


.. 22,793 




Populist 


810 


20th Dis. 


Republican 


. . 19,508 




Independent 


54 



Democrat 23,123 

Prohibitionist 595 

Dem., Pop 28,309 

594 

Dem. (Sil.) 21,485 

Independent 21 

Socialistic-Labor . . 109 

Dem. (S. M.) 419 

Independent 375 

Socialistic-Labor . . 129 

Independent Rep.. . 1,813 

Dem., Pop 19,975 

Dem., Pop 19,144 

Prohibitionist 269 

Dem., Pop 21,213 

Populist 40 

Democrat 12,861 

Democrat 15,241 

Democrat 15,741 

Prohibitionist 536 

Democrat 18,514 

Dem., Pop 18,613 

Scattering 1 

Dem., Pop 18,811 

Democrat 23,413 

Prohibitionist 471 

Democrat 24,296 

Dem., Pop 26,615 

Dem. (Sil.) 23,714 

Prohibitionist 484 

Dem., Pop 22,358 

Dem., Pop 23,960 

Prohibitionist 324 

Dem., Pop 22,359 



116 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

2 1 st Pis. Republican 23,179 Democrat 23,581 

22d Dis. Republican 22,066 Dem., Pop. 17,811 

INDIANA. 

For President, 1S96. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 323,748 17,542 

Bryan 306,206 

Palmer 2,146 

Levering- 2,973 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.) 2,268 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 343 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Populist 

Prohibitionist 

National Prohibition 

Socialistic-Labor 

Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 21,807 

Populist 1,313 

2d Dis. Republican 20,759 

Populist 2,625 

3d Dis. Republican 19,984 

Prohibitionist 111 

4th Dis. Republican 22,769 

Prohibitionist 108 

5th Dis. Republican 25,290 

6th Dis. Republican 24,083 

7th Dis. Republican 29,075 

Nat. Dem 757 

8th Dis. Republican 30,045 

9th Dis. Republican 23,616 

101 li Dis. Republican 28,259 

11th Dis. Republican 27,853 

Prohibitionist 649 

12th Dis. Republican 22,196 

13th Dis. Republican 25,514 



637,684 

321,242 25,167 

296,075 

8,516 

2,963 

2,476 
297 

Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

33 51 84 

14 39 53 

3 9 12 

Democrat 20,856 

Democrat 21,757 

Democrat 22,418 

Scattering 71 

Democrat 23,594 

Democrat 24,925 

Pop., Dem 21,867 

Dem., Pop 24,187 

Dem., Pop 27,413 

Dem., Pop 23,367 

Dem., Pop 23,120 

Democrat 23,584 

Dem., Pop 22,752 

Dem., Pop 23,928 



MPUBLIOJlN campaign text book. 



117 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering" 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.) . 
Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 

For Governor, 1897. 

Republican 

Fusion 

Prohibitionist 

Middle-Road Populist 
National Democrat . . 
Socialistic-Labor 



IOWA. 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats (Fus.) . 



2d Dis. 



3d 
4th 



Dis. 
Dis. 



For Congress. 

1st Dis. Republican 21,944 

Prohibitionist 255 

Republican 23,202 

Populist 639 

Republican 29,654 

Republican 26,659 

Prohibitionist 269 

Republican 26,133 

Prohibitionist 364 

Republican 21,970 

Prohibitionist 268 

Republican 25,578 

Republican 24,786 

Republican 24,904 

Socialistic-Labor... 137 

Republican 33,523 

Prohibitionist 348 

Republican 29,601 

Prohibitionist 400 



5th Dis. 

6th Dis. 

7th Dis. 
8th Dis. 
9th Dis. 

10th Dis. 

Llth Dis. 



Total Vote. 


Plur. 


or Maj. 


289,293 




65,552 


223,741 






4,516 






3,192 






352 






453 






224,728 




29,885 


194,843 






8,292 






5,285 






4,288 






881 






Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


39 


62 


101 


11 


38 


49 



Fusion 18,649 

Dem. (Sil.) 19382 

Soc. Lab 230 

Fusion 19,231 

Fusion 17,791 

Democrat 18,765 

Fusion 20,769 

Fusion 19,352 

Democrat 23,96C 

Democrat 22,522 

Fusion 22,55; 

Fusion 22,77- 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Leyering (Pro.) 



KANSAS. 



Total Vote. Flur. or Maj. 
159,541 

171,810 12,269 

1,209 
1,611 



118 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Bentley (Nat. Pro.) , 

Middle-of-the-Road Populist 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Populist-Fusion 

National Prohibitionist 
Prohibitionist 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

Silver Republicans 



620 




1,240 




336,031 




160,530 




168,041 


7,511 


757 




2,347 




Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


11 49 


60 


2 6 


8 


27 67 


94 


3 


3 



For Congress, 1896. 
At-Large. Republican 158,140 

Prohibitionist.... 1,947 
1st Dis. Republican 27,023 

Prohibitionist 19 

2d Dis. Republican 25,919 

3d Dis. Republican 22,499 

4th Dis. Republican 21,735 

5th Dis. Republican 19,101 

6th Dis. Republican 16,006 

Populist 18,637 

7th Dis. Republican 26,966 



Fusion 168,400 

Pop. (Fus.) 22,424 

Dem. (Fus.) 26,307 

Pop. (Fus.) 27,034 

Pop. (Fus.) 22,978 

Pop. (Fus.) 19,735 

Dem. (Sil.) 1,547 



KENTUCKY. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Levering 

Palmer 



For Clerk of Court of Appeals, 1897. 

Republican 

Dem. (Gold) 

Dem. (Sil.) 

Populist 

Prohibitionist 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists , 



Dem. (Pop.) 




. 29,889 


Total Vote. 


Plur. 


or Maj. 


218,171 




281 


217,890 






4,781 






5,114 






445,956 




169,218 






9,438 






187,482 




18,354 


6,574 






1,470 






Senate. He 


• use. 


Jt. Bal. 


16 


54 


70 


22 


44 


66 


. . 


2 


2 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



119 



For Con 
1st Dis. 

2<* Dis. 
3d Dis. 
4th Dis. 

5th Dis. 

6th Dis. 

7th Dis. 

8th Dis. 

9th Dis. 

10th Dis. 

11th Dis. 



gress, 1896. 

Republican 

Populist 

Republican 

Dem. (S. M.) 

Republican 

Dem. (S. M.j 

Republican 

Populist 

Republican 

Dem. (S. M.) 

Republican 

Dem.(S. M.), Rep, 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Republican 

Dem. (S. M.) 



12,S42 
11,991 
17,276 
433 
19,332 
315 
20,222 

1,919 
27,780 

1,638 
17,422 
17,019 
18,110 
22,014 
16,381 
22,404 
30 



LOUISIANA. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Falmer 



For Governor, 1896. 
Republican and Populist. 
Democrat 



Legislature, 18 ( j8. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Nat, Republican.. 4,022 

Dem. (Sil.) 10,776 

2d Dis. Nat. Republican . . 5,235 

Dem. (Sil.) 10,269 

3d Dis. Nat, Republican .. 6,490 

Dem. (Sil.) 9,323 

4th Dis. Republican 647 

Populist 4,726 

5th Dis. Dem. (Sil.) 10,494 

6th Dis. Nat. Republican.. 3,686 

V Populist 924 



Democrat 14,808 

Dem. (Sil.) 23,535 

Dem., Pop 19,670 

Independent 389 

Dem., Pop 21,655 

Prohibitionist 317 

Dem. (Sil.) 17,150 

Dem. (Sil.) 21,177 

Democrat 18,826 

Democrat 15,629 

Dem. (Sil.) 21,591 

Dem. (Sil.) 17,578 

Dem. (Sil.) 12,518 

Ind. Rep 4,587 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 
22,037 

77,175 65,138 

1,834 



101,046 

90,138 
116,216 



Senate. 
7 
28 

1 



House. 
24 
60 
14 



Reg. Republican, 

Populist 

Heg. Republican. 



26,078 

Jt. Bal. 
31 

88 
15 



401 

113 

1,344 



Reg. Republican . . . 155 

Populist 196 

Dem. (Sil.) 10,775 

Populist 4,870 

Dem. (Sil.) 11,872 



120 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



MAINE. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Bryan and Watson (Pop.) 
Levering (Pro.) 



For Governor. 
Republican 

Democrat 

Populist 

Prohibitionist . 
Dem. (S. M.) . . . 
Scattering 



Legislature, 1895 to 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 



For Congress. 

1st Dis. Republican 19,029 

Prohibitionist 004 

Scattering 8 

2d Dis. Republican .22,400 

Prohibitionist .... 457 
Scattering 33 

3d Dis. Republican 19,901 

Prohibitionist .... 552 

4th Dis. Republican 21,256 

Prohibitionist .... 932 



Total Vote. 


Plur. 


or Maj. 


80,465 




45,877 


32,201 






1,870 






2,387 






1,570 






118,493 




82,764 




48,377 


34,387 






3,332 






2,661 






604 






20 






Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


31 


146 


177 




5 


5 



Democrat 8,800 

Populist 169 



Democrat 
Populist . 



8,424 
1,094 



Democrat 8,024 

Populist 1,172 

Democrat 9,059 

Populist 895 



MARYLAND. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan '. 

Palmer 

Levering (Pro.) 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.).. 
Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 



For Comptroller, 1897. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Prohibitionist 

Socialistic-Labor 



Total Vote. 

136,978 

104,746 

2,507 

5,922 

136 

588 

250,877 

121,173 

114,064 

6,096 

508 



Plur. or Maj. 
32,232 



7,109 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



121 



Legislature, 1895 to 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Vacancies 



For Congress, 1896. 
1st Dis. Republican 17,969 

Prohibitionist .... 1,724 
2d Dis. Republican 28,530 

Prohibitionist 1,511 

3d Dis. Republican 22,671 

Prohibitionist .... 494 
4th Dis. Republican 24,899 

Prohibitionist 673 

5th Dis. Republican 18,954 

Prohibitionist 491 

6th Dis. Republican 22,400 

Prohibitionist 817 



Senate. 


House. 


Jt. Bal. 


12 


63 


75 


13 


19 


32 




9 


9 



Dem. (Sil.) 17,394 

Dem. (Sil.) 23,163 

Democrat 15,977 

Socialistic-Labor . . 524 

Democrat 16,424 

Democrat 15,442 

Democrat 18,437 



MASSACHUSETTS. 

For President, 1896. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 278,976 173,265 

Bryan 90,530 

Palmer 11,749 

Bryan and Watsou (Pop.) 15,181 

Levering- (Pro.) 2,998 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 2,114 

401,548 
For Governor, 1897. 

Republican 165,095 t 85,543 

Dem. (Sil.) 79,552 

National Democrat 13,879 

Prohibitionist . . 4,948 

Socialistic-Labor 6,301 

Scattering 20 

Legislature, 1898. Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans 33 179 212 

Democrats 7 53 60 

Independents . . 3 3 

Scattering . . • 4 4 



122 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



For Congress, 1896. 








1st Dis. 


Republican . . . 
Prohibitionist . 


... 18,075 
993 


Democrat 


. 8,579 


2d Dis. 


Republican . . . 


... 19,793 


Democrat 


. 7,778 


3d Dis. 


Republican . . . 
Scattering" 


... 18,993 
9 


Democrat 


. 7,185 


4th Dis. 


Republican . . . 


... 20,062 


Dem. (Sil.) 


. 8,847 


5th Dis. 


Republican . . . 
Republican . . . 


... 17,786 


Democrat 


. 11,308 


6th Dis. 


... 19,947 


Democrat 


. 7,460 




Scattering 


... * 8 






7th Dis. 


Republican . . . 
Republican . . . 


... 22,759 


Democrat 


. 10,609 


8th Dis. 


... 22,054 


Dem. (Sil.) 


. 7,590 




Scattering 


13 






9th Dis. 


Republican . . . 


... 7,819 


Democrat 


. 13,979 




Dem. (Sil.) 


. . . 3,238 


Ind. Republican . . . 


503 


10th Dis. 


Republican . . . 


... 17,747 


Democrat 


. 14,259 




Rep. Cit.-Nat. P 


ro. 2,612 


Scattering 


5 


11th Dis. 


Republican . . . 


.... 22,933 


Dem. (Sil.) 


. 10,114 


12th Dis. 


Republican . . . 


.... 21,107 


Pop., Dem 


. 6,354 


13th Dis. 


Republican . . . 


... 17,685 
MICHIGAN 


Democrat 


. 5,993 


For President, 1896. 




Total Vote. Plur. 


or Maj. 


McKinley 






293,327 


56,076 








237,251 




Palmer . 






6,930 




Levering 


(Pro.) 




4,968 




Bentley 


(Nat. Pro.) 




1,809 





544,285 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

National Democrat 

Prohibitionist 

National Prohibitionist 

Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 



304,431 


79,667 


224,764 




10,403 




5,499 




1,944 




jnate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


27 83 


110 


5 17 


22 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



123 



For Congress, 1896. 



1st Dis. 
2d Dis. 



3d Dis. 

4th Dis. 
5th Dis. 
Cth Dis. 
7th Dis. 
8th Dis. 
9th Dis. 

10th Dis. 
11th Dis. 

12th Dis. 



Republican 23,638 

Republican 26,557 

Populist 155 

Independent 230 

Republican 24,040 

Dem. (S. M.) 579 

Republican 26,518 

Republican 26,819 

Republican 26,889 

Republican 22,761 

Republican 20,158 

Republican 20,418 

Prohibitionist 389 

Republican 19,535 

Republican 23,469 

Prohibitionist 315 

Republican 29,612 



Dem. (Fus.) 1S,8S9 

Dem. (Fus.) 25,061 

Prohibitionist 517 

Dem. (Fus.) 24,466 

Prohibitionist 441 

Dem. (Fus.) 22,994 

Dem. (Fus.) 22,155 

Dem. (Fus.) 23,473 

Dem. (Fus.) 18,267 

Dem. (Fus.) 20,992 

Dem. (Fus.) 14,243 

Dem. (Fus.) 17,536 

Dem. (Fus.) 18,763 

Dem. (Fus.) 12,479 



MINNESOTA. 



For President, 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering (Pro.) 
Socialistic-Labor 



1896. 



For Governor, 1896. 



Republican 

Democrat 

Independent 

Prohibition 

Socialistic-Labor 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 



Total Vote. 


Plur. 


or Maj. 


193,503 




53,768 


139,735 






32,316 






4,363 






948 




• 


370,865 




165,906 




3,652 


162,254 






2,890 






5,154 






1,125 






Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


46 


91 


137 


3 


23 


26 


6 


. . 


6 



124 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



For Congress, 1896. 
1st Dis. Republican 27,920 

Prohibitionist 846 

2d Dis. Republican 29,481 

Prohibitionist 1,035 

3d. Dis. Republican 24,483 

Prohibitionist 801 

4th Dis. Republican 24,854 

Prohibitionist 451 

5th Dis. Kepublican 24,508 

Prohibitionist 742 

0th Dis. Republican 30,317 

7th Dis. Republican 26,003 

Prohibitionist 1,173 



fusion 17,219 

Fusion 21,132 

Fusion 18,532 

Populist 14,640 

Fusion 21,521 

Socialistic-Labor . . . 509 

Dem., Pop 29,598 

Fusion 23,932 



MISSISSIPPI. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley (Hill faction) . . . 
McKinley (Lynch faction) 

Bewail 

Watson 

Palmer 

Levering- 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 
2,328 



2,785 

56,342 

7,517 

1,071 

485 



58,729 



70,528 
Legislature, 1898. 
Wholly Democratic except 2 Populists in lower house. 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican (Hill).. 335 

Populist 742 

2d Dis. Rep. (Lynch) 692 

Democrat 6,941 

3d Dis. Republican (Hill).. 369 

Democrat 3,069 

4th Dis. Rep. (Lynch) 161 

Democrat 8,143 

5th Dis. Rep. (Lynch) 212 

Democrat 10,475 

6th Dis. Rep. (Lynch) ..... 1,055 

. Populist 2,683 

7th Dis. Rep. (Lynch) 231 

Dem. (Sil.) 7,327 



Democrat 



7.321 



Ind. Repubiican 779 

Populist 1,472 

Kep. (Lynch) 80 

Populist 532 

Rep. (Hill) 347 

Populist 3,086 

Rep. (Hill) 142 

Populist 2,218 

Dem. (Sil.) 6,739 

Rep. (Hill) 192 

Populist 897 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



125 



MISSOURI. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Levering (Pro.) 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.). 

Ifatchett 

Palmer 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Populist 

National Democrat . . 

Prohibitionist 

Socialistic-Labor 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

Democrats and Populists 

For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 19,324 

Populist 1,578 

2d Dis. Republican 19,367 

Populist 1,212 

3d Dis. Republican ...18,634 

Populist 2,164 

4th Dis. Republican 17,683 

Prohibitionist 143 

5th Dis. Republican 21,306 

6th Dis. Republican 16,722 

Populist 2,606 

7th Dis. Republican 21,772 

Populist 2,287 

8th Dis. Republican 19,754 

Populist 1,467 

9th Dis. Republican 17,475 

Populist 252 

10th Dis. Republican 25,513 

Socialistic-Labor. . . 296 



Total Vote. 


Plur. 


or Maj. * 


304,940 






363,667 




58,727 


2,169 






293 




. 


595 






2,355 




• 


674,019 




307,729 






351,062 




43,333 . 


23,824 






1,809 






2,588 






757 






Senate. H< 


>nse. 


Jt. Bal. 


15 


46 


61 


19 


80 


99 




5 


5 


. . 


9 


9 



Democrat 24,044 

Prohibitionist 165 

Dem. (Sil.) 25,862 

Democrat 23,952 

Democrat 21,512 



,25,966 
,22,524 
, 229 

,27,846 
197 



Dem. (Sil.) .... 
Dem. (Sil.) .... 
Prohibitionist . 

Dem. (Sil.) 

Prohibitionist . 
Democrat 24,605 

Democrat 19,970 

Scattering 1 

Democrat 9,060 



126 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

11th Dis. Republican 28,353 Democrat 24,676 

Socialistic-Labor... 139 
12th Dis. Republican 21,483 Democrat 17,568 

Socialistic-Labor. . . 71 
13th Dis. Republican 19,062 Democrat 22,310 

Populist 1.593 Scattering 1 8 

14th Dis. Republican 20,659 Democrat 25,089 

Populist 4,860 

15th Dis. Republican 17,900 Democrat 25,502 

Populist 2,010 Prohibitionist 328 

MONTANA. 
For President, 1S96. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Levering (Pro.) 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Fusion 



10,494 






42,537 




32,043 


186 






53,217 




14,993 






36,688 




21,695 


Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


9 


7 


19 


11 


40 


51 


3 


21 


24 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

For Congress, 1896. 

Rep. (S. M.) 9,492 

Rep. (Sil.) 33,932 

NEBRASKA. 
For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.) 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Populist, Democrat 

National Democrat 

Prohibitionist 

National Prohibitionist 
Socialistic-Labor 



Total Vote. 


Plur. or Maj. 


102,564 




115,624 


12,935 


2,797 




1,196 




797 




186 




223,164 




94,723 




116,415 


21,692 


3,557 




1,560 




930 




678 





REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



117 



For Supreme Court Justice, 1897. 

Republican 

S. R., S. D., Pop.... 

Prohibitionist 

Liberty 

National Democrat 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

Fusionists 



For Congress, 1896. 
1st Dis. Republican 17,356 

Nat. Pro 218 

2d Dis. Republican 14,861 

Nat. Pro 59 

3d Dis. Republican 18,633 

Nat. Pro 254 

4th Dis. Republican 18,844 

Dem. (S. M.) 697 

Independent 114 

5th Dis. Republican 15,621 

Dem. (S. M.) 433 

Prohibitionist 226 

6th Dis. Republican 14,841 

Prohibitionist 436 



89.009 




102,828 


13,819 


1,625 




82 




713 




Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


8 31 


39 


1 6 


7 


7 23 


30 


17 40 


57 



NEVADA. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Bryan and Watson (Pop.) 



Dem., Pop 17,137 

Prohibitionist 429 

Dem., Pop 13,286 

Prohibitionist 202 

Dem., Pop 23,487 

Prohibitionist 521 

Dem., Pop 20,575 

Prohibitionist 425 

Dem., Pop. 18,332 

Nat. Pro 153 

Dem., Pop 19,378 

Nat. Pro 119 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 
1,939 

7,802 6,439 

575 



10,316 

Legislature, 1898. Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans 4 2 6 

Democrats 1 1 2 

Silverites 9 26 35 

Independents 1 1 2 

For Congress, 1896. 

Republicans 1,319 

Populist 1 ,948 

Dem. (Sil.) 6,529 



128 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



NEW HAMPSIIRE. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Bryan and Watson . . . 

Levering (Pro.) 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.).. 
Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) . 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Populist 

Prohibitionist 

National Democrat r 
Socialistic-Labor .... 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 



Total Vote 


Plur. 


or Maj. 


57,444 




36,173 


31,271 






3,420 






379 






776 






49 






S38 






83,567 




48,387 




20,054 


28,333 






1,052 






286 






229 






483 






Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


22 


291 


313 


2 


66 


68 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican' 25,661 

Prohibitionist .... 614 

Populist Ill 

2d Dis. Republican 26,699 

Nat. Dem 193 

Prohibitionist 544 



Democrat 13,928 

Nat. Dem 121 

Soc. Lab 326 

Democrat 13,877 

Populist 178 



NEW JERSEY. 
For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering- (Pro.) 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 



Legislature, 1897-98. 
Republicans 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

221,367 87,692 

133,675 

6,373 

5,614 

3,985 



371,014 



Democrats 



Senate. 
18 
3 



House. Jt. Bal. 

56 74 

4 7 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



129 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 

Prohibitionist ... 
2d Dis. Republican 

Prohibitionist .... 

National Democrat 
3d Dis. Republican 

Dem. (Sil.) 

Prohibitionist 
4th Dis. Rep., Dem. (S. M.) 

Prohibitionist 
5th Dis. Republican 

Dem. (S. M.) 

Nat. Pro 

6th Dis. Republican 

Prohibitionist 

Dem. (S. M.) 

7th Dis. Republican 

Dem. (Sil.) 

Prohibitionist 

8th Dis. Republican 

Dem. (S. M.) 

Prohibitionist 



33,659 
1,516 
31,418 
1,036 
1,076 
24,308 
16,087 
511 
20,494 
1,054 
23,845 
920 
370 
31,059 
328 
791 
30,557 
26,080 
175 
25,131 
1,085 
443 



Dem., Pop 17,118 

Socialistic-Labor . . 150 

Dem. (Sil.) 13,969 

Socialistic-Labor . . 115 



Dem. (S. M.)... 
Socialistic-Labor 



986 

148 



Dem., Pop 17,517 

Democrat 13,667 

Socialistic-Labor .. 1,041 

Democrat 15,393 

Socialistic-Labor .. 781 

Dem. (S. M.) 875 

Socialistic-Labor .. 1,073 

Nat. Sil 235 

Dem. (Sil.) 13,487 

Socialistic-Labor .. 572 



NEW YORK. 



For President. 

McE-iniey 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering 

xUatchett 



1896. 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat and Populist 

National Democrat 

Socialistic-Labor 

Prohibitionist 

Chief Judge, Court of Appeals, 1897. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Prohibitionist 

Socialistic-Labor 

9 



Total Vote. 

819,838 

551,369 

18,950 

16,052 

17,667 

1,423,876 

787,516 

574,524 

26,698 

18,362 

17,449 

493,791 

554,680 

19,653 

20,854 



Plur. or Maj. 
268,469 



212,992 



60,889 



130 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Legislature. 
Republicans . 
Democrats . . 
Scattering ... 



1898. 



Sena.te. 


House. 


Jt. Bal. 


36 


78 


114 


14 


69 


S3 


.. 


3 


3 



For Con 
1st Dis. 



2d Dis. 
3d Dis. 
4th Dis. 
5th Dis. 
6th Dis. 

7th Dis. 

8th Dis. 

9th Dis. 
10th Dis. 
11th Dis. 
12th Dis. 
13th Dis. 



^ress, 1896. 

Republican 27,191 

Dem. (S. M.) 1,700 

Scattering- '" 691 

Republican 18,268 

Dem. (S. M.) 1,561 

Socialistic-Labor.. 152 

Republican 23,813 

Dem. (S. M.) 1,811 

Socialistic-Labor.. 231 

Republican 25,810 

Dem. (S. M.) 1,036 

Socialistic-Labor. . 007 

Republican 22,605 

Dem. (S. M.) 805 

Socialistic-Labor.. 1,677 

Republican 15,314 

Dem. (S. M.) 354 

Socialistic-Labor. . 941 

Independent 113 

R. & Dem. (S. M.) 9,848 

Prohibitionist 171 

Scattering- 203 

R. & Dem. (S. M.) 10,488 
Socialistic-Labor. . 140 

Scattering 358 

R. & Dem. (S. M.) 8,379 
Socialistic-Labor. . 4,371 

Scattering 555 

Republican 14,245 

Tammany 17,446 

Prohibitionist 139 

Republican 10,345 

Tammany 12,195 

Prohibitionist 42 

Republican 11,038 

Populist 831 

Prohibitionist 93 

Republican 15,413 

Tammany 14,067 



Democrat 15,923 

Socialistic-Labor . . 929 

Dem. (Sil.) 15,901 

Prohibitionist 103 

Scattering 2 

Dem. (Sil.) 16,260 

Prohibitionist 153 

Scattering l 

Dem. (Sil.) 18,381 

Prohibitionist 129 

Scattering l 

Democrat 14,186 

Prohibitionist 78 

Scattering l 

Dem. (Sil.) 14,287 

Prohibitionist 60 

Populist 144 

Tammany 11,032 

Socialistic-Labor .. 188 

Tammany 9,219 

Prohibitionist 84 

Tammany 11,002 

Prohibitionist 26 

Dem. (S. M.) 512 

Socialistic-Labor . . 411 

Scattering 481 

Dem. (S. M.) 306 

Socialistic-Labor . . 2,011 

Scattering 400 

Tarn. & D. (S. M.) 12,815 

Socialistic-Labor . . 385 

Scattering 385 

Dem. (S. M.) 1,029 

Populist 505 



KEPTTBLlUAiH UAJI ' ' 

Socialistic-Labor. . 594 
Prohibitionist 91 

14th Dis. Republican 27,875 

Tammany 18,553 

Prohibitionist .... 137 

15th Dis. E. & Dem. (S. M.) 29,602 

Populist 224 

Prohibitionist 122 

16th Dis. Republican 30,709 

Dem. (S. M.) 1,697 

Prohibitionist 461 

Scattering 4£ft 

17th Dis. Republican 22,622 

Dem. (Sil.) 15,500 

Scattering 229 

18th Dis. Republican 25,531 

Dem. (Sil.) 15,956 

19th Dis. Republican 23,509 

Dem. (Sil.) 17,735 

Prohibitionist 472 

20th Dis. Republican 22,342 

Dem. (Sil.)' 17,637 

Socialistic-Labor.. 201 

21st Dis. Republican 28,567 

' Dem. (Sil.) 22,267 

22d Dis. Republican 32,138 

Prohibitionist .... 1,640 

23d Dis. Republican 30,475 

Prohibitionist 452 

24th Dis. Republican 27,242 

Pro. and Scat.... 887 

25th Dis. Republican 26,996 

Prohibitionist 862 

26th Dis. Republican 34,686 

Populist 20,383 

Scattering 67 

27th Dis. Republican 22,657 

Socialistic-Labor.. 827 
Scattering 1,006 

28th Dis. Republican 33,628 

Dem. (Sil.) 19,822 

29th Dis. Republican 27,192 

Dem. (Sil.) 17,994 

30th Dis. Republican 28,478 

Dem. (Sil.) 19,066 

Prohibitionist .... 1,269 



Ind. Rep 419 

Scattering 499 

Dem. (S. M.) 2,414 

Socialistic-Labor . . 1,235 

Scattering 548 

Tammany 22,502 

Socialistic-Labor . . 1,804 

Scattering 778 

Rep. Ind 770 

Tammany 23,456 

Socialistic-Labor . . 1,299 

Dem. (S. M.) 445 

Socialistic-Labor . . 86 

Dem. (S. M.) 462 

Scattering 91 

Dem. (S. M.) 389 

Socialistic-Labor . . 135 

Scattering 5 

Dem. (S. M.) 401 

Prohibitionist 231 

Scattering 121 

Dem. (S. M.) 464 

Scattering 511 

Democrat 676 

Scattering 3,495 

Democrat 494 

Scattering 5,460 

Democrat 16,248 

Populist 16,512 

Scattering 41 

Dem. (B. M.) 513 

Prohibitionist 1,512 

Dem. (S. M.) 27,427 

Prohibitionist 637 

Dem. (S. M.) 468 

Scattering 79 

Dem. (S. M.) 369 

Scattering 865 

Dem. (S. M.) 469 

Populist 397 

Scattering 5 



lU'l'i iu.ICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



31st Dis. Republican 25,399 

Deni. (Sil.) 17,100 

Prohibitionist 5G2 

Pop. and Scat 627 

32d Dis. Republican 18,623 

Dem. (Sil.) 14,765 

Socialistic-Labor.. 252 

33d Dis. Republican 27,573 

Dem. (Sil.) 14,636 

Socialistic-Labor. . 204 

34th Dis. Republican 30,696 

Rep., Pop 3,298 

Scattering- 9,218 



Dem. (S. M.)... 
Rep. (Ind.) .... 
Socialistic-Lab. :r 



386 

89 

488 



Dem. (S. M.) 313 

Prohibitionist 84 

Scattering 1,164 

Dem. (S. M.) 931 

Prohibitionist 425 

Scattering- 999 

Dem. (S. M.) 422 

Prohibitionist 1,279 



NORTH CAROLINA. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley , 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering (Pro.) 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Populist 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

Independent 



2d Dis. 



3d 

4th 



Dis. 
Dis. 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 20,875 

Republican 19,338 

Populist 2,738 

Pop., Rep 17,989 

Dem. (S.~ M.) 26 

Ind. Rep 257 

Republican 18,639 

Prohibitionist 507 

Pop., Rep 22,051 

Pop., Rep 17,166 

Rep., Pop 19,419 

Prohibitionist 64 

Republican 20,495 

Populist 28 



5th Dis. 

6th Dis. 

7th Dis. 

8th Dis. 

9th Dis. 



Total Vote. 


Plur. 


or Maj. 


155,222 






174,488 




19,266 


578 






635 






330,923 




154,052 




8,636 


145,416 






30,932 






Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


18 


53 


71 


8 


33 


41 


24 


32 


56 




1 


1 



Democrat 14,831 

Democrat 15,368 

Democrat 12,534 

Populist 20,497 

Democrat 16,405 

Dem., Pop. , 19,082 

Democrat 7,235 

Democrat 14,291 

Democrat 18,006 

Democrat 19,189 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 133 

NORTH DAKOTA. 

For President, 1896. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 26,335 5,749 

Bryan 20,586 

Levering (Pro.) 358 



47,279 

For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 25,918 5,22S 

Democrat 20,690 

Legislature, 1898. Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans 23 44 67 

Democrats 2 1 3 

Populists 6 16 22 

Independent .. 1 1 

For Congress, 1896. 

Republican 25,233 

Dem., Pop 21,172 

Prohibitionist 349 

OHIO. 

For President, 1896. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 525,991 48,494 

Bryan 474,882 

Palmer 1,858 

Bryan and Watson (Pop.) 2,615 

Levering (Pro.) 5,068 

Bentley (Nat. Pio.) 2,716 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 1,167 

1,014,297 
For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 429,915 28,165 

Democrat 401,750 

Populist 6,254 

Free Silver Prohibitionist 3,106 

Socialistic-Labor 4,242 

National Democrat 1,661 

Negro Prohibitionist 476 

Prohibitionist 7,558 



w 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 



Senate. 


House. 


Jt. Bal. 


17 


58 


75 


19 


51 


70 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 27,093 

2d Dis. Republican 30,075 

3d Dis. Republican 27,334 

Peoples 305 

4th Dis. Republic.™ 16,671 

Peoples 484 

5th Dis. Republican 18,478 

Peoples 642 

6th Dis. Republican 25,360 

Prohibitionist 336 

7th Dis. Republican 23,745 

Nat. Dem 334 

8th Dis. Republican 26,211 

9th Dis. Republican 29,603 

10th Dis. Republican 24,809 

Scattering 1 2 

11th Dis. Republican 24,333 

Prohibitionist 196 

12th Dis. Republican 23,624 

Populist 118 

13th Dis. Republican 23,506 

Populist 458 

14th Dis. Republican 26,850 

Nat, Pro ' 232 

15th Dis. Republican 22,560 

Populist 205 

16th Dis. Republican 21,690 

17th Dis. Republican 21,169 

Prohibitionist 357 

Scattering 34 

18th Dis. Republican 29,814 

Prohibitionist 477 

19th Dis. Republican 31,789 

Populist 308 

20th Dis. Republican 2 4,531 

Prohibitionist 253 

Socialistic-Labor. . 237 

21st Dis. Republican 25,527 

Populist 226 

Prohibitionist .... 177 



Dem., Pop 17,466 

Dem., Pop 20,878 

Dem., Pop 27,435 

Nat. Pro 137 

Dem., Pop 25,688 

Nat. Pro 306 

Dem., Pop 24,383 

Dem., Pop 21,358 

Dem., Pop 21,171 

Dem., Pop 22,519 

Dem., Pop 25,698 

Dem., Pop 18,029 

Dem., Pop 19,850 

Democrat 23,673 

Prohibitionist 187 

Democrat 28,878 

Prohibitionist 249 

Democrat 24,574 

Dem., Pop 19,837 

Prohibitionist 354 

Dem., Pop 18,635 

Dem., Pop 26,109 

Nat. Pro 104 

Dem., Pop 24,770 

Democrat 20,626 

Scattering 5 

Democrat 21,384 

Nat. Dem 76 

Democrat 20,025 

Socialistic-Labor . . 203 
Nat. Dem 49 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



OREGON. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering- 



Total Vote. 

48,779 

46,739 

977 

919 



Flur. or 



Maj. 

2,0 :o 



97,414 



For Supreme Court Judge, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Populist 

Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 19,355 

Democrat 7,914 

2d Dis. Republican 12,617 

Dem. (S. M.) 8,807 

Prohibitionist .... 775 



40,451 


14,316 


18,623 




26,135 




Senate. House. 


Jt. Pal. 


24 39 


63 


3 4 


7 


3 14 


17 



Populist 19,292 

Prohibitionist 1,356 

Populist 12,239 

Democrat 7,099 



For election of June 6, 1898, see further on. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Total Vote. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering- (Pro.) 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.) 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 

Bryan and Watson (Pop.) 

Bryan and Sewall (Free Silver) 
McKinley Citizens 



Plur. 



For Treasurer, 1897. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Prohibitionist 

Ind. Republican 

Socialistic-Labor 

Liberty , 



726,998 

422,054 

11,000 

19,274 

870 

1,683 

6,103 

5,073 

1,302 

1,194,357 

372,448 

242,731 

118,969 

15,135 

5,152 

623 



or Maj. 
295,070 



129,717 



136 



REPI BLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 



Senate. 


House. 


Jt. Bal. 


44 


108 


212 


6 


32 


38 



For Congress, 1896. 
At Large: 

Republican 711,246 

Republican 708,633 

Dem. (Sil.) 413,800 

Dem., Pop 418,218 

Nat. Pro 671 

Prohibitionist 18,091 

Socialistic Labor 1,432 

1st Dis. Republican 32,466 

Prohibitionist 150 

2d Dis. Eepublican 22,205 

Prohibitionist 148 

3d Dis. Republican 9,556 

Dem. (Sil.) ... 2,064 

Socialistic-Labor.. 136 

4th Dis. Republican 59,147 

Prohibitionist 538 

5th Dis. Republican 47,953 

Prohibitionist 387 

6th Dis. Republican 13,369 

Dem. (Sil.) 9,288 

7th Dis. Republican 26,725 

Prohibitionist 531 

8th Dis. Republican 17,072 

9th Dis. Republican 23,022 

Prohibitionist 408 

Nat. Dem 528 

10th Dis. Republican 24,122 

Prohibitionist 525 

11th Dis. Republican 18,598 

Populist 54 

12th Dis. Republican 20,920 

Prohibitionist 779 

13th Dis. Republican 16,613 

Prohibitionist 239 

14th Dis. Republican 25,014 

Prohibitionist 1,101 

Scattering 22 

15th Dis. Republican 20,210 



Dem. (S. M.) 7,237 

Dem. (S. M.) 7,255 

Populist 7,842 

Nat. Pro 663 

Prohibitionist 18,336 

Socialistic-Labor . . 1,455 

Democrat 13,962 

Democrat 6,096 

Dem. (S. M.) 11,965 

Prohibitionist 46 

Democrat 16,536 

Democrat 14,484 

Socialistic-Labor . . 202 

Rep. (Ind.) 15,016 

Prohibitionist 42? 

Dem. (Sil.) 16,740 

Dem., Pop 16,743 

Democrat 26,123 

Populist 1,032 

Democrat 8,252 

Dem. (Sil.) 10,741 

Prohibitionist 796 

Dem. (Sil.) 17,976 

Populist 234 

Dem. (Sil.) 14,512 

Dem. (Sil.) 462 

Populist 1,948 

Democrat 11,444 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



137 



Prohibitionist 1,150 

Republican 21,543 

Prohibitionist .... 1,654 

Republican 15,195 

Prohibitionist 1,052 

Republican 22,455 

Republican 21,382 

Dem. (S. M.) 498 

Ind. Rep 3 

Republican 19,974 

Independent 7,468. 

Prohibitionist 781 

Republican 32,149 

Prohibitionist 1,063 

Republican 28,860 

Dem. (Sil.) 12,788 

Republican 21,379 

Nat Dem 139 

Republican 36,554 

Prohibitionist 903 

Republican 26,529 

Prohibitionist 1,034 

Republican 18,840 

Prohibitionist 361 

Republican 15,777 

Prohibitionist 1,131 

Republican 19,295 

Prohibitionist 1,035 



Dem., Pop 15,152 

Democrat 14,073 

Dem. (Sil.) 14,222 

Dem. (Sil.) 22,160 

Prohibitionist 529 

Dem. (Sil.) 17,297 

Populist 104 

Dem. (Sil.) 19,464 

Populist . 1,968 

Dem. (S. M.) 166 

Dem. (Sil.) 6,191 

Dem., Pop 26,538 

Dem., Pop 17,050 

Dem., Pop 18,114 

Dem., Pop 10,058 

Dem. (Sil.) 18,090 



RHODE ISLAND. 

For President, 1896. Total Vote. 

McKinley 36,437 

Bryan 14,459 

Palmer 1,166 

Levering (Pro.) 1,160 

Bentley (Xat. Pro.) 5 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 558 

53,785 
For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 17,061 

Democrat 2,950 

Populist 730 

Socialistic-Labor 1,272 

National Democrat 28,472 



Plur. or Maj. 
21,978 



11,411 



138 



For Governor 

Republican 

Democrat 

Prohibitionist 

Socialistic-Labor . 
National Liberty . 

Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Independent 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 
1897. 



24,309 




13,675 




2,096 




1,386 




357 




Senate. House. 


35 


56 


3 


15 


1 


— 



10,63< 



Jt. Bal 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 17,378 

Prohibitionist 684 

2d Dis. Republican 16,612 

Prohibitionist 1,207 



Democrat 8,542 

Socialistic-Labor ... 66' 

Democrat 8,088 

Socialistic-Labor... 254 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 



For President, 1896. 
McKinley (B. & T.).. 
McKinley (L. W.) . . . , 

Bryan 

Palmer 



For Governor, 1896. 
Republican (B. & T.) 
Republican (L. W.) . . 
Democrat , 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 



Dis. 
Dis. 



For Congress, 1896. . 

1st Dis. Rep. (L. W.) 2,478 

Democrat 4,652 

Republican 635 

Rep. (Ind.) 192 

Democrat 9,746 

Rep. (B. & T.) . . . . 507 

Democrat 11,230 

Rep. (Fus.) 838 

Rep. (B. & T.) . . . . 878 

Democrat 9,725 

Rep. (B. & T.) . . . . 1,342 

Independent 22 



4th Dis. 

5th Dis. 
6th Dis. 

7th Dis. 



Dotal Vote. 


Plur. 


or Maj 


4,215 






5,098 






58,801 




49,48f 


824 






68,938 


2,780 






4,432 






59,424 




52,211 



Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

1 

36 123 159 



Rep, (B. & T.) 



173 



Dem 7,999 

Rep. (B. & T.) 659 



Rep. (L. W.) 



443 



Democrat 8,511 

Rep. (L. W.) 482 

Democrat 8,065 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 139 

SOUTH DAKOTA. 
For President, 1896. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 41,042 

Bryan 41,225 183 

Levering- (Pro.) 604 

82,871 
For Governor, 1S96. 

Republican 40,868 

Populist 41,187 321 

Probitionist 722 

Legislature, 1897. Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans 17 37 54 

Fusionists 26 46 72 

For Congress, 1896. 

At Large: 

Republican 40,575 

Republican 40,943 

Populist, Fusion 31,233 

Populist, Fusion 41,125 

Prohibitionist 722 

Prohibitionist 683 

TENNESSEE. 

For President, 1896. Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

McKinley 148,773 

Bryan 163,6^1 19,403 

Palmer 1,951 

Bryan and Watson (Pop) 4,525 

Levering (Pro.) 3,098 

321,998 
For Governor. 

Republican 149,374 

Fusion, Democral 156,228 6,854 

Populist 11,976 

Prohibitionist 2,831 

Legislature, 3 898. Senate. House. Joint Bal. 

Republicans 8 32 40 

Democrats 25 63 88 

Populists .. 4 4 



140 



RJ 'MliLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Republican 25-,075 

Democrat .... 13,916 

Republican ...... 28,112 

Prohibitionist 234 

Republican 17,716 

Populist 133 

Scattering „ 2 

Republican 12.2(59 

Republican 9,000 

Populist 2,384 

Rep., Dem. (S. M.) 12,102 

Populist 661 

Republican 10,744 

Populist 1,794 

Republican , 13,619 

Populist 1,130 

Populist 10,714 

Dem. (S. M.) 10,556 

Populist 926 



2d Dis. 



3d Dis. 



4th Dis. 
5th Dis. 

6th Dis. 

7th Dis. 

8th Dis. 

9th Dis. 
10th Dis. 



Rep. (Ind.) 930 

Prohibitionist 232 

Democrat 9,448 

Democrat 19,498 

Prohibitionist 227 

Democrat 18,070 

Democrat 16,080 

Democrat . 17,537 

Democrat . 15,434 

Democrat 16,568 

* 

Dem. (Sil.) 19,138 

Dem. (SiJ.) 11,024 



TEXAS. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Levering (Pro.) 

Palmer 



For Governor. 
Republican .... 
Democrat 



Legislature, 1898. 



Republicans 
Democrats . 
Populists .. 



For Congress, 1896. 

1st Dis. Dem. (Sil.) 

Republican 

2d Dis. Republican 



19,161 

153 

5,188 



:;d Dis. 



Populist 12,828 

Populist 16,351 



Total Vote. 


Plur. or Maj. 


167,520 




370,434 


202,914 


1,722 




4,853 




544,529 




238,692 




298,528 


59,836 



Senate. House. Jt. Pal. 

12 3 

28 120 148 

2 6 8 



Populist 15,189 

Scattering 6 

Dem. (Sil.) 25,198 

Democrat 21,208 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



141 



4th Dis. Populist 13,703 

Dem. (S. M.) 3,468 

5th Dis. Republican 9,050 

Populist 4,747 

6th Dis. Democrat 33,144 

Scattering- 1 

7th Dis. Republican 11,632 

Populist 9,634 

8th Dis. Democrat 20,935 

Dem. (S. M.) 747 

9th Dis. Eepublican 11,494 

Populist 6,737 

10th Dis. Republican 17,936 

Populist 5,476 

11th Dis. Republican 15,439 

Populist 4,254 

12th Dis. Republican 13,5S8 

Populist 3,210 

13th Dis. Democrat 22,933 

Scattering 1 354 



Dem. (Sil.) 20.1S7 

Dem. (S. M.) 2S,416 

Gordon 4,192 

Populist 25,230 

Dem. (Sil.) 26,151 

Populist 17,510 

Democrat 20,381 

Democrat 15,757 

Democrat 19,159 

Scattering- 210 

Democratic 14,744 

Populist 14,219 



UTAH. 



For President. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

For Governor, 1S96. 

Republican 

Democrat 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

For Congress, 

Rep. (Sil.) 

Democrat 

Populist 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 
13,461 
64,607 51,106 



20,833 
18,51.9 



2,314 



Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 
..3 3 

18 42 60 



27,813 

47,356 

2,279 



VERMONT. 



For President. 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering 

Bryan and Watson.. 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 
50,991 40,384 

10,146 
1,329 

728 
461 



63,655 



142 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



For Governor. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Populist 

Prohibitionist . 
Scattering- 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans % 

Democrats 

Independent 

For Congress, 1896. 
1st Dis. Republican 26,145 

Populist 363 

2d Dis. Republican 26,319 

Populist 209 



53,426 


38,871 


14,855 




831 




755 




55 




Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


30 227 


257 


17 


17 


1 


1 



Democrat 7,693 

Scattering 17 

Democrat 6,202 

Scattering 7 



VIRGINIA. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering (Pro.) . 

Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) 



For Governor, 1897. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Prohibitionist 

Independent 

Socialistic-Labor — 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Populists 

Independents 



For Congress, 1896. 
1st Dis. Republican 10,752 

Prohibitionist 216 

2d Dis. Republican 13,390 

Dem. (S. M.) 1,895 



19,597 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 

135,388 

154,985 

2,127 

2,344 

1,150 

295,994 

56,840 

109,655 

2,743 

414 

528 

Senate. 
2 



52,815 



35 
1 
2 



House. 
4 
96 



Jt. Bal. 

6 

131 

1 

2 



Democrat 15,525 

Socialistic-Labor ... 82 

Democrat 15,789 

Independent 240 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



143 



3d Dis. 



4th Dis. 

5th Dis. 
6th Dis. 

7th Dis. 

8th Dis. 



9th Dis. 
10th Dis. 



Republican 12,716 

E. L. Lewis 230 

Prohibitionist 85 

Republican 10,273 

Ind. Rep 491 

Republican 13,7S2 

Republican 748 

Dem. (S. M.) 11,702 

Republican 13,250 

Bolting- Dem 358 

Republican 13,114 

Prohibitionist 140 

Coleman 47 

Republican 16,077 

Republican 16,194 

Scattered 102 



Democrat 16,634 

W. L. Lewis 180 

Scattering- 14 

Democrat 12,894 

Democrat 14,333 

Democrat 17,187 

Democrat 17,447 

Prohibitionist 195 

Democrat ' . 17,030 

Condon 40 

Scattering- 2 

Democrat 14,909 

Democrat 16,047 



WASHINGTON. 



For President, 1896. 



Total Vote. Plur or Maj. 



McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering (Pro.) 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.) 



For Governor, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Prohibitionist 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Populists 



39,153 






61,646 




12,493 


1,668 






968 






148 






93,583 




38,143 






50,849 




12,706 


2,542 






Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


13 


15 


28 


21 


63 


84 



For Congress, 1896. 

At Large: 

Republican .' 33,202 

Republican 27,939 

Democrat :>2,566 

Free Silver Republican (Fus.) 51,158 



144 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

WEST VIRGINIA. 



For President, 1896. 



McKinley , 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering- (Fro.) 



For Govern ( 



Republican . . 

Democrat 

Populist 

Prohibitionist 



Legislature, 1S98. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Rep., Pop 

Dem., Pop 

For Congress. 

1st Dis. Republican 25,231 

2d Dis. Republican 25,500 

3d Dis". Republican 29,600 

4th Dis. Republican 24,954 

Populist 21 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 



104,414 

92,927 

677 

1,203 

199,221 



11,487 



105,629 


12,070 


93,550 




1,129 




1,202 




Senate. House. 


Jt. Bal. 


20 41 


61 


5 27 


32 


1 


1 


2 


2 



Democrat 21,472 

Fusion 23,249 

Democrat 26,029 

Democrat 23,774 



WISCONSIN. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan 

Palmer 

Levering (Pro ) 

Bentley (Nat. Pro.) . . 
Matchett (Soc.-Lab.) . 



For Governor. 

Republican 

Democrat (Fus.) 

Prohibitionist 

National Prohibitionist 
Socialistic-Labor 



Total Vote. 

268,135 

165,523 

4,584 

7,507 

346 

1,314 

447.409 



264,981 
169,257 

8,144 
407 

1,306 



Plur. or Maj. 
102,612 



95,724 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



145 



Legislature, 1896. 

Republicans , 

Democrats 



For Congress, 1S9G. 

1st Dis. Republican 28,235 

Prohibitionist 1,0S4 

2d Dis. Republican 24,011 

Prohibitionist 1,025 

3d Dis. Republican 26,691 

4th Dis. Republican 25,896 

Prohibitionist 433 

Republican 26,613 

Prohibitionist 557 

Republican 26,649 

Prohibitionist 626 

Republican 24,073 

Prohibitionist 791 

Republican 26,471 

Prohibitionist 580 

Republican 30,438 

Republican 28,149 



5th Dis. 

6th Dis. 

7th Dis. 

8th Dis. 

9th Dis. 
10th Dis. 



Senate. House. Jt. Bal. 

29 91 120 

4 9 13 



Dem., Pop 14,723 

Dem., Pop 17,480 

Dem., Pop 15,168 

Dem. (Sil.) 21,429 

Dem., Pop 16,492 

Dem., Pop 18,944 

Dem., Pop 11,718 

Dem., Pop 16,845 

Dem., Pop 17,705 

Dem. (Fus.) 14,823 



WYOMING. 



For President, 1896. 

McKinley 

Bryan and Sewall 

Bryan and Watson (Pop.) 
Levering (Pro.) 



For Supreme Court Justice, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 



Legislature, 1898. 

Republicans 

Democrats 

Dem., Pop 



For Congress, 1896. 

Republican 

Democrat 

Populist 

10 



Total Vote. Plur. or Maj. 
10,072 
10,375 789 

486 

159 



21,092 



9,985 
10,641 



476 



Senate. House. Jt. I'al. 

13 23 36 

6 .. 6 

15 15 



10.HII 

10,310 

628 



146 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

ARIZONA TERRITORY. 

For Delegate in Congress, 1896. 

Republican 4,090 

Democrat 6,065 

Populist ...3,895 

Legislature, 1898. Council. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans 3 3 6 

Democrats 9 21 30 

NEW MEXICO TERRITORY. 

For Delegate in Congress, 1S96. 

Republican 17,017 

Populist 18,947 

Legislature — Tied. 

OKLAHOMA TERRITORY. 

For Delegate in Congress, 1896. 

Republican 26,267 

Dem. and Pop 27,435 

Legislature, 1898. Council. House. Jt. Bal. 

Republicans . . 3 3 

Democrats 1 . . 1 

Free Silverites 12 23 35 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 147 

OREGON— ELECTION OF JUNE 6, 1898. 

The Oregon Congressional and State elections were held June 6 
this year. The result was an overwhelming victory for the Re- 
publicans, who elected the entire State ticket, a majority of the 
Legislature, and both Congressmen, over a complete fusion of Demo- 
crats, Populists, and Silver Republicans. To Republicans through- 
out the country the victory is especially gratifying because the 
campaign was waged on straight party lines, the Republicans de- 
claring in favor of the maintenance of the present gold standard, 
unqualified opposition to free coinage, support of the Administra- 
tion in the conflict with Spain, and adherence to the Republican 
national platform of 1896; while the fusion platform demanded 
"the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and gold at the present 
legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the consent of foreign 
nations," and expressed its unalterable opposition to the retire- 
ment of the greenback and in favor of the issue of "a national 
money, safe and sound," by the General Government only, without 
the intervention of banks of issue, such issues to be legal tender 
for all debts, public and private; also demanding an increase of 
circulation and the abolishment of imprisonment of citizens for 
indirect contempt and ruling by injunction. On these declarations 
the battle was fought. On both sides the campaign was vigorously 
conducted, the Fusionists having the assistance of ex-Congressman 
Towne, "Cyclone" Davis of Texas, and other stumpers prominent in 
the contest of 1896. 

The official returns showed the following result: 

For Governor. 

Geer, Republican 45,104 

King, Union 34,530 

Luce, Republican-Populist 2,866 

Clinton, Prohibitionist 2,213 

Republican plurality 10,574. 

For Congress — First District. 

Thomas H. Tongue, Republican 21,324 

R. M. Veatch, Fusion 19,287 

Pedersen 1,113 

Hill 1,833 

Republican plurality 2,037. 

For Congress — Second District. 

M. A. Moody, Republican 21,291 

C. M. Donaldson, Fusion 14,634 

Ingalls 1,120 

Courtney 2.273 

Republican plurality 6,657. 



148 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

The first district was carried by Hon. Thomas H. Tongue, the pres- 
ent Representative, in the spring of 1896 by a plurality of only 63 
against the Populist nominee. The second district was carried by 
Hon. W. R. Ellis by 378 plurality over the Populist candidate. In 
the Presidential election of 1896 McKinley's vote in the first dis- 
trict was 23,819 and Bryan's 25,611, showing a majority for Bryan 
of 1,792. In the second district McKinley received 21,960 and Bryan 
21,128, a majority for McKinley of 3,832, giving the Republicans 
the State by a majority of 2,040. 

PLATFORM ADOPTED BY THE OREGON REPUBLICANS AT 
ASTORIA, APRIL 14, 1898. 

We, the Republican voters of the State of Oregon, in convention 
assembled, congratulate the people of the State, as well as the 
whole nation, on the unmistakable fact that the dark cloud of 
adversity, which has hung like a pall over our fair land, has been 
dissipated. We recognize that the return of prosperity is due to 
the restoration of the Republican party to power. 

We are in favor of the maintenance of the present gold standard; 
we are unqualifiedly opposed to the free coinage of silver and to 
all other schemes looking to the debasement of the currency and 
the repudiation of debt. We believe that the best money in the 
world is none too good to be assured by the Government to the 
laborer as the fruit of his toil and to the farmer as the price of 
his crop. W T e condemn the continued agitation for free silver as 
calculated to jeopardize the prosperity of the country and to shake 
the confidence of the people in the maintenance of a wise financial 
policy; we particularly condemn as unpatriotic the efforts of the 
free-silver agitators to array class against class and section against 
section; we declare that the interests of all classes and of all 
sections of our country alike demand a sound and stable financial 
system. 

While we deplore the imminence of war, we recognize that the 
country is on the eve of a war, undertaken for the vindication of 
the national honor and the performance of a work dictated by 
every instinct of humanity; we declare that the administration is 
entitled in this conflict to the confidence and support of the entire 
people. 

We are firmly attached to the principles of the federal Constitu- 
tion; we recognize that representative government is one of these 
principles, and we are opposed to any change in law or Constitu- 
tion which will abrogate this time-honored principle. 

We are in favor of retrenchment and reform in State and county 
matters. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 149 

We demand strict economy in public affairs, and the abolition 
of oil needless offices and commissions. 

The salmon fishing industry, so fruitful a source of revenue to 
the State, should be fostered, and to that end we favor State aid in 
the artificial propagation of salmon, and their distribution in the 
waters of this State. 

We reaffirm our allegiance to the principles of the Republican 
party of the United States as enunciated by the Republican con- 
vention in St. Louis in 1896. 

We denounce the fusion party of Oregon as an aggregation of 
spoilsmen, who are ready to subordinate principles to offices. Each 
of the parties to this compact is willing to stultify itself and form 
alliances with the elements which it has heretofore denounced as 
dangerous and unfit to be intrusted with power; we declare that 
good government can not come from such an alliance. 






150 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



ELECTION OF 1896— POPULATION, ILLITERACY, SAVINGS 
DEPOSITS, MORTGAGES, ETC., OF THE GOLD AND 
SILVER STATES. 

Table I. — Population, education, wealth, etc., according to the Eleventh Census, of 
States arranged by Presidential vote in 1896.* 





Area. 


-2 

O 

1 

© 

"5 

V 

s 


Popula- 
tion. 


Illiterate whites 10 years 
of age and over. 


School 
expenditures. 


States. 


Number 
of native. 


o „• 


o . 
O e8 


Total. 


Pi g. 
o 


1 


2 


3 

6 

4 

4 

15 

4 

6 

36 

10 

32 

3 

8 

6 

23 

15 

24 

14 

12 

9 

13 

3 

13 

4 

9 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


For gold standard. 


Square 

miles. 

29,895 

9,005 

9,135 

8,040 

1.085 

4,845 

47,620 

7,455 

44,985 

1,960 

9,860 

24,645 

4«,7ti0 

35,910 

56,000 

57,430 

54,450 

79,205 

55,475 

70,195 

40,000 

94,560 

155,980 


661,086 

376,5*0 

332,422 

2,238,943 

345,506 

746,258 

5,997,853 

1,441.933 

5,258,014 

168,493 

1,012,390 

'762,794 

3,672,316 

2,192,404 

3,826,351 

2,093,889 

1,686,880 

1,301,826 

1,911,896 

182,719 

1,858,635 

313,767 

1,208,130 


11,443 

3,679 

7,211 

9,727 

4,087 

4,300 

67,362 

21,351 

110,737 

6.06S 

32,105 

65,420 

82,673 

78,638 

64,380 

27,016 

15,613 

7,112 

20,649 

929 

178,159 

3,302 

10,113 


Per 
cent. 
2.5 
1.5 
3.2 
.8 
2.3 
1 

1.8 
2.7 
3.5 
6.2 
5.9 

12.9 
3.-5 
5.3 
3.1 
2.5 
2.1 
1.4 
1.8 
1.8 

16.1 
1.8 
1.7 


Per 

cent. 
5.4 
6.8 
6.7 
6.1 
9.6 
5.1 
5.4 
5.7 
6.4 
7.4 
7 

13 
4.7 

' 5.8 
4.9 
5.7 
6.6 
5.9 

5^8 

15.8 

3 

4.5 


81,114,902 

814,*94 

689,917 

8,286,062 

917,990 

2,123,839 

17,392,274 

3,457,525 

12,82,%645 

329,008 

1,910,663 

1,284,991 

10,755,216 

5,900,233 

11,288,529 

5,446,416 

3,711,286 

4,033,516 

6,477,256 

626,946 

2,026,552 

880,369 

5,119,097 


81 69 


New Hampshire... 

Vermont 

Massachusetts 

Rhode Island 


2 16 

2 08 

3 70 
2 66 
2 85 




2 90 




2 39 


Pennsylvania 


2 44 
1 95 




1 83 


West Virginia 

Ohio 


1 68 

2 93 


Indiana 


2 69 
2 95 




2 60 




2 20 




3 10 




3 39 


North Dakota 


3 45 
1 12 




2 81 


California 


4 24 


Total 


938,495 
35.2 


273 
61.1 


39,624,035 
63.8 


822,074 
40.7 


8.7 


6.1 


107,415,656 
77.9 


2 71 






Percentage 








For free silver. 

Virginia „ 

North Carolina.... 
South Carolina 


40,126 
48,580 
30,170 
58,980 
54,240 
63,735 
76,850 
76,840 
81,700 
41,750 
51,540 
46,340 
45,420 

262,290 
53,015 

145,310 
97,575 

103,645 
82,190 

inn 7,in 


12 

11 

9 

13 

4 

17 

4 

8 

10 

12 

11 

9 

8 

15 
8 
3 
3 
4 
3 
a 


1,665,980 
1,617,947 
1,151,149 
1,837,353 

391,422 
2,679,184 

328,808 
1,058,910 
1,427,096 
1,767,518 
1,513,017 
1,289,600 
1,118,587 
2,235,523 
1,128,179 

132,159 
60,705 

412,198 

207,905 
45.761 


103,265 
173,545 

59,063 

113,945 

1-S685 

112,938 

1,811 

7,412 

17,157 

170,318 

106,235 

44,987 

72,013 

89,829 

92,052 

1,020 

427 

9,235 

2,219 

173 


14 

23.1 

18.1 

16.5 

11.8 

6.8 

1.2 

1.3 

2 

18 

18.4 

11.9 

20.3 

8.3 

16.6 

1.6 

1.3 

3.8 

2.3 

•8 


18.9 

23 
17.9 
16.3 
11.3 
7.1 
4.1 
2.8 
2.9 
17.8 
18.2 
11.9 
20.1 
10.8 
16.3 
4.1 
3 

4.8 
5.1 
4.2 


1,577,347 

718,225 

460,260 

967,590 

476,503 

5,128,260 

1,173,757 

3,301,119 

4,972,967 

1,300,351 

547,880 

1,097,916 

704,586 

3,173,104 

1,019,060 

864,083 

152,918 

1,681,379 

394,677 

162,597 


95 
44 
41 
53 


Florida 


1 22 




1 91 


South Dakota 


3 57 
3 12 




3 52 




85 




37 




85 


Louisiana 

Texas 


63 
1 42 

92 




2 75 


Wyoming 


2 52 
4 08 


Utah 


1 90 




3 55 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



151 



Table I. — Population, education, wealth, etc., according to the Eleventh Census, of 
States arranged by Presidential vote in 1S96 — Continued. 







Total value. 




Real estate mort- 
gages. 


States. 


Personal 
property. 


Real 
property. 


Farm lands. 


Farm 
products. 


Total 
amount. 


Av'ge 
int. 
rate. 


1 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


For gold stand- 
ard. 


$235,064,569 
148,907,740 
127.1S9.129 
905,007,653 
169,422,350 
291,698,328 

2,758,997,324 
484,271,142 

2,409,569,265 

69,958,276 

340,165,131 

190,227,404 

1,421,127,366 
807,012,889 

1,772,709,279 
945,725,818 
734,957,932 
657.68S.772 

1,025,647,323 
161,089,407 
460,438,928 
210,221,391 
862,619,972 


$254,069,550 

176,131,000 

138,378,194 

1,898,637,794 

334,740, ! 02 

543,421,891 

5,817,704,667 

961,013,972 

3,781,177,285 

105,720,519 

745,307,917 

248,727,477 

2,530,255,018 

1,288,163,737 

3,294,042,440 

1,149,290,454 

1,098,350,591 

1,034,163,155 

1,261,701,010 

175,917,099 

711,793,385 

380,174,803 

1,671,113,655 


$98,567,730 

66,162,600 

80,427,490 

127,538,284 

21,873,479 

95,000,595 

968,127,286 

159,262,840 

922,240,233 

39,586,080 

175,058,550 

151,880,300 

1,050,031,828 

754,789,110 

1,262,870,587 

556,190,670 

477,524,507 

340,059,470 

857,531,022 

' 75,310,305 

346,339,360 

115,819,200 

697,116,630 


$22,049,220 
13,7*51,050 
20,364,980 
28,072,500 
4,218,300 
17,924,310 

161,593,0.09 
28,997,349 

121,328,348 

6,481,590 

26,443,364 

20,439,000 

133,232,498 
94,759,262 

184,759,013 
83,651,390 
70,990,645 
71,238,230 

159,347,844 
21,264,938 
65,948,485 
19,026,120 
87,033,290 


$32,627,208 

18,968,259 

27,907,6&7 

323,277,668 

36,778,243 

79,921,071 

607,874,301 

1,232,565,919 

613,105,802 

16,122,696 

64,577,803 

19,702,505 

259,842,188 

110,730,643 

384,299,150 

150,472,700 

121,838,168 

197,745,989 

199,774,171 

25,777,480 

45,693,749 

22,928,437 

241,050,181 


Percl. 
6.15 


New Hampshire 


5.98 

5.97 


Massachusetts.... 
Rhode Island.... 

Connecticut 

New York 

New Jersey 

Pennsylvania.... 


5.44 
5.72 
5.64 
5.49 
5.73 
5.G1 
5.71 




5.86 


West Virginia... 


6.06 
6.56 




6.84 




6.70 




7.13 


Wisconsin .. 

Minnesota 


6 84 
7.66 
7.63 


North Dakota... 


9.35 
6.25 


Oregon „ 

California 


9.45 

8.81 


Total 

Percentage 


17,189,807,388 
68.3 


29.599,995,624 
1 76.1 


9,439,358,156 
71.2 


1,462,924,735 
59.6 


4,833,582,018 
81.1 


6.20 


For free silver. 


391,675,517 
305,173,773 
224,382,851 
437,070,065 
193,874,990 
959,171,744 
218,218,09S 
567,272,416 
8-59,813,325 
404,194,633 
351,409,560 
245.8^9,664 
223,339,751 
885,158,995 
221,292,291 
245,3 >4,412 

77,280,353 
542,386,102 
166,293,981 

88,100,693 
112,289,784 
244,833,577 


470,642,553 

278,975,220 

176,528,452 

415,339,384 

195,614,398 

1,438,731,201 

206,023,201 

708,413,098 

939,530,176 

483,761,510 

271,363,944 

208,393,024 

271,961,846 

1,220,417,771 

233,855,131 

207,770,797 

92,403,357 

603,326,165 

183,117,253 

92,222,975 

95,606,807 

616,365,149 


234,490,600 

183,977,010 

99,104,600 

152,006,230 

72,745,180 

625,858 361 

107,466,335 

402,358,913 

559,726,046 

242,703,540 

111,051,390 

127,42*, 157 

85,381,270 

393,971,289 

118,574,422 

25,512,340 

1 l,460,s80 

8-5,03-5,1 80 

28,102,780 

12,339,410 

17,431,580 

83,401,660 


42,244.458 

50,070,530 

51,337,985 

83,371,482 

12,086,330 

109,751,024 

22,047,279 

66,837,617 

95,070,080 

55,194,181 

66,240,190 

73,342,995 

54,343,953 

111,699,436 

63,128,156 

6,273,416 

2,241,590 

13,136,810 

4,891,460 

2,705,660 

3,848,930 

13,674,930 


28,691,726 

21,471,428 

13,780,302 

27,387,590 

15,505,119 

214,609,772 

36,115,773 

132,902,322 

243,146,826 

40,421,896 

39,027,983 

19,075,980 

28,513,909 

93,864,178 

14,366,595 

8,729,907 

4,967,065 

85,053,793 

8,040,829 

2,191,995 

8,167.249 

44,078,449 


6.02 


North Carolina. 
South Carolina.. 


7.72 
8.37 
8.09 


Florida.. 


9.78 
7.68 


South Dakota.... 
Nebraska 


9.46 
8.30 
8.68 




6 




7.98 


Mississippi 


9.50 
7.67 




9.60 




9.06 




10.61 




10.22 




8.57 


Utah 


9.70 




9.48 




10.60 


Washington 


8.84 


Total 

Percentage 


7,963,946,575 
31.7 


9,811,853,418 
23.9 


8,809,479,173 
28.8 


998,638,484 
40.4 


1,125,118,186 
18.9 


8.86 


Total of States 


25,168,758,963 


88,911,849,042 


13,248,837,329 


2,456,463,219 


5,958,700,204 


6.60 



[52 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Table I. — Population, education, wealth, etc., according to the Eleventh Qensut, of 
States arranged by Presidential vote in 1896 — Continued. 





Total value. 


Production 

of silver 

mines. 


Savings-bank depos- 
itors, June, 1895. 


States. 


Manufactured 
products. 


Wages of 
employees in 
manufactur'g. 


Number. 


Ratio to 
population. 


1 


16 


17 


18 


19 


20 


For gold standard. 


$95,689,500 

85,770,549 

38>340,066 

888,160,403 

142,500,625 

248,336,364 

1,711,577,671 

354,573,571 

1,331,794,901 

37,571,848 

171,842,593 

38,702,125 

641,688,064 

226,825,082 

908.640,280 

277,896,706 

248,546,164 

192,033,478 

125,049,183 

5,028,107 

126,719,857 

41,432,174 

213,403,996 


826,526,217 
24,248,054 
10,096,549 

239,670,509 
37,927,921 
75,990,606 

466,846,642 
90,778,736 

305,591,003 


Ounces. 


155,704 
163,702 
94,994 

1,247,090 
131,623 
337,254 

1,615,178 

144,160 

264,642 

18,648 

148,342 


Per cent. 
23 4 






41 9 






28.5 




46 a 






84 5 




41.1 






24.6 






8.8 






4 5 




9,892,387 

41,526,832 

8,330,997 

158,768 883 

51,749,976 

171,523,579 

60,347,798 

51,843,708 

38,189,239 

25>878,997 

1,002,881 

27,761,746 

11,535,229 

51,538,780 




10.4 






13.5 






Ohio 




86,183 
15,636 
94,724 


2.2 






.7 




2.3 


Michigan 


14,607 




1,439 
42,777 
77,809 


.1 






2.6 






3.8 


















17,851 
1,062,578 


1,803 
168,638 


.5 




12.1 








8,152,123,307 
87.4 


1,999,567,269 
88.2 


1,095,036 
2.3 


4,810,346 
98.7 


U 


Percentage 






For free silver. 


88,363,824 

40,375,450 

31,920,681 

68,917,020 

18,222,890 

324,561,993 

5,682,748 

93,037,794 

110,219,805 

72,355,286 

51,226,605 

18,705,834 

57,806,713 

70,433,551 

22,659,179 

5,507,573 

2,367,601 

42,480,205 

8,911,047 

1,105,063 

1,396,096 

41,768,022 


19,644,850 

7,830,536 

6,590,983 

17,312,196 

6,513,068 

76,417,364 

1,098,418 

12,984,571 

16,328,485 

16,899,351 

12,676,029 

4,913,863 

13,159,504 

18,580,338 

5,740,888 

1,948,213 

878,610 

12,285,734 

2,715,805 

445,503 

324,202 

12,653,014 


10 

3,000 

179 

359 








6,039 
17,118 
5,747 
1,148 


.4 




1.5 




.3 


Florida. . 


.2 










104,672 
























8,703 


.5 




77 




MiHBissIppi 








9,918 


.8 




323,438 











13,511,455 


2,844 


1.3 








18,375,551 

7,005,193 

4,696,605 

3,137,508 

28,464 






Utah 


6,271 


2.5 














5,512 


I 






Total 


1,178,030,980 
12.6 


267,962,221 
11.8 


47,186,511 
97.7 


63,600 
1.3 


.3 


Percentage 






Total of States... 


9,330,154,287 


2,267,529,490 


48,281,547 


4,873,946 


7.1 



I 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. J 53 

It will be seen that the area carried for free silver is nearly- 
double the area for the gold standard, while its population does 
not greatly exceed half the latter. The average of inhabitants per 
square mile in the gold standard States is three and one-fourth 
times that in the fre'e silver States. 

The percentage of electoral votes is larger in the free silver 
States than that of population, showing that those States are 
favored by that method of choosing the President. 

■ 

EDUCATION IN THE TWO AREAS. 

Of the total number of illiterate native whites, the free silver 
area contains nearly three-fifths. Relatively to total native white 
population over 10 years of age, the percentage of illiterates in the 
free silver States is three times that in the gold standard States. 

Including all whites in the comparison, the percentage in the 
free silver States is not increased. Over the western part of this 
territory the foreign born of the white population are relatively 
more illiterate, in about the same degree as throughout the gold 
standard States; while over the southern part the native whites 
are, except in Texas, relatively more illiterate than the foreign 
born. The percentage of illiteracy in the gold standard States, 
owing to the relatively large proportion and deficient education of 
the foreign element in those States, is greatly increased by includ- 
ing it. The general average is, however, brought very little above 
one-half of that for the free silver States. 

The reported total expenditures for schools (excluding "colleges, 
academies," normal schools, and other educational purposes") in 
the gold standard States are three and a half times as great as in 
the free silver States. This is higher than the ratio of population, 
as is shown also by the data in column 9. It is also higher than the 
ratio of personal property, and even higher than the ratio of real 
property. The average expenditure per capita is in the gold stand- 
ard States very nearly double that in the free silver States. 

The gold standard list includes one State, Kentucky, whose vote 
was so nearly an even balance that its decided position in either 
rank will perhaps be questioned. The inquiry may, therefore, 
arise, how the gold standard average would be altered by omission 
of that State. Hence it appears worth while to add that the 40.7 
per cent of native white illiterates would be thus reduced to 31.9, 
the ratio of such illiterates from 3.7 to 3, little more than one- 
fourth of the free silver average, and the ratio of total white 
illiterates from 6.1 to 5.7, just half the free silver figure. The 
average per capita school expenditure would be increased to $2.79, 
more than double the free silver average, by the same omission. 



154 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

PROPERTY, INDUSTRIES, AND PRODUCTION. 

Property, both personal and real, shows a higher percentage 
than population in the gold standard States. The farm lands 
(column 12), though the disproportion is less for these than for 
other real estate, show an excess in the same direction, while the 
total of agricultural products (column 13) gives for this territory 
a percentage somewhat lower than that of population, this not 
very large difference being all that the census tables have to tell 
us of the relatively greater devotion of the free silver States to 
agriculture. Notwithstanding the fact that they are less agricul- 
tural, the gold standard States exceed the others far less in value 
of personal than in that of real property, showing that real estate 
values are relatively lower and not higher, as a rule, among agri- 
cultural peoples. 

On the average, for each inhabitant of a gold standard State 
there are $37 worth of agricultural products, and for each free 
silver inhabitant $44 worth. The total value of manufactured prod- 
ucts per inhabitant is $52 in the free silver States, while in the 
gold standard States it rises to $206. The latter States, as the table 
shows, produce almost seven-eighths of the manufactures of the 
country, the scope of manufacturing being extended far enough in 
the census to cover grist-mill, bakery, dairy, slaughtering, and 
masonry products. 

The ratio of wage rolls is nearly 7% to 1 in favor of the gold 
standard States, showing not only a concentration of manufactur- 
ing industry, but a higher average proportion of wages to total 
product. 

MORTGAGE INDEBTEDNESS. 

Of the total amount of real estate mortgages, the percentages in 
the gold standard region greatly exceeds that for population, show- 
ing a far higher mortgage indebtedness per inhabitant. It con- 
siderably exceeds the percentage for real estate, showing a much 
higher ratio of indebtedness to value of property mortgaged. 
New York, alone, owes on real estate 43 per cent more than all 
the free silver States combined. 

Column 15 presents a comparison of the rate of interest in the 
two areas. Not only is the general average for the free silver 
area more than one-third higher, but there is a definite limit, 7 2-3 
per cent, above which are found but three gold standard States, 
while but two free silver States fall below it. 

Of the many factors by which the prevailing rate of interest is 
affected, the most important is credit. As the one rises the other 
falls. Denning interest as the difference in value between a dollar 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 155 

in hand now and the prospect of a dollar in hand a year hence, 
it directly follows that nothing- can operate more powerfully to 
increase it than enfeebling that prospect. 

COMPARISON OF SILVER PRODUCT. 

The production of silver shows a proportion of 42 to 1 in favor 
of the free silver States. But one of the gold standard States, 
and that a close one (California), produces more than an insignifi- 
cant amount of silver. The free silver territory is made up, as is 
shown by comparison of column 6, of (1) twelve States in which 
the ratio of native white illiteracy is higher than the average for 
all the States (higher, also, than every State but two in the gold 
standard series) ; (2) of the five States of largest silver production, 
and (3)giof States immediately adjoining the last, and doubtless 
influenced by sympathy with them. 

SAVINGS-BANK DEPOSITORS. 

Reports of savings banks are made annually by the Comptroller 
of the Currency, who endeavors in some measure to fill out in- 
complete returns by estimate, and offers his figures for all insti- 
tutions not under the national system as "such information as the 
Comptroller has been able to obtain," from the courtesy of State 
officers and the banks themselves. If the institutions reporting 
may be accepted as representatives of those that fail to report, 
it is to be inferred that the depositors in the savings banks of the 
gold standard region outnumber those of the free silver States 
by 75 to 1. 

The free silver movement was sometimes characterized in the 
campaign preceding the election as a crusade against all credit, 
and particularly against such credit as is embodied in savings- 
bank accounts. The figures in colums 19 and 20 of Table I, im- 
perfect though they doubtless are, furnish emphatic testimony as 
to the views of the depositors themselves. 



EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. 

Enormous Increase of our Export Trade for 1898. 
The fiscal year ended June 30, 1898, closed the most eventful 
twelve months in the history of the United States as regards the 
volume of exports. It surpassed the record of 1897 by $180,336,394. 
These figures were never before reached, and dispose effectually 
of the argument that protection acts as a check upon the exten- 
sion of our foreign commerce. In direct contradiction of this 
argument, the official Treasury records show that while our im- 
ports from foreign markets fell off from $430,192,205 in 1897 to 



156 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

$306,091, S14 in 1898, our export trade rose from $807,538,165 in 1895 
under the Wilson act, to $1,231,329,950 in 1S98, the first year under 
the Dingley act and our balance of trade with the nine principal 
countries of Europe was $675,297,242 in our favor. 

The phenomenal development of our export trade for the twelve 
months of the fiscal year ended June 30, 1898, by comparison with 
that of the fiscal years since 1894, is shown in the following table: 

1S94-95 $807,538,165 

1895-96 882,606,938 

1896-97 1,050,993,556 

1897-98 1,231,329,^50 

For the same periods our imports were as follows: 

1894-95 $731,969,965 

1895-96 779,724,674 

1896-97 764,730,412 

1897-98 616,005,159 

Excess of exports o^er imports: 

1894-95 , $75,568,200 

1895-96 : 102,882,264 

1896-97 286,263,144 

1897-98 615,324,791 

We exported and imported gold ore, bullion and coin, twelve 
months ending — 

Exports. Imports. 

December 31, 1894 $104,978,689 $21,350,607 

December 31, 1895 104,967,402 34,396,392 

December 31, 1896 58,256,890 104,731,259 

December 31, 1897 34,276,401 34,020,592 

For the twelve months ended June, 1898, compared with the 
period of 1897, we exported and imported in gold and silver: 



Imports. Exports. 

Gold. Silver. Gold. Silver. 

1897 $85,014,780 $30,533,227 $40,361,580 $61,946,638 

1898 120,391,674 30,924,581 15,406,391 55,105,239 

Our exports to Europe for the twelve months ended June 30, 1898, 

and to other sections of the world for the same period were as 
follows: 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 157 

1S97. 1898. 

Europe $813,385,644 $973,699,289 

North America 124,958,461 139,635,289 

South America 33,768,646 33,821,971 

Asia 39,274,905 44,S24,268 

Oceanica 22,652,773 21,991,381 

Africa 16,953,127 17,357,752 



1,050,993,556 1,231,329,950 

Our exports to the principal countries for twelve months ended 
June 30, 1898: 

United Kingdom $540,800,152 

Germany .- 155,039,972 

France 95,452,692 

Netherlands 64,274,622 

Belgium 47,606,311 

Italy 23,270,858 

Denmark 12,697,421 

Spain 10,228,545 

Russia 7,336,082 

956,766,055 

Compared with the amounts imported into the United States, the 
excess of exports over imports with the leading nations of Europe 
was: 

United Kingdom $431,721,787 

Germany 85,343,065 

France 42,722,689 

Netherlands : 51,739,512 

Belgium 38,864,485 

Italy 2,970,567 

Denmark 12,485,584 

Spain 6,653,160 

Russia 2,796,393 

Total nine leading nations 675,297,242 

The story of the foreign commerce of the United \Statos in the 
year of her greatest exports shows that the exports to all parts 
of the world increased, both in manufactures and products of 
agriculture, and that while there was a great falling off in imports, 

I the reduction was almost exclusively in manufactured articles and 
food products. Manufactured articles ready for consumption fell 



158 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

1S98; articles of food and live animals fell from $245,166,197 in 
1897 and $237,025,045 in 1896 to $181,480,011 in 1898, while "Articles 
of voluntary use, luxury, etc.," fell from $83,098,970 in 1897 and 
$93,323,154 in 1896 to $77,452,561 in 1898. On the other hand, arti- 
cles required by the manufacturers and classified as "Articles in a 
crude condition for use in manufacturing," of which the 1897 
imports were $214,916,625, and those of 1896 $209,368,717, amounted 
in 1898 to $204,543,917, forming* in 1898 over 33 per cent of the 
total importations, while in 1897 they were but 28 per cent and in 
1896 27 per cent of the total imports, showing- a large relative 
increase in the proportion which these articles used in the domes- 
tic industries bore to the total importations. Manufactured articles 
for use in the mechanic arts formed in 1898 about the same per- 
centage of the imports that they did in 1896 and 1897. 

The exportations of manufactures, which amounted to $288,871,449 
in 1898, exceeded those of 1897 by $11,586,058 and those of 1896 by 
$60,300,271; while the products of agriculture exported amounted 
to $854,627,929 in 1898, against $683,471,131 in 1897 and $569,879,297 
in 1896, the chief increase in agricultural exportations being in 
bread stuffs. 

The exportations of the year increased $180,336,694 and the im- 
portations of the year decreased $148,725,253, the comparison being 
made in each case with the preceding fiscal year, 1897. 

To Europe the exportations increased $160,313,645, while the im- 
portations from Europe decreased $124,100,391. To North Ameri- 
can countries the exportations increased $14,676,828, while the im- 
portations from the North American countries decreased $14,752,130. 
To South America the exportations increased but $53,325, while 
the importations from South American countries decreased 
$15,295,879. To Asia the exportations increased $5,549,363, while 
the importations from Asia also increased $5,300,440, Asia and 
Oceanica being the only grand divisions from which we increased 
our purchases during the year. 

The following table shows the total imports in the fiscal year 

1898 compared with the preceding year: 

Import from — 1897. 1898. 

Europe $430,192,205 $306,091,814 

North America 105,924,053 91,171,923 

South America 107,389,405 92,093,526 

Asia 87,294,597 92,595,037 

Oceanica 24,400,439 26,859,220 

Africa 9,529,713 7,193,639 

764,730,412* 616,005,159 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



159 



The increase of exports was, as already indicated, in manufac- 
tured articles and articles of food, while naturally the decrease in 
imports was in precisely the same classes of articles. Chemicals, 
chinaware, glassware, manufactures of cotton, iron and steel,' 
leather, silk, wool, wood, and fiber all show a decrease in importa- 
tions compared with 1897 and 1896, while in breadstuffs, provisions, 
fish, fruits, wines, sugar, tea, and coffee there was also a marked 
decrease in the importations. On the other hand, in articles re- 
quired by manufacturers for use in manufacturing there was an 
increase in nearly every case over both 1897 and 1896, the chief 
exception being in wool, of which the importations in 1897 were 
unusually large. 

The following table shows the importations of all general classes 
of articles which exceed five million dollars in value, comparing 
the importations of the fiscal year 1898 with those of 1897 and 1896: 



Imports. 



Manufactures : 

Chemicals, drusrs, etc 

Cotton manufactures 

Earthen and chinaware 

Fibers, manufactures of 

Glassware 

Iron and steel manufactures .... 

Leather and manufactures of... 

Oils (all) 

Silks, manufactures of. 

Wood and manufactures of- 

Wool, manufactures of. 

Articles used in manufacturing : 

Cotton, unmanufactured 

Fibers, unmanufactured 

Hides and skins 

India rubber ' 

Silk, unmanufactured 

Tobacco, unmanufactured 

Wool 

Articles for consumption : 

Coffee 

Fish (all) 

Fruits and nuts 

Sugar 

Tea .[[] 

Wines, spirits, and malt liquors 



1896. 



548,310,866 
32,437,504 
10,605,861 
27,119,640 

7,435,792 
25,338,103 
13,460,142 

5,493,348 
26,652,768 
20,567.967 
53,494,400 

6,578,212 
12,870,694 
30,520,177 
16,781,533 
26,763,428 
16,503,130 
32,451,242 

84,793,124 
6,323,299 
19,032,439 
89,219,773 
12,704,440 
11,849,715 



844,948,752 
34,429,363 

9,977,297 
32,546,867 

6,509,626 
16,094,557 
13,283,151 

5,594,111 
25,199,067 
20,543,810 
49,162,992 

5,884,262 
12,336,418 
27,863,026 
17,558,163 
18,918,283 

9,584,155 
53,243,191 

81,544,384 
6,108,718 
17,125,932 
99,06fi,181 
14,835,862 
12,272,872 I 



1898. 



$41,470,711 
27,266,932 

6,686,220 
21,899,714 

3,669,919 
12,615,913 
11,414,118 

5,197,888 
23,523,110 
13,858,582 
14,823,768 

5,019,503 
13,446,186 
37,068,832 
25,545,391 
32,U0,«66 

7,488,«05 
16,783,692 

65,067,661 
5,984,980 
14,566,874 
60,472,703 
10,054,005 
9,805,504 



Exports of breadstuffs, 12 months ending June, 30. 






1897. 


1898. 


Quantities. 


Dollars. 


Quantities. 


Dollars. 


Barley, bushels 


19,748,581 

175,998,684 

473,094 

35,077,828 

47,243,031 

8,560,271 

79,375,372 

14,521,811 


7,540,495 

53,618,736 

899,116 

8,752,201 

1,070,104 

3,667,505 

59,782,665 

55,759,519 


10,945,298 
206,567,282 
822,955 
69,020,696 
84,890,533 
15,489,912 
146,623,250 
15,233,047 


■ — 


Corn, bushels 


5,418,772 


Corn meal, barrels 

Oats, bushels 


73,502,237 
1,757,830 


Oat meal, pounds 

Rye, bushels 


20,591,433 
1,748,329 


Wheat, bushed 


8,795,820 


Wheat flour, barrels 


144,272,849 




68,618,790 


Total... 




191,090,341 




324,706,060 



160 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Colton, 10 months ending June 30. 





1897. 


1898. 




Quantities. 


Dollars. 


Quantities. 


Dollars. 




5,981,041 
.3,006,677,360 


| 223,586,125 


7,457,367 
3,788,711,209 


} 225,798,143 


Pounds 





Cattle and 


hogs, 12 months ending June, 30. 








1S97. 


1898. 




Quantities. 


Dollars. 


Quantities. 


Dollars. 


Cattle 


366,506 
2,708 


34,000,320 
14,827 


383,671 
5,599 


34,731,548 
37,359 








Total ... 




34,015,147 




34,768,907 









Provisions, 12 months ending June 30. 





1897. 


1898. 




Quantities. 


Dollars. 


Quantities. 


Dollars. 


Beef products: 


52,444,249 
290,437,741 
67,575,988 
74,582,989 

499,227,326 

161,252,758 

62,799,139 

497,671,979 

4,683,782 
112,588,957 

31,037,297 
50,174,632 


4,543,592 

22,655,679 

3,539,531 

2,763,788 

34,092,607 

15,636,511 

3,151,541 

25,657,298 

448,194 
6,693,619 

4,436,124 

4,570,201 


35,695,022 

274,393,873 

44,979,256 

80,208,441 

647,892,583 
198,496,445 
93.623,693 
636,949,934 

4,291,398 
132,578,527 

25,204,733 
50,373,433 


3 138 030 




22,941,104 
2,470,583 
8,087,401 

46,272,140 

18,846,340 

5,322,484 

35,980,325 

882,629 
7,904,323 

3,776,531 
4,33:5,184 






Hog products: 


Hams, pounds 




Oleomargarine: 

Imitation butter, pounds 

Oleo (the oil) 


Dairy products : 






Total 




128,188,685 




154,454,074 









Exports of domestic products, 1895- 


1898. 






Breads tuffs. 


Cotton. 


Cattle and 
hogs. 


Provisions. 


1894-95 

1895-96 

1896 97 


110,967,758 
136,816,793 
191,090.341 
324,706.060 


204,692,677 
190,048,166 
230,737,386 
229,007,477 


28,916,689 
32,419,055 
34,015,147 
34,708,907 


130,245,897 
127,192,555 
128,188,685 


18'j7 98 


164,454,074 i 





REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Total exports, 12 months ending June 30. 



161 





1897. 


1898. 


Breadstuffk. 


Dollars. 
191,090,341 
34,015,147 
128,188,685 


Dollars. 
324,703,060 




34,768,907 




154,454,074 






Total 


353,294,173 


513,929,041 





Exports of mechanical inventions during the year ending June 30, 1898. 



Countries to which exported. 


Typewriting 
machines. 


Bicycles. 


Sewing 
machines. 


Scientific and 

electrical 

instruments, 

etc. 


Uuited Kingdom 


$896,575 

94,608 

425,614 

232,253 

61,752 

28,900 

2,360 

5,837 

42,012 

85,900 

36,342 


41,852,166 

482,680 

1,724,404 

949,502 

614,003 

68,022 

8,267 

98,137 

253,361 

596,912 

197,365 

1,710 


$879,650 

102,824 

861,687 

211,643 

141,222 

197,642 

30,312 

24,658 

356,802 . 

319,209 

10,556 

159 


$538,293 
174,316 
234,942 
239,618 
305,016 
287,270 
58,711 
88,815 
321,729 


France 

Germany 

Other Europe 


-Mexico 

Central America. 


West Indies 






427,262 


Africa 

Other countries 


94,367 
194 










Total 


1,902,153 


6,846,529 


3,136,:i64 


2,770,803 





EXPORTS UNDER REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC 
ADMINISTRATIONS. 

The movements of domestic exports show a peculiar sensibility 
to the influence of parties. From 1881 to 1897, a period of six- 
teen 3 r ears, embracing" two Democratic and two Republican Admin 
Lstrations, the exports of domestic merchandise show a steady rise 
under Republican power and a stead\ r decline under Democratic. 
The Garfield-Arthur Administration was in power from 1S81 to 
1884, inclusive. The exports ranged as follows: 



1881 81-1,102,951 

1882 749,911,309 

1883 777,523,718 

1884 733,768,764 



3,075,366,742 



162 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Cleveland was elected in 1SS4, and during the four years of his 
Administration we exported: 

1885 $073, 593, 506 

1SS0 099,515,430 

1557 703,319,692 

1558 679,597,477 



•" 2,756,026,105 

Comparing the footings for these two periods, the election of 
a Democratic Administration cost the producers of this country 
in four years the round sum of $319,340,637. 

Cleveland was succeeded by a Republican Administration, that 
of President Harrison, and for the four years ensuing the exports 
again rose: 

1 889 $814,154,864 

1890 845,999,603 

1891 957,333,551 

1892 923,237,315 

3,540,725,333 
Under Cleveland's first Administration 2,756,026,105 

Increase under Harrison 784,699,228 

Cleveland succeeded Harrison, and again, under a Democratic 
Administration, the demand for our home products fell off: 

1893 $854,729,454 

1894 807,312,116 

1895 807,742,415 

1896 986,830,080 



3,456,614,065 



Here is a loss in four years to our producers of $84,111,268. In 
other words, the two Democratic Administrations since 1885 have 
cost American producers, in loss of exports, a total of $403,451,905. 

DOMESTIC EXPORTS FOR CALENDAR YEARS 1896 AND 

1897. 

President McKinley had been installed but ten months at the 
close of the calendar year 1897, and the Dingley act been opera- 
tive less than six months, but under the stimulus of Republican 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



163 



success and the wise legislation of the extra session of Congress, 
the domestic exports for 1897 rose to the then unprecedented figure 
of $1,079, S63,018, or a grand total, including- exports of foreign 
merchandise, of $1,099,743,554, while the excess of exports over 
imports was $357,112,204, and the total vaJue of exports in 1897 
exceeded those of 1896 in the sum of $93,906,313, the exports of 
1896 being themselves phenomenally large, owing, unquestionably 
to the impetus given to the busiuess enterprise of the country by 
the result of the election and the exceptional demand for our 
bread-stuffs abroad. These figures are taken from the Monthly 
Summary for December, 1897, page 828, prepared by the Bureau 
of Statistics under the direction of Mr. Worthington C. Ford, a 
hold-over from the Cleveland Administration. 

For the seven months ended January, 1898, our exports of mer- 
chandise amounted to $718,435,950, an increase of $63, 258,823 over 
the same period of 1S97, while we imported $340,620,389, or $22,- 
657,628 less than for the same period of 1897, the exports for the 
seven months exceeding the exports for the seven months of the 
preceding year by $85,916,451. 

Exports and imports for the single month of January, 1898, 
compared with January, 1897, were as follows: 

Exports, January, 1898 $108,489,455 

Exports, January, 1897 -. , 93,95] ,883 



Increase, 1898 

Imports, January, 1897, 
Imports, January, 1898, 



14,537,572 
51,354,018 
50,802,909 



Decrease in imports 

Excess of exports over imports, January, 1898. 



551,109 
57,686,546 



EXPORTS OF MANUFACTURES. 

The following statement shows the imports and exports into and 
from the United States of manufactures from 1888 to June 30, 189S: 



Year ending June 30— 



1891. 
1892. 
1893. 
1894. 



1897. 
1898. 



Imports. 


Per tt. 
of total. 

45.36 


8328,322,905 


327,345,172 


43.92 


356,651,940 


45.19 


363,454,080 


43.01 


320,149,5.38 


38.60 


868,102,940 


42.49 


237,418,310 


36.25 


305,109,526 


41.68 


883,330,912 


42.75 


304,647,608 


89.84 


229,981,231 


37.34 



Exports. 


Per ct. 
of total. 


8130,319,286 


19.06 


138,675,507 


18.99 


151,106,455 


17.88 


168,927,315 


19.37 


158,510,937 


15.61 


158,023,118 


19.02 


183,718,484 


21.14 


183,595,743 


23.14 


228,571,178 


26 48 


277,285,391 


26.87 


288,871,449 


23.87 



Excess of 
imports. 



£198,003,619 
18.3,669,665 
205,545,485 
194,526,765 
161,638,601 
210,079,822 
53,699,826 
121,518,783 
104,759,734 
27,368,217 
•58,890,218 



• Exceis of export*. 



164 KEl'l BL1CAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

In 1898, for the first time iu the history of the country, our 
exports of manufactured goods exceed our imports. We are ceas- 
ing- to be a debtor nation and are rapidly becoming a creditor 
nation. To one who can look behind the mere figures in this 
table, it becomes a poem of men restored to work and children to 
school, of the singing tea-kettle and the steaming dinner, of in- 
crease in the savings bank accounts and in the ownership of homes. 



GOLD EXPORTS, 1897. 

At the same time our exports of gold coin and bullion for the 
seven months ended January, 1898, decreased $3,678,195, while the 
imports, amounting to $30,885,138, show a strong reverse tendency 
from the outflow of gold for several years under Cleveland. 



FARM PRODUCTS AND IMPLEMENTS. 

For the calendar year 1897, under a Republican Administration, 
the \alue of our exports of agricultural implements exceeded that 
of 1896 by $659,078, while our farmers sent abroad 52,691 head of 
cattle more than in 1896, at a gain of $2,803,120; of horses 17,010 
more than in 1896, at a gain of $2,016,128; of mules 1,219 head 
more than in 1S96, at a gain of $156,798; of other animals and 
fowls to the value of $137,870 more than in 1896, or taking the 
lump sum of all, $5,113,916 more than in 1896, realized from the 
export of cattle, horses, mules, and other animals and fowls, ex- 
elusive of hogs and sheep. These are the official figures: 

Exports of domestic animals: 

Head. 1896. Head. 1897. 

Cattle 394,772 $36,576.^12 447,469 $39,379,532 

1 i orses 28,632 3,601,137 45,642 5,617,265 

Mules 0,534 475,106 7,753 631,904 

All other* and fowls 49,840 187,710 

Total 429,938 40,702,495 500,864 45,816,411 

L897 (Republican) 500,864 $45,816,411 

1896 (Democratic) 429,938 40,702,495 

Increase under Republican Adminis- 
tration 70,926 5,113,916 

lalYe of sheep and ho^3. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. ] 65 

Other exports for the twelve months ending- December 31, were: 

1806. 1897. 

Wheat $59,263,352 $09,625,4-10 

Wheat flour 56,886,013 58,182,188 

Corn 44,127,276 59,662,518 

Barley 6,594,193 6,835,174 

Bread and biscuits- 663,508 728,682 

Buckwheat 229.5 14 737,323 

Total breadstuff's, 1897 $252,536,188 

Total breadstuff's, 1S96 182,806.242 

Increase, 1897 over 1S96 69,729.9 16 

Here is an excess in wheat exports for the calendar year 1897 
over 1896 of $40,362,088; of corn $15,535,242, and of total bread- 
stuffs, as shown, $69,729,946, surely a prettj- fair showing for the 
first year of the Kepublican Administration. 

IMPORTS. 

Among the imports showing an increase during the fiscal year 
1897, wool and sugar are most prominent. This is due to the 
fact that in 1897, in order to escape the prospective import duties 
under the Dingley bill, then pending, wool and sugar were rushed 
in under unusual pressure. The increase in the importation of 
wool alone amounted to $20,000,000 w T hile the receipts of sugar 
were larger by nearly $10,000,000 than in the year preceding. If 
those abnormal gains in 'the instance of sugar and wool be ex- 
cluded, our agricultural imports for 1897, instead of showing an 
increase of nearly $10,000,000. exhibit an actual falling off of more 
than $20,000,000. Other imports showing an increase were tea. 
opium, rice and rice meal, and cattle, the increase in the latter 
being due chiefly to large purchases of Mexican and Canadian 
cattle. Coffee also showed increased importation in quantity but 
a-decline in value. 

Articles of agricultural origin showing decreased importation 
were silk, leaf tobacco, hides and skins, and fruits. The table 
following shows such of our agricultural imports during 1897 as 
had a valuation exceeding $1,000,000 compared with 1896, and also 
the amount of increase or decrease during the former year. 



• Not enumerated prior to July, 1896, 



166 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



AGRICULTURAL IMPORTS, 1897. 

)uantity and value of the principal agricultural imports of the United States during the 
fiscal years 1896 and 1897, respectively, with amount «/* increase or decrease in 1S97. 



Years ended June 30— 



Articles imported. 



1896. 



Quantities. Values 



Sunar pounds. 

Coffee do , 

Wool do 

Bides and skins...do 

Silk do 

Fruits i 

Tea pounds..! 

Tobacco leaf. do j 

Wines | 

Cotton, unmanufact'red, 

pounds 

Oils, vegetable 

Distilled spirits, proof 

gallons 

sisal grass tons.. 

Rice and rice meal, 

pounds 

Cocoaor cacao. ..pounds.. 

Manila fiber tons.. 

Opium pounds.. 

Breadstuff's 

Vegetables 

Cattle number.. 

Spices pounds.. 

Nuts 



$,896,338,557 

580,597,915 

230,911,473 

210,398,011 

9.363,987 



93,998,372 
32.924,966 



55,350,520 



2,539,252 
52,130 

146,724,607 

24,520,906 

47,244 

464,259 



217,826 
39,811,986 



889,219,773 
84,793,124 
32,451,242 
30,520,177 
26,768,428 
16,957,307 
12,704,440 
16,508,180 
7,107,005 

6,578,212 
5,218,864 

3,077,694 
3,412,760 

2,185,579 
2,797,327 
3,604,585 
1,418,481 
2,780,814 
2,576,850 
1,509,856 
2,378,519 
2,075,132 



1897. 



Quantities. Values, 



4,018,905,733 

787,645,670 

350,852,026 

206,100,844 

7,993,444 



113,347,175 
13,805,227 



51,898,926 



3,021,465 
63,266 

197,816,134 

32,902,071 

46,260 

1,229,975 



328,977 
40,144,713 



899,066,181 
81,544,384 
53,243,191 
27,863,026 
18,918,283 
14,926,771 
14,835,862 
9 584,155 
6,862,465 

5,884,262 
5,372,684 

3,850,114 
3,834,732 



Increase ( + ) or decrease 
(— ) in 1897. 



Quantities. 



+ 1,022,567,176 
+ 157,047,755 
+ 119,940,553 

— 4,297,167 

— 1,370,543 



+ 19,348,803 
— 19.119,739 



3,451,594 



3,517,160 + 

3,441,470 + 

3,408,3221 

3,317,588 

2,774,763 

2,610,854 

2,589,857 

2,576,716 

2,200,161 



482,213 
11,136 

51,091,527 

8,381,165 

984 

765,716 



Values. 



+ $9,846,408 

— 3,248,740 
+ 20,791,949 

— 2,657,151 

— 7,845,145 

— 2,030,536 
+ 2,131,422 

— 6,918,975 

— 244,540 

— 693,950 
+ 154,320 



+ 
111,151 + 

at 



772,420 
421,972 

1,331,581 

644,143 

196,263 

1,899,107 

6,061 

34,004 

1,080,001 

198,197 

125,029 



FAILURES IN THE UNITED STATES, 1897. 

There were 13,351 failures in the United States in 1897 compared 
with 15,088 in 1896, the liabilities for the former period amount- 
ing to $154,332,071 compared with $226,090,834 for the latter. The 
liabilities for 1897 were the smallest of any year since 1892, when 
they amounted to only $114,044,167. With the advent of the Dem- 
ocratic Administration in 1893 they reached the highest figure 
of which there is any available record, aggregating in amount 
$346,779,889, or 1.28 per cent. This rate of per cent, however, was 
eclipsed in 1896, boing 1.H1 for that year, the highest on record. 
The figures are from Dun's Review, quoted by the Bureau of 
Statistics. 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



167 



FARM PRODUCTS AND PRICES. 

Table showing final estimates of average farm prices of various agricultural pro- 
ducts, December 1, 1 ^97. 



States and Territories. 


S3 

00 

M 

u 
» 

Pi 

a 

u 
o 
U 



a 


"a; 

xs 
m 

M 

P. 

1 


13 

% 

o 


a. 
."« 

-J 

pq 

as. 

55 
60 
46 
66 
54 


$> 

a 

la's 

Xi 2 

o 

as. 

44 
55 
46 
66 

"57 

40 
49 
42 
86 
51 
50 
49 


S3 . 

•r » 
£*§ 

St 

Cis. 

89 

90 

70 

90 

97 

90 

67 

78 

66 . 

65 

68 

70 

64 
105 
100 
120 

94 

82 

85 

95 

84 

73 

65 

67 

62 

43 

62 

62 

38 

31 

47 

63 

55 

46 

32 

33 

40 

55 

56 

78 




I 

a 


u 

<D 
P. 

i* 





Maine 


as. 

47 
45 
43 
47 
54 
49 
40 
38 
34. 

30 
38 
43 

49 

48 

55 

46 

45 

45 

41 

41 

36 

40 

35 

25 

27 

21 

21 

25 

24 

17 . 

24 

22 

17 

21 

32 

65 

50 

38 

58 


Cfs. 
1.6 

110 
104 


as. 

82 
84 
60 
61 


as. 

32 
38 
32 
33 
34 
34 
27 
30 
27 
23 
2(5 
29 
37 
45 
42 
53 
43 
44 
38 
27 
33 
28 
30 
27 
20 
23 
19 
18 
19 
19 
16 
19 
18 
15 
18 
26 
33 
35 
32 
41 


as. 


$9.75 
11.50 
9.25 
13.93 
14.50 
13.00 
8.25 
10.75 
9.15 
10.00 
10.50 
10.25 
9.75 
11.50 
13.00 
14.25 
10.25 
9.50 
8.75 
7.25 
8.65 
10.75 
8.85 
10.00 
6.25 
7.75 
5.90 
6.15 
C.25 
4.50 
4.25 
6.15 
8.40 
3.00 
2.95 
3.25 
7.75 
6.00 
5.50 
7.00 
5.00 
4.75 
5.00 
5.25 
9.00 
7.75 
9.00 


as. 












Massachusetts 














100 
90 
93 

21 

93 
92 
94 
118 
103 


59 
48 
50 
43 

"46 

50 
60 
86 
92 








42 
*39 


90 
76 
74 
58 
52 
46 
84 
40 
45 
44 
48 
51 
41 
57 
56 
61 
66 
64 
78 


























5.2 






5.1 




5.1 








5.0 








5.0 




101 
99 


US 






4.9 








4.9 










4.8 




89 
84 
95 
89 
89 
88 
87 
89 
89 
84 
77 
75 
85 
74 
69 
69 
74 
68 
70 
70 
75 
74 
68 
90 
70 
68 
72 
83 
76 


72 
86 
58 
51 
53 
44 
42 
42 
44 
41 
37 
36 
44 
40 
32 
35 
36 


43 




4.8 




"57 

49 

5*6'"' 

38 
49 
57 
38 
45 
49 
6'J 


4.9 




4.9 






Kentucky 

Ohio 

Michigan 


40 
41 
40 
44 
38 
32 
24 
24 
40 
25 
24 
22 
27 
50 






76 

80 














"78"" 
66 
64 
86 








Missouri 


5.0 




51 


































52 


51 
55 




70 
90 
90 


















TJtah 


55 


60 


33 


45 




30 
73 
32 
28 
40 
49 
















*62 

59 
65 


32 
35 
35 
49 


42 
43 
45 
54 










65 
53 
56 




"60 

50 






55 












4.6 




















TottL 


26.3 


80.8 


44.7 


21.2 


87.7 


42.1 


54.7 




6.62 











168 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

* FARM ANIMALS, VALUE OF. 

The tot.il value of farm animals in the United States in 1897, 
according to the statistics of the Department of Agriculture, was 
>;>,414,612 against $1,727,926,084 for 1896. The value of farm 
animals reached the highest figure during the first year of Presi- 
dent Harrison's term and the three years following, as below: 

1889 $2,507,050,058 

1890 2,418,766,028 

1891 2,329,787,770 

l S92 2,461,755,698 

They never reached these figures again except in 1893, showing 
a steady decline the following three years of President Cleveland's 
term, as follows: 

1893 $2,483,506,681 

1894 2,170,816,754 

1S95 1,819,446,306 

1896 1,727,926,084 

Compared with 1896, the falling off was in the value of horses, 
mules, oxen, and swine. There were raised nearly one million 
more horses in 1896 than in 1897, but only about 62,000 more 
mules, about a million more cattle and two million more swine. 
The number of milch cows and sheep was also somewhat smaller, 
but they were more valuable in 1897, and the reports show that 
the value of milch cows was $263,955,545 in 1896 compared with 
'.239,993 in 1897, an increase of more than $100,000,000, while 
the value of sheep was $65,167,735 compared with $67,020,942, an 
increase of nearly $2,000,000. 

FARMEB AND FINANCE. 

[From the address of Hod. J. Sterling Morton, Ex-Secretary of Agriculture, at the Audito- 
rium, Chicago, October 6, 1896,] 

Put we are told that the farmers "are discontented and dis- 
tressed." And eructatory orators say all this comes from the un- 
satisfied demand for more money and bigger prices for farm pro- 
ducts. But these economic oracles confound terms and make desire 
and demand synonymous. Nearly all men desire more money. 
Rut no man can make a lawful demand for more money, except he 
offer some valuable in exchange therefor. Going over the fruitful 
States of the Northwest one may see many attractive and productive 
farms which he can hardly help desiring, though his ready money 
may preclude his demanding any of them. But we are told that 
money of the gold standard has too potent a purchasing power, 
and buys too much of the products of these farms. Why, then, do 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 169 

the farms themselves constantly enhance in value? And if — as has 
been stated by the highest authority of Populist ic candidature — 
"the dollar which rises in purchasing* power is a dishonest dollar," 
why is not an acre of farm land with which one can to-day buy 
$50, and with which one could thirty years ago buy only $5, also 
dishonest? And is an acre which in New England was capable 
thirty years ago of purchasing $50 and will now buy only $10 an 
honest acre of land because less dollars and therefore poorer people 
can buy it now than then? If dollars grow better for the plain 
people as they diminish in purchasing power of land, is not land 
better as it declines in the purchasing rjower of dollars? * * * 
But a good gold dollar has never anything but a relative value. 
This day 1,000 bushels of wheat sell for $700 in gold. And this 
sale fixes, for the time being, between that buyer and that seller 
the wheat value jf gold and the gold value of wheat. But to- 
morrow morning cablegrams report failure of wheat crop in 
Russia. India, Australia, and the Argentine Republic, and before 
night wheat sells at $1 a bushel. Gold has not depreciated, but 
the relation of the world's supply of wheat to the world's demand 
for wheat has changed. Demand remains undiminished, supply 
is lessened, and, therefore, prices advance. The relation of supply 
to demand is the sole regulator of value. And neither gold nor the 
unlimited and free coinage of silver at 16 to 1 can repeal or miti- 
gate the eternal truth. * * * From 1S70 to 1896, both years 
included, l .he agricultural exports of the United' States have 
amounted to more than fourteen billions of dollars, being an 
average annually of more than 75 per cent of the value of all 
the exports of the United States during that period of time, and 
bringing in from foreign ports a billion of dollars more than the 
estimated value of all our farms at the census of 1890. That enor- 
mous and almost incomprehensible number of dollars have been 
paid into this country for farm products in gold. 

Has it cursed the farmers? 

Would they be in better condition if that amount had been paid 
*o them in silver? 

When the annual exports of agriculture go abroad, can they 
buy and bring back to the United States money with too much 
purchasing power? 

^And yet we have self-appointed guardians of "the common peo- 
ple," who are uncommonly active and vehement in urging a general 
strike for lower wages among Americans. Some of these peripa- 
tetic elocutionists are so zealous and fervid in urging the revolt. 
for lower wages that they speak sixteen hours, where they study 
or think one hour, in behalf of cheaper money. They proclaim 16 
to 1 as the political panacea. -That is. they would have the farmers 



170 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

and other producers, to whom foreigners owe ounces of gold, de- 
clare that for each ounce of that metal due them they will be 
satisfied to take 16 ounces of silver. These profound and 
mature economists and statesmen know, of course, that the com- 
mercial ratio among the bullion brokers is about 31 ounces 
of silver to 1 ounce of gold. They see 31 ounces of silver 
required for 1 ounce of gold in New York, London, Paris, Berlin, 
Vienna, and all other bullion markets. And yet they solemnly in- 
struct their deluded disciples to reject all in excess of 16 
ounces of silver, which may be offered for 1 ounce of gold. The 
creditor, the wage-earner, the farmer, anybody and everybody, is 
admonished to strike for only 16 to 1, and that more than that 
will be dangerous, and that to accept 30 ounces of silver where 
1 ounce of gold is due would be commercial and financial anni- 
hilation. 



THE FIFTY-FIFTH CONFESS. 

Important Measures that have become Laws. 

The Fifty-fifth Congress will go down in history as one of the 
most important in our national affairs. Like every Republican 
Congress, when that party is in power in every branch of the 
Government, it is decidedly a do-something body, and those who 
attempt to characterize its work by cheap phrases simply show 
that they have no capacity to estimate its great importance to 
the life of the nation. It inaugurated its notable work at the 
extra session by the passage of the Dingley tariff law. Elsewhere 
is shown that this act has fully vindicated Republican predictions 
by the results obtained under its operation; and has proved the 
falsity of the predictions of its opponents that it would restrict 
opportunities to reach foreign markets. Treasury figures prove 
to the contrary that our foreign commerce for 1897 and 1898 ex- 
ceeded that of any other yearly period in the history of the 
country. 

While the Dingley act initiated the great work of the Fifty- 
fifth Congress and inaugurated a new era of prosperity, the 
second session dealt with questions no less momentous and in 
some respects even more important to the future welfare of the 
United States. Foremost among these must be named: 

The war with Spain. 

The annexation of Hawaii. 

These subjects are discussed in greater detail elsewhere. Among 
the numerous bills passed by the Fifty-fifth Congress which have 
become a law some had been pending in Congress for yearg, 

A uniform bankruptcy bill, approved July 1. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 171 

This measure had engaged the attention of both branches of* 
the National Legislature for fifteen or twenty years. It was for- 
mally taken up by the Fifty-second and Fifty-third Congresses, 
both Democratic; but though it passed one branch or the other 
at various times, no bankruptcy legislation was had until the 
"Republicans in the present Congress took the matter in hand. 

Other important acts of this session were: 

An act to provide for temporarily increasing the military estab- 
lishment of the United States in time of war. — Approved April 2:2. 

An act for the better organization of the line of the Army of 
the United States. — Approved April 26. 

An act making appropriations to supply deficiencies in the ap- 
propriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year 1898. — 
Approved May 4. 

An act making appropriations for fortifications and other works 
of defense, for the armanent thereof, and for the procurement 
of heavy ordnance for trial and service. — Approved May 7. 

An act to provide for a volunteer brigade of engineers and an 
additional .force of 10,000 enlisted men especially accustomed to 
tropical climates. — Approved May 12. 

An act to increase the number of surgeons in the United States 
Army, Approved May 12. 

An act to organize a volunteer signal corps. — Approved May 18. 

An act to provide assistance to the inhabitants of Cuba, and 
arms, ammunitions, and military stores to the people of the Island 
of Cuba. — Approved May 18. 

An amendatory act allowing officers in the Regular Army to staff 
appointments in the volunteer service without forfeiting- their 
ranks in the Regular Army and enabling- governors of States with 
the eonsent of the President to appoint officers of the Regular 
Army in the grades of field officers in volunteer organizations. — 
Approved May 28. 

An act suspending- the operation of certain provisions of law 
relating to the War Department. — Approved June 7. 

An act to provide ways and means to meet war expenditures. — 
Approved June 13. 

An act to enable the President to pay the English Government 
the Bering Sea awards fixed by the American and English Com- 
mission. — Approved June .15. 

An act authorizing the appointment of a non-partisan commis- 
sion to collate information and recommend legislation to meet 
the problems presented by labor, agriculture, and capital. The 
importance of this measure is apparent from its title. The com- 
mission will comprise nineteen members — five members of the 
Senate, five of the House, and nine other persons to be appointed, 



172 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

by the President, who shall fairly represent the different indus- 
tries and employments. The commission is charged with the 
investigation of questions pertaining- to labor, immigration, agri- 
culture, manufacturing', and business; is to furnish such informa- 
tion and suggest such laws as may be made a basis for uniform 
legislation by the various States, in order to harmonize conflicting 
interests, and to be equitable to the laborer, the employer, the 
producer, and the consumer. — Approved June 18. 

An act for the protection of the people of the Indian Territory, 
known as "the Curtis bill." — Approved June 28. 

Joint resolution to provide for recovering the remains of officers 
and men and property from the wrecked United States ship Maine, 
and making- an appropriation therefor. — Approved February 23. 

Joint resolution for the recognition of the independence of the 
people of Cuba, demanding- that the Government of Spain relin- 
quish its authority and g-overnment in the Island of Cuba, and to 
withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, 
and directing the President of the United States to use the land 
and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions 
into effect. — Approved April 20. 

Joint resolution tendering* the thanks of Congress to Commo- 
dore George Dewey, United States Navy, and to the officers and 
men of the squadron under his command. — Approved May 10. 

Joint resolution providing- for the organization and enrollment 
of the United States Auxiliary Naval Force. — Approved May 26. 

Joint resolution authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to pre- 
sent a sword of honor to Commodore George Dewey, and to cause 
to be struck bronze medals commemorating the battle of Manila 
Bay, and to distribute such medals to the officers and men of the 
ships of the Asiatic Squadron of the United States. — Approved 
June 3. 

Joint resolution authorizing the President in his discretion to 
waive rhe one-year suspension from promotion and to oider re- 
examination of officers of the Army in certain cases. — Approved 
May 26. 

An act to relieve owners of mining claims who enlist in the 
military or naval service of the United States for duty in the war 
with Spain from performing assessment work during such term 
of service.- -Approved July 2. 

An act relative to the Corps of Engineers of the Army. — Ap- 
ptoved July 5. 

; An act to increase the efficiency of the Quartermaster's Depart- 
ment of the Army. — Approved July 7. 

An art to increase the efficiency of the Subsistence Department 
of the Army. — Approved July 7. 






REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 173 

An act to protect the harbor defenses and fortifications con- 
structed or used by the United States from malicious injury, and 
for other purposes. — Approved July 7. 

EXTRA SESSION OF FIFTY-FIFTH CONGRESS. 

The extra session of the Fifty -fifth Congress convened March 
15, 1897, by President McKinley has proved to be another of the 
wise steps taken in the inauguration of his administration. The 
history of the past few months has shown the wisdom of early 
legislation touching the revenues of the country and the settle- 
ment of fiscal questions affecting- our trade and commerce. The 
enactment of the tariff law commonly called the Dingley law, 
which went into operation June 14, 1897, had at least six months 
of experiment which otherwise could not have come to any law 
passed at the regular session of the Fifty-fifth Congress; and now. 
looking as we do at the necessities iucideut to the war with 
Spain, we can clearly see the wisdom displayed by the President 
in convening Congress and in securing the legislation incident to 
the session. 



FINANCE AND COMMERCE. 

Important Statistics, 1873 and 1897. 
. Following is a comprehensive summary of financial and commer- 
cial statistics of the United StattC for the years 1873 and 1897, from 
the Statistical Abstract of the Bureau of Statistics: 

1873. 1897. 

Population June 1 41,677,000 72,807,000 

Government finance, per capita: 

Amount of money in United States 18.58 31.25 

Money in circulation 18.01 22.49 

Debt less cash in Treasury 50.52 13.03 

Interest paid 2.35 .47 

Disbursements for pensions 7 1.94 

<iold and silver: 

Coin value of paper money ,1 uly 1, 18.86 80.4 100 

Commercial ratio silver to gold 15.92 34.2^ 

Annual average price of silver in London 

per ounce 1.298 .601 

Bullion value silver dollar 46.8 

Coinage, per capita, gold 1.37 (*) 

Coinage, per capita, silver 1 (*) 

• No data. 



174 BEPUBLICAiN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Production, per capita, gold 86 (*) 

Production, per capita, silver 86 (•) 

Merchandise imported for consumption, per 

capita 15.91 10.84 

Customs revenue: 

Duty collected per capita 4.44 2.43 

Expense of collecting- customs revenue 3.76 4.01 

Exports of domestic merchandise: 

Exports, per capita 12.12 14.17 

Exports, agricultural products, per cent of 

total 76.1 66.23 

Exports, product manufactures, per cent of total 26.87 

Exports of cotton 65.47 70.59 

Exports, wheat and flour 20.8 33.93 

Exports, corn and meal 3.68 7.83 

Retained for consumption per capita: 

Raw cotton, pounds 15.19 18.46 

Wheat, bushels 4.81 3.88 

Corn, bushels 22.86 28.91 

Sugar, pounds 39.8 64.5 

Coffee, pounds 6.87 9.95 

Tea, pounds 1.53 1.55 

Distilled spirits, proof gallons 1.63 1.01 

Malt liquors 7.21 14.69 

Wines 45 .53 

Raw wool retained for consumption: 

Total, per capita, pounds 5.67 8.26 

Foreign, per cent 33.2 57.8 

Tonnage of vessels, annual increase or decrease: 

Per cent 5.82 1.38 

Imports and exports carried in American 

vessels 26.4 11 

Post-Office Department: 

Revenue, per capita 55 1.14 

Expenditures, per capita 7 1.32 

Public schools: 

Population, 5 to 18 years 12.8 (*) . 

Exports, per capita 5.95 (*) 

Immigration, per cent of annual increase of 

population 42.53 14.09 

* No data. 



MPUBLIOAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 17C 

FREE COINAGE OF SILVER. 

Mine Owners could Demand Gold in Payment for Bullion — The 
Silver Lobby at Work. 

The twenty-five silver mine owners who are the chief parties in 
interest in the free coinage of silver, have bitterly contested the 
claim of their opponents that free coinage would benefit them as 
a class, on the ground that they would receive silver dollars in 
payment for their bullion, which would not be of any special ad- 
vantage to them if silver did not go to a parity with gold. This 
claim can best be answered by reference to certain proceedings 
had in the Senate in 1891, when the bill to prevent the contraction 
of the currency was under discussion. Senator Stewart, the leader 
of the free-coinage agitation, stands committed to two propositions 
which illustrate the interest of the mine owners in the strongest 
light. 

Bullion Payable in Treasury Notes. — In January, 1891, Mr. 
Stewart, offered the following amendment: 

"That any owner of silver bullion not too base for the operations 
of the mint may deposit the same in amounts of the value of not 
less than $100 at any mint in the United States, to be coined 
into standard dollars or formed into bars for his benefit and 
without charge; and that at the said owner's option he may receive 
therefor an equivalent in such standard dollars in Treasury notes, to 
be issued by the Secretary of the Treasury in the same form and 
description, and having- the same legal qualities, as the notes pro- 
vided for by the act approved July 14, 1890, entitled 'An act direct- 
ing the purchase of silver bullion and the issue of Treasury notes 
thereon, and for other purposes.* And all such Treasury notes 
issued under the provisions of this act shall be a legal tender for 
their nominal amount in payment of all debts, public and private, 
and shall be receivable for customs, taxes, and all public dues, and 
when so received may be reissued in the same manner and to the 
same extent as other Treasury notes." 

The Scheme Exploded by Senator Sherman. — Senator Sherman 
delivered an exhaustive speech on the text of this amendment, the 
tenor of which is apparent from the following extract. 

Mr. Sherman said: "It will be perceived that this proposition 
is that the United States shall pay $1.29 for every ounce of silver 
bullion which may be offered to it from any part of the world. 
By this proposition the United States is not at liberty to pay for 
this bullion in silver coin, in silver dollars, of which we now have 
300,000,000 in the Treasury, but the option is entirely with the 
holder of the bullion to demand either coin or bars or Treasury 



176 HKl'l lillt AN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

3. There is no option left to the Government of the United 
States as to the mode of the payment for this bullion. The price 
is fixed, and, as a matter of course, the holder of the bullion will 
take the most valuable mode of payment, and that probably will 
be United States notes. The Treasury notes are promises to pay 
money. They are made a legal tender for all debts, public and 
private, for the public debt as well as for private debts. They are 
made the highest standard of value, and in some respects they are 
better than United States notes, because they have behind them 
i his volume of bullion, while United States notes are only sup- 
ported by certain reserves. They are better than silver certificates, 
because silver certificates are specifically payable in silver coin. 
So that not only is the United States bound to purchase all the 
bullion that is offered at the price of $1.29, but it has no option as 
to the mode of payment, for the option is in the hands and in the 
power of the owner of the bullion." 

Parliamentary Trickery Resorted To. — This amendment was 
offered in such a way as to make it subject to no parliamentary 
changes, as was pointed out by Senator Sherman in the following- 
language: 

"This amendment is offered in such a way that it is not open to 
an amendment. It is an amendment in the second degree. It is 
offered as an amendment to an amendment to the fourth section of 
the bill, which relates to an entirely different matter, that is, to an 
issue of $200,000,000 of bonds for refunding purposes, so that as 
it now stands the amendment is not open to the striking out of a 
word or syllable, or to anything whatever. " It was presented to 
the Senate in that shape the other day, and there is no chance for 
the Senate to modify it. The provision is without limit as to time. 
It is to exist as long as grass grows or water runs. It is unlimited 
as to amount The whole field of silver, $3,800,000,000, in sight of 
the world is to be drawn upon. What amount will be presented is 
a matter for discussion. There is no power on the part of the 
Secretary of the Treasury or the President of the United States to 
suspend the operation of this provision in time of danger or diffi- 
culty, such as we have had in the condition of the Treasury within 
a month or two, but the payment is imperative, without qualifica- 
tion or conditions, all optional with the owner of the bullion^* The 
market price is fixed at $1.29 an ounce. To-day, according to the 
quotations I see in the paper, the value of the silver bullion in the 
markets of the world is something less than $1.05 an ounce, and in 
our market it is quoted at $1.05. Here is an offer, therefore, that 
at $1.05 we must pay for this silver 24 cents an ounce more than its 
market price, and the market price in New York now is a shade 
higher than the market price in London, Mexico, China, and India.*' 



KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 177 

The Crime of '73. — Mr. Aldrich, in the course of the same de- 
bate, commenting on the Stewart amendment, said: 

"It has been constantly repeated in this debate that one principal 
object of the legislation sought is to restore the status which 
existed prior to 1873, for the purpose of undoing a great wrong or 
crime which was committed by the passage of the coinage act of 
1873. It is sufficient answer to this to say that the people, if any. 
who suffered in 1S73 are not the same people who will be benefited 
by the provisions of the pending amendment. 

"The claim has been made upon this floor for the first time to-day 
by the Senator from Nevada that the mine owners and producers of 
silver are entitled to compensation on account of the fact that silver 
has been selling for less than $1.29 an ounce since 1873. I do not 
• are to discuss that question at any great length now, but I will 
_est to the Senator that if he believes that this new claim of his 
stituents or other producers of silver is a good one, he should 
present a bill for their relief and have it sent to the Committee on 
Claims, or refer the matter to the Court of Claims, and ascertain 
if he can establish their claim in law or equity." 

Cost of Mining Silver. — Senator Sherman commented specifically 
upon the influence which the silver mine owners were then exercis- 
ing to secure the sort of legislation Senator Stewart had projected, 
lief erring to the large profits of the Granite Mountain Company, as 
shown by their report to the Director of the Mint in 1887, he said: 

"Thus in this single case where the cost of production was over 
3,000, the price that would be paid for it under this bill would 
be over $3,500,000. T Here is another matter in relation to this mine 
In the report of this company itself to the Director of the Mint for 
. They give the sale of their silver bullion at 96 cents per ounce 
That was the market price per ounce. Upon their own showing the 
percentage of labor to profit was, for labor 13.28; profit 86.72." 

The Silver Lobby in Washington. — "There have been some 
statements made to me," continued Senator Sherman, "that 
these powerful corporations have such great profits as to 
be able to maintain in this city a kind of organization which 
I believe they call the National Executive Silver Committee, 
which has sent out all over the country, at its own expense, cir- 
culars inviting the farmers to sign petitions praying for the free 
coinage of silver. I should think they could afford to do it, because 
with the free coinage of silver they would get, instead of 96 cents 
for which they sold this great bonanza, $1.29. This lobby is now 
here in force. In order that I may be relieved for a moment, I will 
ask that what was said about this lobby by Mr. Conger, the Chair- 
12 



178 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

man of the Committee on Coinage, Weights and Measures in the 
other House, may be read by the Secretary." 

The Silver Lobby Graphically Described. — The secretary read 
the following statement of Mr. Conger from the Congressional 
Record: 

"As I said before, the bullion owners were not satisfied with 
this, and I wish that my colleagues upon this floor could under- 
stand, as I believe I do, and as I am sure they do not, the pressure 
that has been brought to bear by the men who own or speculate in 
bullion in this country to have some sort of silver legislation, and 
that legislation immediate, free, and unlimited coinage. You can 
not point to a single locality where free silver resolutions have 
been adopted, nor a single paper which has advocated the free 
coinage of silver, except you find in that locality the foot-prints of 
the silver bullion owner or his agent, or else the mark of the men 
who are employed by them in pressing this legislation. * * * 
Why, Mr. President, during this winter there has been about this 
Capitol the most persistent, courageous, and audacious lobby upon 
this question that I have ever seen since my term of service here 
began l And not only have these paid lobbyists been plying their 
avocation here, but various other means have been resorted to by 
men interested in restoring the price of bullion to secure the legis- 
lation they desire. Pool after pool has been organized here in this 
city to speculate in this metal. Money has been deposited in the 
banks in this country by the thousands and hundreds of thousands, 
lying there ready to purchase bullion with as soon as this legisla- 
tion shall pass, but they oppose our bill. Why? Simply because 
if our bill passes they have got to trust to the market value of that 
product for the profit; while if free coinage passes Congress the 
Government of the United States fixes the value at 30 per cent above 
what it is worth, and they may bring in all the bullion they can 
buy. Why, Mr. Chairman, I have been invited time and again to 
join silver pools, but as long as I hold a seat upon this floor or stand 
here, my vote shall be cast and my voice raised for the people of 
this country, for the savings bank depositors of this country, for 
the crippled and scarred soldiers of this country, instead of for a 
few bullion owners." 

To Benefit the Silver Barons of the West. — When Senator 
Stewart's scheme to have the United States fix the market 
price at $1.29 an ounce, payable in United States Treasury 
notes, had failed he was not discouraged. On December 10, 1891, 
he introduced his bill (S. 51) "To provide for the free coinage of 
gold and silver bullion, and for other purposes." In the course of 
an unusually heated debate, and toward the close of the discussion, 



MPUBL1CAN CAMPAIQlf TEXT BOOK. T7T 

on Friday, July 1, 1892, Mr. Stewart offered as a substitute for the 
bill the following: 

"That the owner of silver bullion may deposit the same at any 
mint of the United States, to be coined for his benefit, and it shall 
be the duty of the proper officers, upon the terms and conditions 
which are provided by law for the deposit and coinage of gold, to 
coint such bullion into standard dollars authorized by the act of 
February 28. 1873, entitled 'An act to authorize the coinage of the 
standard silver dollar and to restore its legal-tender character,' and 
such coins shall be a legal tender for all debts and dues, public 
and private, provided the foreign silver coins, or silver coins hearing 
the impress of foreign mints, and bullion formed by melting down such 
coin, shall be excluded from the provisions of this act. and the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury is authorized and required to make such regu- 
lations as may be necessary to carry this provision into effect. The 
act of July 14, 1890, entitled 'An act directing the purchase of silver 
bullion and the issue of Treasury notes thereon, and for other pur- 
poses,' is hereby repealed." 
> Senator Vest draws the line. — In this substitute Senator Stewart 
attempted to fasten legislation upon the country by which it would 
have been compelled to take the product of the Western silver 
miners as it was offered at the mint for free coinage. This was 
going a little too far even for Senator Vest, who moved to strike 
out the last provision as to foreign silver coin. He said he was for 
free coinage of silver, "not to give a market to the mine owners of 
the West, but because it is a money metal," and he opposed dis- 
crimination against any portion of the silver product which is 
brought to the mints. This motion was agreed to, and the substi- 
tute was passed by a vote of 29 to 25. 

It will thus be seen what interest the silver barons had and still 
have in the election of Mr. Bryan. Should Mr. Bryan be elected in 
1900 and the silver Democrats carry Congress, Senator Stewart has 
only to offer his first amendment in the shape of a bill; he may 
be entirely sure of its passage. The silver mine owners will then 
be in a position to fix the kind of money in which thej r shall be 
paid. As all mining assessments in Nevada and California are spe- 
cifically made payable in gold, their bullion will probably command 
payment in the same kind of money. That may be one of the ways 
in which they expect to maintain the parity of the two metals. 
Treasury notes have always been held to be payable in "coin." 



IM> 



TTTTTi 



JAM 



''AMl'Air.N TEXT BO 



sr 



GOLD AND SILVER. 

The following table shows the production of the precious metals 
in the world for the calendar years 1860-1895, latest obtainable data: 
Product of gold and silver in the world, 18H0-1895. 

[The annual production of 1860tol v 72 is obtained from 5-year period estimates, compiled 
by Dr. Adolph Soetbeer. Since 1872 the estimates are those of the Bureau of the Mint.] 





Gold. 


Silver. 


Calendar year. 


Fine 
ounces. 


Value. 


Fine ounces. 


Commercial 
value. 


Coining 
value. 


I860 


6,486,262 
5.949,582 
5,949,582 
5,949,582 
5,949,582 
5,949,582 
6,270,086 
6,270,086 
6,270,086 
6,270,086 
6,270,086 
5,591,014 
5,591,014 


$134,083,000 
122,989,000 
122,989,000 
122,989,000 
122,989,000 
122,989,000 
129,614,000 
129,614,000 
129,614,000 
129,614,000 
129,614,000 
115,577,000 
115,577,000 


29,095,428 
35,401,972 
35,401,972 
35,401,972 
35,401,972 
35,401,972 
43,051,583 
43,051,583 
43,051,583 
43,051,583 
43,051,583 
6 5,317,014 
63,317,014 


$39,337,000 
46,191,000 
47,651,000 
47,616,000 
47,616,000 
47,368,000 
57,646,000 
57,173,000 
57,086,000 
57,043,000 
57,173,000 
83,958,000 
83,705,000 


837,618,000 


1861 


45,772,000 


1862 


45,772,000 


1SR3 

1864 


45,772,000 
45,772,000 


1865 


45,772,000 


1866 


55,663,000 


1867 

1868 


55,663,000 
55,663,000 


1869 


55,663,000 


1870 

1871 


55,663,000 
81,861,000 


1872 


81,864,000 






Total 


78,766,630 


1,628,252,000 


547,997,231 


729,563,000 


708,521,000 






1873 

1874 


4,653,675 
4,390,031 
4,716,563 
5,016,488 
5,512,196 
5,761,114 
5 262,174 
5,148,880 
4,983,742 
4,934,086 
4,614,588 
4,921,169 
5,245,572 
5,135,679 
5,116,861 
5,330,775 
5,973,790 
5,749,306 
6,320,194 
7,094,266 
7,618,811 
8,783,342 
9,694,640 


96,200,000 
90,750,000 
97,500,000 
103,700,000 
113,947,200 
119,092,800 
108,778,800 
106,436,800 
103,023,100 
101,996,600 
95,392,000 
101,729,600 
108,435,600 
106,163,900 
10V>74,900 
110,196,900 
123,489,200 
118,848,700 
130,650,000 
146,651,500 
157,494 800 
181,567,800 
200,40i,000 


63,267,187 
55,800,781 

62,261,719 
67,753,126 
62,679,916 
73,385,451 
74,383,495 
74,795,273 
79,020,872 
86,472,091 
89,176,023 
81,567,801 
91,609,959 
93,297,290 
96,123,586 
108,827,606 
120,213,611 
12(5,095,062 
137,170,919 
153,151,762 
165,472,621 
164,610,394 
168,308,353 


82,120,800 
70,674,400 
77,578,100 
78,322,600 
75,278,600 
84,540,000 
83,532,700 
85,640,600 
89,925,700 
98,232,300 
98,984,300 
90,785,000 
97,518,800 
92,793,500 
94,031,000 
102,185,900 
112,414,100 
131,937,000 
135,500,200 
133,404,400 
129,119,900 
104,493,000 
110,073,700 


81,800,000 
71,500,000 


1875 


80,500,000 


1876 


87 600,000 


1877 


81,040,700 


1878 


94,882,200 


1879 

1880 


96,172,600 
96,705,000 




102,168,400 


1882 


111,802,300 




115,297,000 


1884 


105,461,40(1 


1886 


118.445,200 
120,626,800 




124,281,000 


1888 


140,706,400 


18^9 


155,427,700 





163,032,000 




177,352,300 


1892 


198,014,400 




213,944,400 
212.829,600 


1694 




217,610,800 






Total 


131,977,942 


2,728,226,200 


2,294,943,897 


2,259,086,600 


2,967,200,200 




Grand total 


210,744,572 


4,856,478,200 


2,842,941,128 


2,988,649,600 


3,675,721,200 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



181 



The following table shows the production of gold and silver 
from the mines of the United States in the years I860 to 1S95. 
The silver product is given at its commercial value, reckoned 
at the average market price of silver each year, as well as its 
coining value in United States dollars: 



Product of gold and silver from mines in the Untied States, 1860-1895. 

[The •stiniate for 1860-1872 is by R. W. Raymond, commissioner, and since 1872 by the 
Bureau of the Mint.] 





Gold. 


Silver. 


Calendar year. 


Fine ounces. 


Value. 


Fine ounces. 


Commercial 
value. 


Coining 

value. 


I860 


2,225,250 
2,080,125 
1,896,300 
1,935,000 
2,230,088 
2,574,759 
2,588,063 
2,502,197 
2,322,000 
2,394,563 
2,418,750 
2,104,313 
1,741,500 


$46,000,000 
43,000,000 
39,200,000 
40,000,000 
46,100,000 
53,225,000 
53,500,000 
51,725,000 
48,600,000 
49,500,000 
50,000,000 
43,500,000 
36,000,000 


116,015 

1,546,875 

3,480,469 

6,574,219 

8,507,812 

8,701,171 

7,734,375 

10,441,406 

9,281,250 

9,281,250 

12,375,000 

17,789,062 

22,236,328 


$157,000 

2,062,000 

4,685,000 

8,842,000 

11,443,000 

11,642,000 

10,356,000 

13,866,000 

12,307,000 

12,298,000 

16,734,000 

23,578,000 

29,396,000 


$150,000 
2,000,000 


1861 


1862 

1863 


4,500,000 
8,500,000 


1864 


11,000,000 


1865 


11,250,000 


1866 


10,000,000 


1867.... 


13^00,000 


1868 


12,000,000 


1869 


12,000,000 


1870 


16,0U0,0CO 


1871 

1872. 


23,000,000 
28,750,000 






Total 


29,012,908 


599,750,000 


118,065,232 


157,366,000 


152,650,000 


1873. 


1,741,500 
. 1,620,563 
1,615,725 
1,930,162 
2,268,788 
2,476,800 
1,881,787 
1,741,500 
1,678,612 
1,572,187 
1.451,250 
1,489,950 
1,538,325 
1,693.125 
1,596,375 
1,604,841 
1,587,000 
1,588,880 
1,604,840 
1,596,375 
1,739,323 
1,910,813 
2,254.760 
2,508,132 


36,000,000 
33,500,000 
33,400,000 
39,900,000 
46,900,000 
51,200,000 
38,9o0,000 
, 36,000,000 
34,700,000 
32,500,000 
80,000,000 
80,800,000 
31,800,000 
35,000.000 
33,000,000 
33,175,000 
32,800,000 
32,845,000 
33,175,000 
83,000.000 
35,955,0)0 
39,500,000 
46,610,000 
53,088,000 


27,650,000 
28,849,000 
24,518,000 

38,009,000 
30,783,000 
34,960,000 
31,550,000 
30,320,000 
33,260,000 
36,200,000 
35,730,000 
37,800,000 
39,910,000 
39,440,000 
41,260,000 
45,780,000 
50,000,000 
54,500,000 
58,330,000 
63,500,000 
60,000,000 
49,500,000 
55,727,000 
"58,835,000 


35,890,000 
36,869,000 
30,549,000 
34,690,000 
36,970,000 
40,270,000 
35,430,000 
34,720,000 
37,850,000 
41,120,000 
39,660,000 
42,070,000 
42,500,000 
39,230,000 
40,410,000 
43,020,000 
46,750,000 
57,225,000 
57,630,000 
55,563,000 
46,800,000 
31,422,000 
36,445,000 
39,655,000 


35,750,000 
37,300,000 
31,700,000 
3S,800,000 
39,800,000 
45,200,000 
40,800,000 
39,200,000 
43,000,000 
46,800,000 
46,200,000 
48,800,00> 
51,600,000 
51,000,000 


1874 


1875 


1876 


1877 


1878 


1879 


1880 


1881 

1882 


1883 

1884 

1885 




1887 


53,350,000 
59,195,000 
64,646,000 
70,465,000 
75,417 000 


1889 


1890 

1891 


1892 

1893 


82.101,000 
77,576,000 
64,000,000 
72,051,000 
76,069,000 


1894 


1895 






Total- 


42,751,613 


883,748,000 


098,411,000 


982,738,000 


1,290,820,000 


Grand total.. 


71,764,621 


1,483,498,000 | 


1,116,476,232 


1,140,104,000 


1,443,470,000 



L32 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Product of gold and silver in the United States from 1792 to 1844, and annually 






[The estimate for 1792-1873 is by R. W. Raymond, Commissioner, and since by Director of 

i ho Mint.] 



Year. 



April 2, 1792- JulySl, 1834 

July 31, 1834-December 31, 1844 

1*45 

1846 

1847 

1848 

1849 

1850 

1851 

1852 

1853 

1854 

1855 

1856 

1857 

185S 

1859 

1860 

1861 

1862 

1863 

1864 

1865... 

1866 

1867 

1868 

1869 

1870 

1871 

1872 

1873 

1874 

1875 

1876 

1877 

1878 

1879 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1883 

1884 

1885 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1889 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 

1895 

1896 

Total 



Gold. 



$14,000,000 
7,500,000 
1,008,327 
1,139,357 
889,085 
10,000,000 
40,000,000 
50,000,000 
55,000,000 
60,000,000 
65,000,000 
60,000,000 
55,000,000 
55,000,000 
55,000,000 
50,000,000 
50,000,000 
46,000,000 
43,000,000 
39,200,000 
40,000,000 
46,lO0,0u0 
53.225,000 
53,500,000 
51,725,000 
48,000,000 
49,500,000 
50,000,000 
43,500,000 
36,000,000 
3 i, 000,000 
33,500,000 
33,400,000 
39,900,000 
46,900,000 
51,20CU)00 
38,900,000 
36,000,000 
34,700,000 
32,500,000 
30,000,000 
30,800,000 
31,800,000 
35,000,000 
33,000,000 
33,175,000 
32,800,000 
32,845,000 
33,175,000 
33,000,000 
35,955,000 
39,500,000 
46,610,000 
53,088,000 



2,113,034,769 



Silver. 



Insignificant 
$250,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

50,000 

500,000 

100,000 

150,000 

2,000,00 ) 

4,500,000 

8,500,000 

11,000,000 

11,250,000 

10,000,000 

13,500,000 

12,000,000 

12,000,000 

16,000,000 

23,000,000 

28,750,000 

35,750,000 

37,300,000 

31,700,000 

3S,800,000 

39,800,000 

45,200,0- 

40,800,000 

39,200,000 

43,000,000 

46,800,000 

46,200,000 

48,800,000 

51,600,000 

51,000,000 

53,350,000 

59,195,000 

64,646,000 

70,465,000 

75,417,000 

82,101,000 

77,576,000 

64.000,000 

72,051,000 

76,000,000 



1,444,901,000 



Total. 



$14,000,000 

7,750,000 

1,058,327 

1,189,357 

939,085 

10,050,000 

40,0*0,000 

50,050,000 

55,050,000 

60,050,00(1 

65,050,000 

60,050,000 

55,050,000 

55,050,000 

55,050,000 

50,500,000 

50;i00,()f)0 

46,150,000 

45,000,000 

43,700,000 

48,500,000 

57,100,000 

64,475,000 

63,500,000 

65,225,000 

60,000,000 

61,500,000 

66,000,000 

66,500,000 

64,750,000 

71,750,000 

70,800,000 

65,100,000. 

78,700,000 

86,700,000 

96,400,000 

79,700,000 

75,200,000 

77,700,000 

79,300,000 

76,200,000 

79,600,000 

83,400,000 

86,000,000 

86,350,000 

92,370,000 

97,446,000 

103,310,000 

108,592,000 

115,101,000 

113,531,000 

103,500,000 

118,661,000 

129,088,000 



3,557,9:35,769 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



188 



WORLD'S STOCK OF GOLD AND SILVER COIN IN 1873 AND 

1896. 

The stock of gold and silver in the world in 1873 and 1896 is esti- 
mated by the Treasury Department to have been as follows: 





1873. 


1896. 


Gold 


83,045,000,000 
1,817,000,000 


$4,100,000,000 
4,200,000,000 







Commercial ratio of silver to gold each year since 1687. 
[Note.— From 1687 to 1832 the ratios are taken from Dr. A. Soetbeer ; from 1833 to 1878 
roin Pixley aud Abell's tables, and from 1879 to 1891 from daily cablegrams from London 
) the Bureau of the Mint.] 



Year. 



1687. 
1688. 
1689. 
1690. 
1691. 
1692. 
1693. 
1694. 
1695. 
1696. 
1697. 
1698. 



Ratio. 



1700 

1701 

1702 

1703.... 
1704.... 
1705.... 
1706.... 
1707.... 
1708.... 
1709.... 
1710.... 
1711.... 
171?.... 
1713.... 
1714.... 
1715.... 
1716.... 
1717.... 
1718... 
1719... 
1720.. . 
1721.... 
1722.... 



14.94 

14.94 

15.02 

15.02 

14.98 

14.92 

14.83 

14.87 

15.02 

15.00 

15.20 

15.07 

14.94 

14.81 II 

15.07 

15.52 

15.17 

15.22 

15.11 

15.27 

15.44 i 

15.41 

15.81 I 

15.22 

15.29 

15.31 

15.24 

16.13 I 

15.11 : 

15.09 j 

15.13 

15.11 

15.09 

15.04 

15.05 ; 

15.17 | 



Year. 


Ratio. 




1723.. 


15.20 




1724.. 


15.11 




1725.. 


15.11 




1726.. 


15.15 




1727- 


15.24 




1728. 


15.11 




178 '. 


14.92 




1730- 


14.81 




1731.. 


14.94 




1732.. 


15.09 




1733.. 


15.18 




1734.. 


15.39 




1735.. 


15.41 




1736.. 


15.18 ! 




1737.. 


15.02 




1738.. 


14.91 




1739.. 


14.91 




1740.. 


14.94 




1741.. 


14.92 




1742.. 


14.85 




1743.. 


14.85 




1744„ 


14.87 




1745.. 


14.98 




1746.. 


15.13 




1747.. 


15.26 




174S.. 


15.11 




1749.. 


14.80 




1750.. 


14 55 




1751- 


14.39 




1752.. 


14.54 




1753.. 


14.54 




1754- 


14.48 




1755.. 


14.68 




1756.. 


14.94 ! 




1757.. 


14.87 i 





Year. 


Ratio. 


1758- 


14.85 


1759.. 


14.15 


1760- 


14.14 


1761.. 


14.54 


1762- 


15.27 


1763- 


14.99 


1764.. 


14.70 


1765.. 


14.83 


1766- 


14.80 


1767- 


14.85 


1768- 


14.80 


1769.. 


14.72 


1770- 


14.62 


1771.. 


14.66 


1772- 


14.52 


1773.. 


14.62 


1774- 


14.62 


1775- 


14.72 


1776- 


14.55 


1777- 


14.54 


1778.. 


14.68 


1779- 


14.80 


1780- 


14.72 


1781- 


14.78 


1782- 


14.42 


1783.. 


14.48 


1784.. 


14.70 


1785.. 


14.92 


1786- 


14.96 


1787.. 


14.92 


1788- 


14.65 


17?9.. 


14.75 


1790.. 


15.04 


1791.. 


15.05 


1702.. 


15.17 ' 



Year. Ratio. 



1793. 
1794. 
1795. 
1796. 
1797. 
1798. 
1799. 
1800. 
1801. 
1802. 
1803. 
1804. 
1805. 
1806. 
1807. 



1810 

1811.. 

1812.. 

1813.. 

1814.. 

1815.. 

1816..I 

1817.. 

1818.. 

1819.. 

182.1.. 

1821.. 

1822.. 

1823.. 

1824.. 

1825.. 

1826.. 

1827.J 



15.00 

15.37 

15.55 

15.65 

15.41 

15.59 

15.74 

15.68 

15.46 

15.26 

15.41 

15.41 

15.79 

15.52 

15.43 

16.08 

15.96 

15.77 

15.53 

16.11 

16.25 

15.04 

15.26 

15.28 

15.11 

15.35 

15.33 

15.62 

15.95 

15.80 

15.84 

15.82 : ! 

15.70 

15.76 

15.74 : 



Year. 


Ratio. 


1828.. 


15.78 


1829.. 


15.78 


1830.. 


15.82 


1831.. 


15.72 


1832.. 


15.73 


1833.. 


15.93 


1834.. 


15.73 


1835.. 


15.80 


1836.. 


15.72 


1837.. 


15.83 


1838.. 


15.85 


1839.. 


15.62 


1840.. 


15.62 


1841.. 


15.70 


1842.. 


15.87 


1843.. 


15.93 


1844.. 


15.85 


1845.. 


15.92 


1846.. 


15.90 


1847.. 


15.80 


1848.. 


15.85 


1849.. 


15.78 


1850.. 


15.70 


1851.. 


15.46 


1852.. 


15.59 


1853.. 


15.33 


1854.. 


15.33 


1855.. 


15.38 


1856.. 


15.38 


1857.. 


15.27 


1858.. 


15.38 


1859.. 


15.19 


I860.. 


15.29 


1861.. 


15.50 1 


1862.. 


15.35 k 



Year. Rati 



1863. 
1S64. 
1865. 
1866. 
18G7. 
1868. 
1869. 
1870. 
1871 
1872. 
1873. 
1874. 
1875. 
1876. 
1877. 
1878. 
1879. 
1880. 
1881. 
1882. 
1883. 
1884. 
1885. 
1880. 
1887. 



1890.. 
1891... 
1892... 
1893... 
1894.. 
1895... 
1896.., 
1897*. 



15.37 
15.37 
15.44 
15.43 
15.57 
15.59 
15.60 
15.57 
15.57 
15.63 
15.92 
16.17 
16.59 
17.88 
17.22 
17.94 
18.40 
18.05 
18.16 
18.19 
18.64 
18.57 
19.41 
20.78 
21.13 
21.99 
22.10 
19.76 
20.92 
23.72 
26.49 
32.56 
31.60 
30.66 
32.87 



* Six months. 



THE SUPPLY OF GOLD. 

Gold and silver, the precious metals, as they are called, are under 
no law of tariff, or under no law of inclusion or exclusion; they go 
just where they are most wanted. They go wherever there is a 



184 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

demand for them. Wherever they are wanted there they will go, 
their movements differing- from even breadstuffs, where- movements 
are affected one way or the other on account of tariffs. I don't 
know but there was once a duty on the precious metals, but it did 
not work; no country has, yet succeeded in controlling by law the 
movements of the precious metals. Gold and silver flow like the 
atmosphere and are governed by a law like the law of graviation. — 
Ex-Senator George F. Edmunds before the House Committee on 
Banking and Currency. 

BLAND BILL FIXED THE GOLD CLAUSE. 

"Be it enacted, etc., That there shall be coined at the several 
mints of the United States, silver dollars of the weight of 412y 2 
grains Troy of standard silver, as provided in the act of January 
is, L8S7, on which shall he the devices and superscriptions provided 
lid act; which coins, together with all silver dollars heretofore 
coined by the United States of like weight and fineness, shall be a 
legal tender, at their nominal value, for all debts and dues, public 
and private, except where otherwise provided by contract; and any 
owner of silver bullion may deposit the same at any United States 
coinage mint or assay office, to be coined into such dollars, for his 
benefit, upon the same terms and conditions as gold bullion is de- 
posited tor coinage under existing laws. 

"Sec. 2. All acts and parts of acts inconsistent with the pro- 
visions of this act are hereby repealed." 

Amended m the Senate, and became a law February 28, 1878, but 
was known as the Bland-Allison act, — Record, vol. 6, p. 241. 



HAWAII. 

Legislative History of the Annexation Measure. 

On June 11, 1898, the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the House, 
reported the following joint resolution in favor of the annexation 
of Hawaii: 

To provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United 
States. 

Whereas the government of the Republic of Hawaii having, in 
flue form, signified its consent, in the manner provided by its con- 
stitution, to cede absolutely and without reserve to the United 
States of America all rights of sovereignty of whatsoever kind in 
and over the Hawaiian Islands and their dependencies, and also 
to cede and transfer to the United States the absolute fee and owner- 
ship of alJ public, government or crown lands, public buildings or 



MBPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 186 

edifices, ports, harbors, military equipment, and all other public 
property of every kind and description belonging- to the govern- 
ment of the Hawaiian Islands, tog-ether with every right and 
appurtenance thereto appertaining; therefore, 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That said cession is ac- 
cepted, ratified and confirmed, and that the said Hawaiian Islands 
and their dependencies be, and they are hereby, annexed as a part 
of the territory of the United States and are subject to the sover- 
eign dominion thereof, and that all and singular the property and 
rights hereinbefore mentioned are vested in the United States of 
America. 

The existing laws of the United States relative to public lands 
shall not apply to such lands in the Hawaiian Islands; but the 
Congress of the United States shall enact special laws for then- 
management and disposition; provided that all revenue from or 
proceeds of the same, except as regards such part thereof as may 
be used or occupied for the civil, military, or naval purposes of 
the United States, or ma}' be assigned for the use of the local 
government, shall be used solely for the benefit of the inhabitants 
of the Hawaiian Islands for educational and other public purposes. 

Until Congress shall provide for the government of such islands 
all the civil, judicial, and military powers exercised by the officers 
of the existing government in said islands shall be vested in such 
person or persons and shall be exercised in such manner as the 
President of the United States shall direct; and the President shall 
have power to remove said officers and fill the vacancies so occa- 
sioned. 

The existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign nations 
shall forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such treaties 
as may exist, or as may hereafter be concluded between the United 
States and such foreign nations. The municipal legislation of the 
Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for the fulfillment of the treaties 
so extinguished, and not inconsistent with this joint resolution 
nor contrary to the Constitution of the United States, nor to exist- 
ing treaty of the United States, shall remain in force until the 
Congress of the United States shall otherwise determine. 

Until such legislation shall be enacted extending the United 
States customs laws and regulations to the Hawaiian Islands the 
existing customs relations of the Hawaiian Islands with the United 
States and other countries shall remain unchanged. 

The public debt of the Republic of Hawaii lawfully existing at 
the date of the passage of this joint resolution, including the 
amounts due to depositors in the Hawaiian Postal Savings Bank, 
is hereby assumed by the Government of the United States; but 



ISO REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

the liability of the United States in this regard shall in no case 
exceed $4,000,000. So long-, however, as the existing government 
arid the present commercial relations, of the Hawaiian Islands are 
continued as hereinbefore provided said government shall continue 
to pay the interest on said debt. 

There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the Ha- 
waiian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or may 
hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States; and no 
Chinese, by reason of anything herein contained, shall be allowed 
to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands. 

The President shall appoint five commissioners, at least two of 
whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian Islands, who shall, as 
soon as reasonably practicable, recommend to Congress such legis- 
lation concerning the Hawaiian Islands as they shall deem neces- 
sary or proper. 

Sec. 2. That the commissioners hereinbefore provided for shall 
be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent 
of the Senate. 

Sec. 3. That the sum of $100,000, or so much thereof as may 
be necessary, is hereby appropriated, out of any money in the 
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to be immediately avail- 
able, to be expended at the discretion of the President of the 
United States of America, for the purpose of carrying this joint 
resolution into effect. 

It passed in the House June 15th by a vote of 209 to 91, not voting 
49, the opposition being made up almost entirely of Democrats. 
The vote w r as as follows: 

Yeas, 209— Acheson, Adams, Aldrich, Alexander, Babcock, Baker 
(111.), Baker (Md.), Barham, Barney, Barrows, Bartholdt, Belden, 
Belford, Belknap, Benner (Pa.), Bennett, Berry, Bingham, Bishop, 
Booze, Botkin, Boutell (111.), Boutelle (Me.), Brewster, Broderick, 
Bromwell, Brown, Brownlow, Brucker, Brumm, Bull, Burleigh, .But- 
ler, Cannon, Capron, Chickering, Clark (Iowa), Clarke (N. H.), Coch- 
ran (Mo.), Cochrane (N. Y.), Codding, Connell, Connolly, Cooper 
(Wis.), Corliss, Cousins, Crump, Cummings, Curtis (Iowa), Curtis 
(Kans.), Dalzell, Danford, Davenport, Davidson (Wis.), Davison 
(Kw). Dayton, De Vries, Dingley, Dolliver, Dovener, Driggs, Ellis, 
Ennentrout, Faris, Fenton, Fischer, Fletcher Foote, Foss, Fowler 
(N. J.), Gibson, Gillet (N. Y.), Graff, Green (Mass.), Griffin, Griffith, 
Grosvenor, Grout, Grow, Hager, Hamilton, Hawley, Heatwole, 
Hemenway, Henderson, Henry (Conn.), Henry (Ind.), Hep- 
burn, Hicks, Hilborn, Hill, Hitt, Hooker, Hopkins. Howe, 
Jlowell, Hull, Hurley, Jenkins, Johnson (N. Dak.), Jones 
(Wash.), Joy, Kelley, Kerr, Ketcham, Kirkpatrick, Knowles, 
Knox, Kulp, Lacey, Landis, Lawrence, Lewis (Ga.), Lewis 
(Wash.), Linney, Littauer, Livingston, Loud, Loudenslager, Lover- 
ing, Low. Lybrand, McCall, McCleary, McCormick, McDonald, Mc- 
Ewan, Me hit ire, Mahany. Mahon, Mann, Marsh, Marshall, Meekison, 
Mercer, Mesick, Miller, Mills, Minor, Mitchell, Moody, Morris, Mtidd., 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 187 

H«wlands, Northway, Norton (S. C). Olmsted, Osborne, Otjen, 
Packer (Pa.), Parker (N. J.), Payne, Pearce (Mo.), Pearson, Per- 
kins, Peters, Pitney, Powers, Prince, Pugh, Pay, Ridgely, Robbins, 
Russell, Sauerhering, Shannon, Shattuc, Shelden, Sherman, Show- 
alter, Simpson, Skinner, Smith (111.), Smith, Samuel W., Smith, Wil- 
liam Alden, Snover, Southard, Southwick, Spalding, Sperry, Steele, 
Stevens (Minn.), Stewart (N. J.), Stewart (Wis.), Stone, Charles W., 
Strode (Nebr.), Sulloway, Sulzer, Tawney, Taylor (Ala.), Thorp, 
Todd, Tongue, Updegraff, Van Voorhis, Vehslage, Walker (Va.), 
Wanger, Ward, Warner, Weaver, Weymouth, White (111.), White 
(N. C), Wilber, Williams (Pa,), Wise, Yost, Young. 

Nays, 91 — Adamson, Bailey, Baird, Ball, Bankhead, Bartlett, Bell, 
Benton. Bland, Bradley, Brantley, Brewer, Broussard, Brundidge, 
Carmack, Clardy, Clark (Mo.), Clayton, Cooney, Cowherd, 
Crumpacker, Davey, Davis, De Graffenreid, Dinsmore, Dockery, 
Elliott, Fitzgerald, Fleming, Fowler (N. C), Fox, Gaines, Griggs, 
Handy, Hartman, Hay, Henry (Miss.), Henry (Tex.), Hinrichsen, 
Howard (Ala.), Howard (Ga.), Jett, Johnson (Ind), Jones (Va.), 
Kitchin, Kleberg, Lamb, Lanham, Lester, Little, Lloyd, Love. Mc- 
Aleer, McCulloch, McDowell, McMillin, McRae, Maguire, Martin, 
Maxwell, Meyer (La.), Moon, Ogden, Pierce (Tenn.), Rhea, Richard- 
son, Rixey, Robb, Robertson (La.), Robinson (Ind.), Sayers, Settle, 
Shafroth, Shuford, Sims, Slayden, Sparkman, Stallings, Stark, 
Stephens (Tex.), Stokes, Strait, Strowd (X. C), Swanson, Tate, 
Underwood, Yandiver, Wadsworth, Wheeler (Ky.), Williams (Miss.), 
Wilson. 

Paired in favor of the resolution — Royce, Rprague, Lorimer, Evans, 
Reeves, Castle, Gillett (Mass.), Greene (Nebr.), Burton, Beach, Col- 
son, Odell, Harmer, Barrett, William A. Stone, Arnold, Overstreet, 
Quigg, Brosius, Gunn, Sturtevant, Walker (Mass.), and Tayler 
(Ohio). Vincent absent, would vote yea. 

Paired and against passage — Zenor, Lentz, Campbell, Smith (Ky.), 
Talbert, Hunter, Terry, King, Norton (Ohio), Brenner (Pa.), Fitz- 
patrick, De Armond, Allen, Cooper (Tex.), McClellan, Cox, Mievs 
(Ind.), Crawford, Otey, Burke, Sutherland, Catchings,' and Barlow. 

The Speaker (Mr. Reed) absent sick; if present would vote 
"nay." — Congressional Record, p. 6,664. 

Debate in the Senate began June 20, and was continued desul- 
torily, with a view on the part of the opposition to talk the resolu- 
tion to death, until July 6, when it was passed by a vote of 42 to 21, 
as follows: 

Senators for Annexation — Allison, Baker, Burrows, Cannon, 
Carter, Clark, Cullom, Davis, Deboe, Elkins, Fairbanks, Poraker, 
Frye, Gallinger, Gorman, Hale, Hanna, Hansbrough, Hawley, Hoar. 
Kyle, Lodge, McBride, McLaurin, Money, Morgan, Nelson, Penrose, 
Perkins, Pettus, Piatt (Conn.), Pritchard, Proctor, Sewell, Shonp. 
Sullivan, Teller, Warren, Wellington, Wetmore, Wilson, Wolcott — 42. 

Republicans, 33; Democrats, 6; Silver Republicans, 2; Independ- 
ent, 1. 

Senators Against Annexation — Allen, Bacon, Bate, Berry, 
Caffery, Chilton, Clay, Daniel, Faulkner, Jones (Nev.), Lindsay, Mc- 
Enery, Mallory, Mitchell, Morrill, Pasco, pettigrew, Roach, Turley, 
Torpie, White— 21. 



198 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Democrats, 17; Populists, 1; Republicans, 1; Silver Republicans, 
1; Silverites, 1. 

There were twelve pairs, as follows, the names of those who 
would have voted in the affirmative being given first in each in- 
stance: Rawlins with Butler, Chandler with Vest, Murphy with 
Cockrell, Quay with Gray, Stewart with Mills, Smith with Gear, 
Aldrich with Jones of Arkansas, McMillan with Kenney, Mantle 
with Martin, Piatt with Spooner, Turner with Thurston, and Mason 
with Tillman. 

Senators Harris and Heitfeld were absent unpaired, but the an- 
nouncement was made by their respective colleagues that if present 
they would vote for the resolutions. 

The resolutions received the President's signature July 7, and 
were immediately forwarded on their way to Honolulu for ratifi- 
cation by the Hawaiian Congress. 

HISTORY OF PREVIOUS OFFERS OF HAWAIIAN ANNEX- 
ATION—EVENTS UNDER THE CLEVELAND ADMINIS- 
TRATION. 

Those who assume that the present prominence of Hawaii in 
American affairs is something comparatively novel, and that the 
proposition for the annexation of these islands is of recent origin, 
are not familiar with the facts. Ever since Hawaii was of sufficient 
importance to be a factor in international politics, American states- 
men and all political parties have regarded its commercial and 
military advantages of such peculiar value to the united States 
that they deemed it necessary to adopt and enforce the policy of 
not allowing any foreign power to interfere with, control or colon- 
ize it. 

As long ago as December 19, 1842, Hawaii applied to the United 
States lor recognition. Secretary of State Webster at that time 
denned the attitude of this Government toward the Sandwich 
Islands by slating that we would oppose their seizure by any for- 
eign power and that we were determined to respect their independ- 
ence. England seized them in 1843, and on June 13 of that year 
Secretary of State t^egare notified the American minister at Lon- 
don that owing to the peculiarly close relations between Hawaii 
and the United States, this country might go to war to prevent its 
retention by any European power, and England subsequently re- 
laxed its grasp upon the islands. France repeatedly attempted to 
take them, and on June 18, 1851, Secretary of State Webster in- 
structed the American minister at Paris to inform the French 
Government that the further enforcement of the French demand 
against Hawaii 'would be tantamount to a subjugation of the 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 189 

islands to the dominion of France." A step like this would "tend 
seriously to disturb our existing friendly relations with the French 
Government." Under pressure like this France, also, relaxed its 
claims. The islands were again offered to us by Chief Kamehameha 
in 1851. 

From 1842 to the present day, nine Presidents have declared and 
enforced this policy of non-interference, and within the past four 
years both Houses of Congress have declared that any interference 
in the affairs of the Hawaiian Islands by any foreign power would 
be considered an unfriendly act toward this Government, and this 
policy has been officially enunciated by eminent American states- 
men like Webster, Clay, Seward, and Blaine. Four times within 
that period foreign powers have Seized the islands — Great Britain 
once, France twice, and Kussia once. But on each occasion the 
prompt enforcement of our policy prevented them from falling 
permanently into the hands of either of these great powers. 

But the events which led up to our present interest, in these 
islands are of more recent date. 

On the 29th of January, 1891, Liliuokalani was proclaimed Queen 
on the death of Kalakaua. She was neither a hereditary nor an 
absolute monarch, but chosen under and bound by the terms of a 
written Constitution, which she was sworn to obey and maintain. 

The first year and a half of her reign was uneventful, but the last 
mx months were pregnant with events that affected the future. 
The Q ll «?en and her supporters w T ere struggling to have ministers of 
her own choosing, rather than those acceptable to the majority of 
the Legislature, as required by the Constitution, so that during 
those six months there were five different cabinets. Three cabinets 
were voted out in the course of a few weeks. In two of them were 
Sam Parker and Paul Neumann. In the third was Gornwell. These 
men, and their like, were those who were promoting the opium and 
lottery bills — the one to permit the opium traffic at the cost of the 
further demoralization of the native population; the other to trans- 
fer these islands to the Louisiana octopus, which had been driven 
out of the United States, that from that coigne of vantage it might 
eat up the substance of the islands and prey upon our people. From 
both, the Queen could gain a permanent revenue which would make 
her independent of the purse of the state controlled by the Legis- 
lature and enable her the more readily and easily to forge the fet- 
ters of absolutism upon the country. From both, the harpies, 
sharpers, and adventurers around her, who were guiding the move- 
ments, would fatten on the profits and corruption that would ensue. 

The Queen, with the aid of the unscrupulous supporters of the 



190 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

opium and lottery bills, had, by bribery, forced both measures 
through the Legislature, had voted out the conservative cabinet, 
and had appointed in their stead a new cabinet, made up of Parker, 
Cornwell, Colburn, and Peterson. At noon on the 14th of 
January, 1893, the Queen prorogued the Legislature, thereby leav- 
ing this cabinet in power until the Legislature should again as- 
semble at the end of nearly two years. At the same time she 
announced to her ministers her purpose to proclaim a new consti- 
tution. This proposed constitution would overthrow constitutional 
and responsible government, and practically place the entire powers 
of the Government, all power over the people and property of the 
islands, at the mercy of the Queen. It gave to the crown the power 
to appoint the Ministers without regard to any vote of the Legis- 
lature, to appoint the nobles, twenty-four in number, and one-half 
the Legislature. It reduced the qualification of voters and confined 
the right of suffrage to "subjects" only, thereby taking it away 
from those of American or European birth or descent who had it 
under the existing Constitution; thus giving to the native Ha- 
waiians control over the election of the representatives, and, with 
her power to appoint the nobles, making the Legislature the crea- 
ture of her will. 

The constitution could be changed by the majority vote of one 
Legislature and the two-thirds vote of the succeeding one, but she 
attempted to change it by her own arbitrary edict in violation of 
her solemn oath. The only further authority she invoked was the 
acquiescence of her ministers. She demanded of them that they 
should sign the instrument and join with her in promulgating it. 
Small wonder that they refused, and, when with savage fury she 
insisted, surrounded by a crowd of hoodlums of her own. race, that 
they fled from her presence for their lives and unfolded the tale 
to the leaders of the reform party they had opposed, asking them 
to summon the people to their rescue. 

The Committee on Foreign Kelations of the Senate have well 
found in their report that Liliuokalani then and there ceased to reign. 
And it will remain a standing marvel to the people of this Republic 
as long as it endures, and the pitiful story of the subsequent course 
of President Cleveland and Secretary Gresham lives to stain our 
records, how they could ever have thought otherwise. 

When the Queen's ministers made known hex revolutionary at- 
tempt, the greatest excitement prevailed, as the news rapidly 
spread. There was no hesitation in the minds of the responsible 
citizens of Honolulu. A crisis had come, a final decision was to be 
made between freedom and despotism, and the universal feeling 
was that the monarchy must go. TUe positive refusal of her minis- 
ters to join in proclaiming net new constitution, their prompt 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 191 

appeal to the people to sustain them, and the universal and bitter 
denunciation of her course, alarmed the Queen, and she reluctantly 
receded from her course, but with positive assurance to her fol- 
lowers that she would carry out her purpose at the first opportun- 
ity. With this standing threat, with her broken oath, with her 
known cruel and obstinate nature, and with her profligate sur- 
roundings, there was nothing for the people to do but to put her 
aside, and in the language of the Great Declaration "to institute a 
new government, laying its foundations on such piinciples, and 
organizing* its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most 
likely to effect their safety and happiness." A meeting of leading 
citizens was held, a Committee on Public Safety appointed, and for 
forty-eight hours the matter was agitated. At 2 o'clock on Monday, 
the 16th, a public meeting was held, and the fate of the Queen 
decided. A Provisional Government was formed, which the next 
day took possession of the Government building, publicly pro- 
claimed the deposition of the Queen, and thenceforth all the powers 
of the Government were in their hands. This Provisional Govern- 
ment was promptly recognized by all foreign diplomatic repre 
sentatives, except the English minister, which came later. 

The Provisional Government immediately appointed a commis- 
sion authorized to come to Washington and negotiate a treaty for 
the annexation of the islands to the United States. They came; 
a treaty was agreed upon; was sent to the Senate by President 
Harrison on February 15, 1893, referred to the Committee on For- 
eign Relations, and promptly returned with a favorable report. 

Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated on the 4th of March, and by the 
7th of March he had withdrawn the treaty and appointed James H. 
lUount as commissioner to the Hawaiian Islands, to investigate and 
report the facts as to the condition of affairs in the islands, created 
by the recent deposition of the Queen, and the erection of a Pro- 
visional Government, the causes of the revolution, and the senti- 
ment of the people toward existing authority. 

Mr. Blount reached the islands on the 29th of March, and his 
last despatch to the Secretary of State, being the final report of 
his mission, was dated at Honolulu, J uly 17, 1893. This report, 
with the accompanying testimony and documents, was the basis of 
Secretary Gresham's letter to the President of October 18, which 
first announced to the country the startling change of policy medi- 
tated by the Administration. 

Let it be remembered that from the time Kamehameha offered to 
cede the islands to ns in 1851, it has been well understood that 
upon failure of the native government, they would come to us. 
Even before that he had pushed aside France and England when 
they had attempted to tak« possession of them, and refused to join 



192 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

with tli em in any agreement that we would not assent to. Not a 
word of protest or objection to this proposed annexation came 
from any quarter — England, France, Russia, or Japan — all of whom 
looked with longing eyes to this "paradise of the Pacific." Nor did 
it involve any possibility of war as did the annexation of Texas. 

The President has power to send messengers to collect infor- 
mation in any emergency; but he has no right to clothe them with 
diplomatic functions not provided for by law, and no right to give 
them authority over the Army or Navy in which they bear no com- 
missions. His appointment of Mr. Blount with such powers, while 
the Senate was in session, without its knowledge and consent, was 
a clear act of usurpation. As the object of this mission was to find 
evidence to discredit the Administration of President Harrison and 
the Hawaiian Provisional Government, it was sought for princi- 
pally among the disreputable supporters of the Queen. Neverthe- 
less facts of the utmost consequence were too patent to be omitted. 
In his dispatch of April 26, he sent the President two documents 
which fully disclose the kind of government wanted by the Queen 
and her followers, and of which he says: 

"I had supposed up to the appearance of this memorial that the 
real demand of the natives was for a just proportion of power in 
the election of nobles by the reduction of the money qualification of 
an elector. Phis T had derived from interviews with some of the 
intelligent half-castes. This memorial indicates an opposition to 
the constitution, because it takes away from the Crown the right 
to appoint nobles and the right to appoint and remove cabinets at 
will. There is no aspiration in it for the advancement of the right 
of the masses to participate in the control of public affairs, but an 
eager, trustful devotion to the Crown as an absolute monarchy. 1 
had wondered whether or not this race of people, which up to 1843 
had no rights of property, and over whom the king and chiefs had 
absolute power of life and death, had fully cast off the old system 
and conceived the modern ideas in the United States of the control 
of the Government by equal participation by every citizen in the 
selection of its rulers. * * * Taken in connection with the 
foregoing memorial of the Hawaiian Political Association it is 
strongly suggestive of blind devotion to arbitrary power vested in 
the crown worn by a person of native blood. I have forwarded 
these two documents because they present a phase of thought which 
had not been so well defined in anything I had seen in publications 
relating to these islands. They seem to go very far in the matter 
of the capacity of these people for self-government." 

The objections to the constitution of 1887 are thus stated in 
the memorial: 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 193 

"First. This constitution deprived the Crown of Hawaiian Islands 
of its ancient prerogatives. 

"Second. This constitution based the principles of government 
on the forms and spirit of republican governments. 

"Third. This constitution opens the way to a republican gov- 
ernment. 

"Fourth. This constitution has taken the sovereign power and 
vested it outside of the King sitting on the throne of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom. 

"Fifth. This constitution has limited the franchise of the native 
Hawaiians." 

It is not possible here to exhibit the testimony taken by Mr. 
Blount, but the above discloses the kind of ruler and government 
Mr. Cleveland proposed to restore ZMr. Blount, however, fully 
admits that the mass of the intelligence, moral virtue, and wealth 
of the country was w-ith the Provisional Government; that it was 
fully and firmly established, and not to be peaceably dislodged; 
and that the men who composed it were of the highest character 
and worth. All this Mr. Cleveland knew when he appointed Mr. 
Willis as minister to this government. 

On receiving Blount's report, Mr. Stevens was recalled and Mr. 
Willis was appointed American minister. He was accredited to 
the Provisional Government, and bore a communication from 
President Cleveland to President Dole, who was addressed as "My 
great and good friend." Neither Congress nor the people had the 
slightest suspicion of the secret instructions he bore. 

On the ISth of December the President sent a message to Con- 
gress. In this he announced his intention to repair the wrong 
done to Queen Liliuokalani by restoring her to the Throne- The 
grounds upon which he adopted this policy and announced this 
purpose were that the force to which the Queen's Government 
yielded was that of the United States, and not any force possessed 
by the Committee of Safety and the revolutionists. That the 
United States troops were landed not to protect American life 
and property, but to promote and secure the ovei throw ol the 
Queen's Government and the substitution of another, that would 
offer to the United States a treaty of annexation. That Minister 
Stevens, in having the troops landed and in his recognition of 
the Provisional Government, acted in bad faith to the Queen, as 
well as in gross violation of his duty to his own Government. 
And that good faith, the highest duty of a republic, and a due 
regard for our national character required that we should en- 
deavor to repair the wrong. But the President did not stop here 
He had instructed Mr. Willis, his minister to the islands, to aid 
in overthrowing the Provisional Government and in restoring the 
18 






194 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Queen, upon the condition of pardon and clemency by her to her 
former subjects who had overthrown her power. But he naively 

admits: 

"The check which my plans have thus encountered has prevented 
their presentation to the members of the Provisional Government, 
while unfortunate public misrepresentations of the situation and 
exaggerated statements of our people have obviously injured the ' 
prospects of successful Executive mediation." 

A month before this message Secretary Gresham's letter to the 
President had been made public, in which this purpose of restor- 
ing 1 the Queen was foreshadowed. The amazement, indignation, 
and chagrin of the country were unbounded. Men of all parties, 
and the press, almost without exception, denounced the policy. 
But the message disclosed more. It showed that while accredited 
to the Provisional Government Mr. Willis was instructed to enter 
into secret negotiations with the Queen, and to promise her the 
intervention of the United States; and this he was to conceal from 
the Government to which he was accredited. To an honorable 
gentleman like Mr. Willis, to be thus compelled to act the part 
of a secret conspirator against a Keirublic in favor of a monarchy, 
against the men of his own blood in favor of the native race, 
must have been most humiliating, and all the more so for the 
reason that it was in open violation of established international 
law. 

Vattel's Law of Nations says: 

"As to what concerns the prince to whom he is sent, the Am- 
bassador should remember that his ministry is a ministry of peace, 
and that it is on that footing he is received. This reason forbids * 
him engaging in any machinations; let him serve his master with- 
out injuring the prince who received him. It is a base treachery 
to take advantage of the inviolability of the ambassadorial char- 
;uicr, for the purpose of plotting in security the ruin of those 
who respect that character, of laying snares for them, of clan- 
destinely injuring them, of embroiling and ruining their affairs. 
What would be infamous and abominable in a private guest shall 
not be allowable and becoming in the representative of a sover- 
eign." 

I '»ut the reason for the failure of the President's scheme must 
have been the keenest sting of all. When it was proposed by 
Mr. Willis, the woman replied, "I must abide by the laws of my 
government. They require that traitors shall be beheaded and 
their property confiscated." Amazed at the stupidity and cruelty 
of this answer, Mr. Willis says he slowly and deliberately re- 
peated her words, and "I then said to her, it is your feeling that 



BSFUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 196 

these people should be beheaded and their property confiscated?" 
She replied, "It is." No wonder he stopped right there and tele- 
graphed, "Views of the first party so extreme as to require fur- 
ther instructions." Such an admonition might be presumed to 
have given pause to the Washington Government, but they were 
indeed made of sterner stuff. Promptly back goes the telegram 
in reply: 

"Should the Queen accept conditions and the Provisional Gov- 
ernment refuse to surrender, you will be governed by previous 
instructions." 

"What the Queen really intended is fully disclosed in a document 
afterwards placed in Mr. Willis's hands, by her ex-marshal, and 
paramour, Wilson, on December 5, 1893. 

This instrument was a proposed plan of procedure "in the event 
of the United States Government through its officials causing and 
compelling the Provisional Government to surrender uncondition- 
ally and proceeding to the restoration of Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment as it was on the 17th day of January, 1893, possibly coupled 
with a request or a recommendation to mercy and leniency on 
behalf of those who took part as principles in the overthrow of 
the Queen's Government on that date." It provided that the com- 
mander of the United States forces should bring them on shore, 
compel the surrender to him by the Provisional Government of 
all their officers and men as prisoners, to be subsequently turned 
over to Her Majesty's Government, to be dealt with by a court 
specially appointed for that purpose, which was to proceed under 
martial law. Martial law was to be proclaimed, the writ of habeas 
corpus suspended; all arms and ammunition in private hands 
were to be surrendered, and their sale prohibited; all officials 
were to be reappointed; all persons implicated or concerned in 
the late overthrow were to be arrested; custody and care was 
to be had of all such prisoners, as well as those handed over 
by the United States forces; all arms were to be received and 
surrendered to the United States by the Provisional Government, 
and vessels were to be dispatched to the other islands to make 
all necessary changes and arrests. All this was to be carried 
out by the Queen's late cabinet, and a council of persons whose 
names were appended to the document. 

In transmitting this precious instrument Mr. Willis felt com- 
pelled to saj': 

"It will be seen that, although claiming to be the author of 
the document, a claim which is doubtful, he (Wilson) finally ad- 
mitted that it had been submitted to and approved by the Queen, 
by her attorney, and by all the members of her former ministry, 
all of whom had received copies. An analysis of the list of special 



1% REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

advisers, whether native or foreign, is not encouraging 1 \*> the 
friends of good government or of American interests. The Ameri- 
cans who, for over half a century, held a commanding place in 
the councils of state are ignored, and other nationalities, English 
especially, are placed in charge. This is true both of the special 
list of advisers and of the supplementary list. If these lists had 
been selected by Wilson himself no special importance would 
attach to them, but it would seem from the facts that it is a 
list which has been approved after consultation with leading royal- 
ists and, most probably, with the approval of the Queen." 

On receiving the President's answer, Mr. Willis had another 
interview with the Queen, and finally persuaded her to sign the 
required agreement as to the amnesty of political offenders, and 
assuming the obligations of the Provisional Government, and then 
proceeded to carry out the second part of his .instructions. Call- 
ing on President Dole and the Provisional Government, Ke de- 
livered an address containing a string of false statements, noti- 
fied them that he had secured the Queen's promise of amnesty, 
and stated that they would be expected to relinquish the Govern- 
ment to her, and closed thus: 

"And now, Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Provisional 
Government, with a deep and solemn sense of the gravity of the 
situation, and with the earnest hope that your answer will be 
inspired by that high patriotism which forgets all self-interest, 
in the name and by the authority of the United States of America 
I submit to you the question, 'Are you willing to abide by the 
decision of the President?' " 

And so the solemn farce, which would have been a tragedy 
had it otherwise ended, was played out. Gresham's letter, the 
American newspapers, and Minister Thurston, had all arrived at 
Honolulu, and made known the true situation. President Dole was 
fully informed and promptly furnished his answer. 

The annals of diplomacy do not furnish a more crushing re- 
joinder. It is hard to refrain from quoting the whole of this 
long paper, every word of which goes to the mark. It opens with 
a dignity worthy of the theme of the occasion: 

"While it is with deep disappointment that we learn that the 
important proposition which we have submitted to the President 
of the United States, and which was first favorably considered 
by it, has at length been rejected, we have experienced a sense 
of relief that we are now favored with the first official informa- 
tion upon the subject that has been received through a period 
of over nine months. 

"While we accept the decision of the President of the United' 
States, declining further to consider the annexation proposition, 



as the final conclusion of the present Administration, we do not 
feel inclined to regard it as the last word of the American Govern- 
ment upon this subject, for the history of the mutual relations 
of the two countries, of American effort and influence in building 
up the Christian civilization which has so conspicuously aided iu 
giving this country an honorable place among independent na- 
tions, the geographical position of these islands, and the important 
and, to both countries, profitable reciprocal commercial interests 
which have long existed, together with our weakness as a sover- 
eign nation, all point with convincing force to political union be- 
tween the two countries as the necessary logical result from the 
circumstances mentioned. This conviction is emphasized by the 
favorable expression of American statesmen over a long period 
in favor of annexation, conspicuous among whom are the names 
of W. L. Ma rev, William H. Seward, Hamilton Fish, and James 
G. Blaine, all former Secretaries of State, and especially so by 
the action of your last administration in negotiating a treaty of 
annexation with this Government and sending it to the Senate 
with a view to its ratification. 

"We shall therefore continue the project of political union with 
the United States as a conspicuous feature of our foreign policy, 
confidently hoping that sooner or later it will be crowned with 
success, to the lasting benefit of both countries. 

"The additional portion of your communication referring to our 
domestic affairs with a view of interfering* therein, is a new de- 
parture in the relations of the two governments. Your informa- 
tion that the President of the United States expects this Gov- 
ernment 'to promptly relinquish to her (meaning the ex-Queen) 
her constitutional authority,' with the question 'are you wiling 
to abide by the decision of the President?' might well be dis- 
missed with a single word, for the circumstances that your com 
munication contains, as it appears to me, misstatements and erro- 
neous conclusions based thereon, that are so pre judicial to this 
Government that I can not permit them to pass unchallenged: 
moreover, the importance and menacing character of this propo- 
sition make it appropriate for me to discuss somewhat fully the 
question raised by it. 

"We do not recognize the right of the President of the United 
States to interfere in our domestic affairs. Such right could be 
conferred upon him by the act of this Government, and by that 
alone, or it could be acquired by conquest. This I understand to 
be the American doctrine, conspicuously announced from time to 
time by the authorities of your Government. 

"My position is briefly this: If the American forces illegally 
assisted the revolutionists in the establishment of the Provisional 



VJH REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Government that Government is not responsible for their wrong- 
doing. It was purely a private matter for discipline between the 
United States Government and its owu oilicers. There is, I sub- 
mit, no precedent in international law for the theory that such 
action of the American troops has conferred upon the United 
States authority over the internal affairs of this Government. 
Should it be true, as you have suggested, that the American 
Government made itself responsible to the Queen, who, it is al- 
leged, lost her throne through such action, that is not a matter 
for me to discuss, except to submit that if such be the case, it 
is a matter for the American Government and her to settle be- 
tween them. This Government, a recognized sovereign power, 
equal in authority with the United States Government, and en- 
joying diplomatic relations with it, can not be destroyed by it 
for the sake of discharging its obligations to the ex-Queen." 
'\This practically closed for the time all negotiations and put 
a stop to any further steps to effect the annexation of the islands 
While President Cleveland remained in the White House the in- 
corporation of the islands remained a theory impracticable of 
execution until the Republicans should again come into power. 
There was sporadic action by Congress. Bills for annexation were 
introduced and long-winded speeches were made in the Senate 
by Mr. Morgan, of Alabama, and a few others, but it was recog- 
nized as a waste of energy, which would accomplish nothing. 

President McKinley was inaugurated March 4, 1897. Soon after, 
the Hawaiian Commissioners again appeared in Washington, and 
on June 16 an annexation treaty was signed, which was sent 
1o the Senate by the President for ratification. 

With the beginning of the special session of the Fifty-fifth Con- 
gress in 1897, several joint resolutions for annexation were intro- 
duced and referred to the appropriate committees. As the special 
session was devoted to the passage of the new Republican tariff 
bill, nothing was done. Congress met again in December. 

In the meantime President Dole, of the .Hawaiian Republic, vis- 
ited Washington and created a favorable impression at the White 
House and in official society where he was cordially received. 
He left with assurances that the Hawaiian question would cer- 
tainly be settled by the Republican Administration. 

On April 21, 1898, war broke out between Spain and the United 
States, and very suddenly the importance of Hawaii began to be 
felt in a far more extended way than at any previous time, t 

On June 11 the Foreign Affairs Committee in the House re- 
ported a joint resolution declaring in favor of the annexation 
Hawaii. It was debated pro and con until Wednesday, June 
15 and parsed in the House by a vote of 209 to 91; not voting 49, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT 



im<k. iyy 



Debate in the Senate began June 20, when Senator Davis, 
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, called it up lor 
consideration. 

OUR COMMERCE WITH THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

With the exception of the year 1895, our commerce with the 
Hawaiian Isands has been steadily increasing since 1893. The fol- 
lowing table shows the total importations, including specie, into 
the Hawaiian islands by countries, during the year 1897: 

Per cent. 
United States Pacific ports $0,502,936 70 73.58 

United States Atlantic ports 297,091 64 3.36 

Great Britain 805,781 25 9.80 

Germany 192,932 19 2.18 

China 260,417 40 2.94 

Japan 292,316 34 3.31 

Australia and New Zealand 122,453 19 1.39 

Canada 58,674 92 .66 

Islands of the Pacific 5,864 04 .07 

France 30,997 32 .35 

Other countries 208,738 10 2.36 

Total 8,83S,203 09 100.00 

The following table shows the most important articles exported 
from the United States to Hawaii in 1897, compared with 1896: 

1896. 1897. 

Agricultural implements $7,772 $8,012 

Animals 45,647 108,557 

Books, maps, etc 25,746 45,990 

Bread and buscuit 33,593 34,999 

Wheat 206,101 232,800 

All other breadstuffs 278,476 355,867 

Carriages and street cars, etc 26,063 26,801 

Chemicals, drugs, and dyes 124,278 103,563 

Coal 10,600 6,809 

Copper and manufactures of 1,599 3,995 

Cotton, manufactures of 301,256 365,715 

Fanny articles 6,425 6,737 

Fish' 95,171 124,991 

Flax, hemp, and manufactures of SI, 844 86,967 

Fruits, including nuts 38,916 45,329 

Glass and glassware 19,347 23,654 

Gunpowder and other explosives 19,453 19,514 

Hay «6.832 74,»5 



ZoI^^^^^^^^republTcai^ampaTq^tex^book. 

1896. 1897. 
India rubber and gutta-percha manufactures 

of 23,780 30,383 

Iron and steel and manufactures of 726,942 823,056 

Jewelry and manufactures, gold and silver... 6,620 4,710 

Leather and manufactures of 176,027 205,455 

Lime and cement 17,923 22,912 

Malt liquors 51,387 70,749 

Matches 16,227 13,742 

Musical instruments 20,190 22,845 

Oils 97,256 77,106 

Paints, pigments, and colors 34,700 44,263 

Paper and stationery 70,278 78,258 

Provisions (meat and dairy products) 155,576 148,279 

Spirits 23,968 32,695 

Sugar, refined 37,440 34,140 

Tobacco, manufactures of 174,100 171,315 

Vegetables 27,188 31,183 

Wine 72,608 76,265 

Boards, deals, etc 210,934 238,784 

Household furniture 66,022 96,573 

All other wood 89,592 109,972 

Wool, manufactures of 51,614 56,543 

All other articles 438,577 580,529 

Total domestic exports 3,928,187 4,622,581 

The imports from Great Britain amounted to $865,781.25 last year, 
the most important among them being cotton goods, amounting 
to over $70,000; linens, $12,000; steam plows, $36,000; other machin- 
ery, about $26,000; cloth bags, about $170,000; iron and steel rails, 
$37,000; other railway material, $9,191; crockery and glassware, 
$12,107; roofing iron, $45,800; photographic material, about $8,000; 
woolen goods, about $50,000; lace, $10,049; ribbons, $10,245; linseed 
oil, $14,740. From Germany the imports during the past .year 
amounted to $192,932.19, the principal articles being building 
material, about $2."), 000; machinery, $30,000; dry goods, about 
$15,000, and railroad material, about $9,000. 

SHIPPING OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

During the year 1897, 427 vessels, with a tonnage of 513,826, en- 
tered the ports of this Republic. The United States still leads the 
whole world in the number of ships and aggregate tonnage en- 
gaged in the Hawaiian trade. Ships carrying the American flag 
numbered 286, with a tonnage of 270,045, while all other nation- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 201 

alities only numbered 141, with a tonnage of 243,781. This is a 
good increase over the figures for 1S96, but what will be par- 
ticularly gratifying to Americans is the fact that the increase 
is almost entirely in our favor. Of the increase of 41 vessels, 39 
were American, while all other countries had only 2. 

The above figures would seem sufficiently gratifjdng to most 
Americans; but still, they do not fully show the preponderance of 
American bottoms, because they include steamers touching here 
only to discharge mail and a few passengers. The majority of 
these steamers are British, and, as they carry very little freignt 
to and from these islands, it is misleading to include them in any 
report of the nationality of vessels employed by the Hawaiians in 
their commerce with the world. Only one steamer — the Australia — 
makes this place her port of discharge, and she is owned by 
Americans and has an American register. She plies between here 
I San Francisco, making thirteen trips each 

To fully appreciate how much of the products i/i tn,so islands 
is carried in American bottoms, the steam tonnage should be de- 
ducted. In 1897, sailing vessels to the number of 291. with a ton- 
nage of 215,262, entered the ports of these islands. Of this num- 
ber, 237, with a tonnage of 164,406, or 82 per cent, were American, 
while those from all other countries only numbered 54, with a 
tonnage of 50,856. The following table shows the carrying trade 
by countries: 





Steam. 


Sail. 


Nationality. 


Number. 


Tonnage. 


Number. 


Tonnage. 


American 

British... 


49 
68 
12 


105,639 
106,529 
19,237 


237 

16 

29 

4 


164,406 
13,512 
27,15(1 

4,788 


Hawaiian ... 


Japanese 


7 


13,159 


5 


5,406 




. . 




Total 


136 


298,564 


291 


215,262 





Grand total, 427 vessels, of 513,826 tons. 

HAWAII— ABSORPTION OF. 

[From President McKinley's message to Congress, December 6, 1S97.] 

"By a special message dated the 16th day of June last, I laid 
before the Senate a treaty signed that day by the plenipotentiaries 
of the T'nited States and of the Republic of Hawaii, having for its 
purpose the incorporation of the Hawaiian Island as an integral 
part of the United States and under its sovereignty. The Sen-iu 
having removed the injunction of secrecy, although the treaty is 



202 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

still pending before that body, the subject may be properly referred 
to in this message because the necessary action of the Congress is 
required to determine by legislation many details of the eventual 
union should the fact of annexation be accomplished, as I believe 
it should be. 

"While consistently disavowing- from a very early period any 
aggressive policy of absorption in regard to the Hawaiian group, a 
long series of declarations through three-quarters of a century has 
proclaimed the vital interest of the United States in the independent 
life of the islands and their intimate commercial dependence upon 
this country. At the same time it has been repeatedly asserted that 
in no event could the entity of Hawaiian statehood cease by the 
passage of the islands under the domination or influence of another 
power than the United States. Under these circumstances, the logic 
of events required that annexation, heretofore offered but declined, 
should in the ripeness of time come about as the natural result of 
the strengthening ties that bind us to those islands, and be realized 
by the free will of the Hawaiian State. 

"That treaty was unanimously ratified without amendment by the 
Senate and President of the Republic of Hawaii on the 10th of Sep- 
tember last, and only awaits the favorable action of the American 
Senate to effect the complete absorption of the islands into the 
domain of the United States. What the conditions of such a union 
shall be, the political relation thereof to the United States, the char- 
acter of the local administration, the quality and degree of the 
elective franchise of the inhabitants, the extension of the Federal 
laws to the territory or the enactment of special laws to fit the 
peculiar condition thereof, the regulation if need be of the labor 
system therein, are all matters which the treaty has wisely rele- 
gated to the Congress. 

"If the treaty is confirmed as every consideration of dignity and 
honor requires, the wisdom of Congress will see to it that, avoiding 
abrupt assimilation of elements perhaps hardly yet fitted to share 
in the highest franchises of citizenship, and having due regard to 
the geographical conditions, the most just provisions for self-rule in 
local matters with the largest political liberties as an integral part 
of our nation will be accorded to the Hawaiians. No less is due 
to a people who, after nearly five years of demonstrated capacity to 
fulfill the obligations of self-governing statehood, come of their 
free will to merge their identity in our body politic." 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 203 

IMMIGRATION. 

[From President McKinley's letter of acceptance.] 
"While we adhere to the public policy under which onr country 
has received great bodies of honest, industrious citizens, who have 
added to the wealth, progress, and power of the country, and while 
we welcome to our shores the well-disposed and industrious immi- 
grant, who contributes by his energy and intelligence to the cause 
of free government, we want no immigrants who do not seek our 
shores to become citizens." 



STATISTICS OF IMMIGRATION, WITH TABLES OF ILLIT- 
ERACY, CRIME, ETC. 

Total immigration, by deeades, from 1S20 to 1890. 



Years. 


Number. 


Years. 


Number. 


1820-1830 


128,393 
539,391 

1,423,337 ! 

2,799,423 


1860-1870.. 
1870-1880... 
1880-1890... 




1.964,061 
2,834,040 
5/246,613 


1830-1840 




1840-lSoO 




1<«0-1<!60 









Total 


immigration, by years, 


with percentage. 




Year. 


Austria-Hungary, Italy, 
Poland, and Russia. 


United Kingdom, 

France, Germany, and 

Scandinavia. 


AJ1 nation- 
alities, 


Number. 


Per 
cent. 


Number. 


Per 
cent. 


number. 


1869 


3,515 
36,812 
71,734 
124,781 
154,873 
222,020 
259,967 
188,149 
122,834 
102,850 
178,991 
119,377 


0.9 

8.5 
21.4 
25.4 
34 
39.6 
44.8 
42.7 
42.6. 
89.8 


260,083 
292,903 
240,770 
332.748 
262.749 
292,059 
312,502 
212,169 
137,217 
136.790 


73.8 

64.5 

72 

67.8 

57.7 

52.1 

53.9 

48.2 

47.9 

52.9 

39 

38 


352,768 
457,257 
334,203 
490,109 
455,302 
560,319 


1880 


1886 

1887 

1890 


1891 


1892 


579,663 
440,793 


1893 .. .. 


1894 


288,020 


1895 


258,536 
343,267 
230,832 


1896 


52 1 132,374 
52 ' 84 70' 


1S97 







Prior to 1870 three-fourths of all immigrants came from the 
United Kingdom, Germany, France, and Scandinavia. In 1880 
only three-fifths came from those Countries, and in 1896 only two- 
fifths. The same proportions are maintained for 1897. From 1880 
to 1897 immigration from eastern and southern Europe rose from 
B.5 to 51.7 per cent, while that from western and northern Europe 
fell from 64.5 to 36.7 per cent of the total. 

The number of persons in each hundred immigrants over 15 
years of age who can not write or can not read and write their 



204 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



own language, from those nations of Europe which sent upward 
of 2,000 immigrants to the United States during the past fiscal 
year, is as follows: 



Denmark 0.5 

Sweden 9 

Norway 1.1 

Germany 1.8 

England 4.1 

France 4.3 



Ireland 6.4 

Finland 8.2 

Russia 27.9 

Austria-Hungary 28.1 

Poland 89.4 

Italy „.. 50.9 



Average United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Scandinavia 3.6 

Average Austria-Hungary, Italy, Poland, and Russia 39.9 

Average from all countries 23.2 



Percentage of white native and foreign criminals, paupers, and juvenile offenders 

1890. 
[Compiled from reports of the Eleventh Census.] 



Class. 



Total white criminals..., 

Total white paupers 

Total juvenile offenders 
Total white population. 



Native Foreign 
horn. horn. 



Per cent. 
71.75 
67 

88.70 
85.23 



Per cent. 
28.25 
43 

11.30 
14.77 



Percentage of white native and foreign-born criminals, paupers, and juvenile offen, 
ders, by parentage, 1890. 



Claw. 



Total white criminals 

Total white paupers 

Total white juvenile offenders, 
Total white population 



Both 


Both 


parents 


parents 


native 


foreign 


born. 


born. 


Per cent. 


Percent. 


42.44 


57.56 


40.80 


59.20 


37.70 


62.30 


55.03 


82.77 



The Massachusetts prison reports show the following criminals 
per thousand by nationalities: Germany, 3.6; Scandinavia, 5.1; 
Scotland, 5.8; France, 6.1; Ireland, 7.1; England, 7.2; Russia., 7.9; 
Austria, 10.4; Hungary, 15.4; Poland, 16; Italy, 18.2; native, 2.7; 
foreign, 5.4. 

In illiteracy the percentages were: Scandinavia, less than 2; 
Germans, less than 3; English, 5; Scotch, 6; Irish, 7; Greeks, 26; 
Russians, 41; Austro-IIungarians, 45; Italians, 55; Portuguese, 78. 

On December 13, 14, and 15, 1895, 1,000 arriving immigrants were 
examined at New York. Their nationalities and destinations are 
shown by the following table; 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



206 



Destination by nationalities. 



Nationality. 



Germans 

Bohemians.. 

Finns 

Russians 

Hungarians.. 

Galicians 

Croats, etc... 
Syrians... 



Penn- 
syl- 
vania. 



2 
26 
197 
42 
40 



New- 
York. 



Other 

At- 
lantic 



Mid- 
dle. 



Cen- 
tral 
and 
West- 
ern. 



Atlan- 
tic. 



G3 
4 

20 

104 
347 
104 
59 



Non- 
Allan- 
tic. 



FOREIGNERS IN OUR MILITARY INSTITUTIONS. 

According to a report of the Secretary of the Navy, May, 11, 1896, 
made in response to a Senate resolution, there were in the American 
Navy at that time 4,400 foreign born out of a total of 9,533 enlisted 
blue jackets, and 861 of the 2,017 marines were also from outside of 
the United States. 

The following figures showing the number of foreign-born sol- 
diers who served, in the Union army during the war, are taken from 
the second edition of J. S. Rosengarten's work on "The German Sol- 
dier in the Wars of the United States:" 

Proportion to 
whole population. Volunteers 

Germans 128 187,858 

British Americans 22,695 53,532 

English 38,250 45,508 

Irish 139,052 144,221 

Other foreigners 39,455 48,410 

Foreigners not otherwise designated 278 26,445 

Total 505,974 



IMPORT DUTIES. 

Ad valorem and Specific Defined. 

Ad valorem duty is a specified per cent levied upon the value of 
the goods imported. For example, the duty on a certain class of 
silk is 50 per cent of their foreign value. 

Specific duty is a specified sum of money to be paid on each 
pound, yard, or ton. For example, wheat pays 25 cents per bushel 
regardless of its market value. 

Sometimes both duties are combined, as in the case of Wilton 



206 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

carpets, where a specific duty of 60 cents per square yard, and an ad 
valorem duty of 40 per cent on their value was charged. 

AMOUNT OF IMPORT DUTIES, COLLECTED PER CAPITA 
OF POPULATION FROM 1791 TO 1897. 

If each person in the United States during the several years from 
1791 to the close of the year 1897 had paid their proportionate share 
of the import duty it would have ranged, as shown in the follow- 
ing table, from 52 cents, the lowest in 1814, to $5.23, the highest in 
1872. The average duty per capita for 10? years was $2.35, while 
the average duty of the McKinley law was $3. 



Year ending— 


Duty. 


1791, Sept. 30 

1792 


&1 61 
1 19 


1793 

1794 


1 54 
1 95 


1795. 


2 08 


1796 


2 68 


1797 


2 66 


179S 


2 28 


1799.. 


2 96 


18O0C 


3 01 


1801- 


5 40 


1802 


2 63 


1803 

1804 


2 45 

3 30 


1805 

1806 


3 59 

3 88 


1807 


3 86 


1808.. 


1 56 


18J9 


1 54 


1819 


2 19 


1811.. 

1812 


1 33 
1 87 


1813 

1814. 


91 
52 


1815„ 


4 55 


1816- 


3 81 


1817 


2 50 


1818 


2 84 


1819 


2 27 


1820 


1 72 


1821 


1 90 


1822 


2 36 


1823 


2 13 




2 36 


1825 


2 84 




2 28 







Year ending— 



1827 

1828 

1829 

1830 

1831 

1832 

1833 

1834 

1835 

1836 

1837 

1838 

1839 

1840 

1811 

1842 

1843, June 30. 

1844 

1845 

1846 

1847 

1848 

1849 

1850 

1851 

1852.. 

1853 

1851 

1855 

1856 

1857 

1858 

1859 

1860 .. 

1861..... 

1862 



Duty. 


§2 38 


2 46 


'2 22 ' 


2 21 


2 77 


2 16 


1 73 


1 32 


1 75 


2 04 


1 16 


1 24 


1 55 


88 


1 13 


1 91 


40 


1 53 


1 56 


1 48 


1 33 


1 51 


1 38 


1 73 


2 03 


1 92 


2 28 


2 46 


1 99 


2 28 


2 20 


1 41 


1 59 


1 68 


1 22 


1 42 



Year ending — 



1863 
1864 
1865 
1866 
1867 
1868 
1869 
1870 
1871 
1872 
1873 
1874 
1875 
1876 
1877 
1878 
1879 
1880 
1881 
1882 
1883 
1884 
1885 
1886 
1887 
1888 
1889 
1890 
1891 
1892 
1893 
1894 
1895 
1896 
1897 



Duty. 


n 91 


2 83 


2 33 


4 96 


4 65 


4 34 


4 68 


4 96 


6 12 


5 23 


4 43 


8 74 


3 51 


3 22 


2 77 


2 67 


2 78 


3 64 


3 78 


4 12 


3 92 


3 47 


3 17 


8 30 


3 67 


3 60 


3 62 


3 62 


3 39 


2 66 


2 97 


1 90 


2 14 


2 20 


2 43 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 207 

KANSAS. 

"What is the Matter with Kansas P" 

A recent issue of Harper's Weekly tells what is the matter with 
Kansas. It says: 

"How many people in the East know that Kansas, in the pro- 
duction of salt, is surpassed by only two States in the Union — New 
York and Michigan? How many persons in the Bast know that 
what are said to be the most extensive zinc and lead mines in the 
world are in Kansas? How many persons in the East know that 
Kansas has produced as much as $4,000,000 of coal in one year, and 
that she has an unlimited supply of the product? In the East we 
are prone to call Kansas a "one-crop State," and that crop, until 
last year, was supposed to be corn. Wheat became king in 1S97; but 
whether corn or wheat rules in Kansas, the prevalent idea has been 
that Kansas, however, diversified were her crops, was an agricul- 
tural State almost exclusively. The fact that her mining is worth 
from $8,000,000 to $10,000,000 a year is most astonishing to the 
visitor. Down in the southeastern corner of the Commonwealth, 
where most of the coal and lead and zinc mines are situated, the 
smoke of furnaces clouds the air as it does along the rivers in Penn- 
sylvania, and the click of the miner's pick reverberates through the 
corridors of the coal tunnels as it does in a score of 
other States. In the southern central part of the State 
the steam from the salt manufactories arises in plants that cover 
inany acres, and produce a quality of salt that is not surpassed 
anywhere. This wealth of coal and salt has been of great influence 
in the agricultural development of the State. It has increased the 
mileage of railroads, and it has saved the packing industry thou- 
sands u^pon thousands of dollars in freight rates upon salt from 
the East." 

KANSAS AND THE NEW BONDS. 

Topeka, June 14. — Kansas will take a large amount of the new 
Government bonds soon to be issued. Bank Commissioner Breiden- 
thal says that all of the surplus cash in the State will be converted 
into 'the bonds. "Kansas bankers have more money than they can 
use under the law," said he, "and they will be only too glad to 
invest the surplus in bonds that draw interest." Under the law 
banks can only loan four times the amount of their cax^ital. Many 
banks in Kansas have from ten to twenty times as much 'deposits 
as capital. Eor this reason a large amount of money must neces- 
sarily stand idle. The new Government bonds give the bankers an 
opportunity to put this idle money to some use. 

"Then there are thousands of farmers in Kansas who would 



208 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

rather have Government bonds than cash in bank. They will sub- 
scribe liberally towards the war issue of bonds. These same farm- 
ers are just patriotic enough to have taken the bonds even if they 
had drawn no interest. While only bonds of small denomination 
will find a ready market here, I venture to say that Kansas will 
lead all other agricultural States in the amount subscribed in pro- 
portion to population." 



LABOR LAWS OF UNITED STATES. 

Who Enacted Them? 
This great revolution, by which labor was exalted and the country 
freed from the curse of slavery, was accomplished by the Republican 
party against the fiercest opposition possible by the combined 
forces of the Democrats and their allies. 

THE COOLEY TRADE PROHIBITED. 

This law was passed February 19, 1862; amended February 9, 
1869; and further amended March 3, 1875. President Grant, in his 
message of December 7, 1874, laid before Congress a recommenda- 
tion for the enforcement of the law. The legislation on these 
several acts was accomplished by the Republicans in 1862, in the 
Thirty-seventh Congress, and in 1869, in the Fortieth Congress. 

PEONAGE ABOLISHED. 

This act was passed in Thirty-ninth Congress, when both Houses 
were Republican by a large majority, March 2, 1867. 

INSPECTION OF STEAM VESSELS. 

l'assed during the Fortieth Congress, when the Republicans were 
in power in both Houses. 

PROTECTION OF SEAMEN. 

Passed during the Forty-second Congress, when both Houses were 
under control of the Republicans. It was amended during the 
Forty -third Congress, when the Republicans were in control of 
both Houses. 

INVOLUNTARY SERVITUDE OF FOREIGNERS ABROGATED. 

Passed during the Forty-third Congress, when both Houses were 
under the control of the Republicans. 

ALLEN CONTRACT LABOR. 

Contract-labor law passed the House March 9, 1886. All the votes 
against the bill were Democratic. 



■i 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 209 

INCORPORATION OF NATIONAL TRADES UNIONS. 

Passed the Senate June 9, 1886. without division. Passed the 
House June 11, 1886, without division. 

PAYMENT OF PEE DIEM EMPLOYEES FOR HOLIDAYS. 

Passed without division in the Forty-ninth Congress, second ses- 
sion. 

LABOR OF UNITED STATES CONVICTS — CONTRACT SYSTEM PROHIBITED. 

Passed the House March 9, 1886. Passed the Senate February 28, 
1887. All the votes against the bill were Democratic. 

BOARDS OF ARBITRATION. 

Passed the House on April 3, 1886, with thirty votes against the 
bill, all being Democratic. 

HOURS OF LABOR, LETTER CARRIERS. 

Law limiting letter carriers to eight hours a day. Passed in the 
Senate without division. 

DEPARTMENT OF LABOR. 

Passed the House April 19, 1888. Passed the Senate May 23, 1888. 
All votes cast against the bill were Democratic. 

ALIEN CONTRACT LABOR. 

Passed the House during the Fifty-first Congress without divi- 
sion August 30, 1S90. Passed the Senate with verbal amendments 
September 27, 1S90. 



McKINLEY. 

The Hour and the Man. 

[Washington Times (official organ of the Bryan Democracy), July 21, 1898.] 
While we are praising Joshua let us not forget Moses! The 
truth is rapidly dawning upon the country that if Dewey and 
Schley have won unfading laurels for their country and for them- 
selves, there is a crown of honor no less the due of William Mc- 
Kinley, President of the United States. The glorious conditions 
of the hour, whether reflected in the war situation or in our 
national and international status, can not be contemplated without 
bringing home the conviction that an honest, true, and wise pilot 
stands at the helm of state. Time has been when we thought 
otherwise. We may have been excusable, in view of things ante- 
cedent. In fact, we were wrong and gladly acknowledge it. An 
honest newspaper, like an honest gentleman, will never hesitate 
14 



110 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

to retreat from a mistaken position nor lose a minute in undoing* 

an injustice. 

The war with Spain followed hard upon a period of intense 
domestic, political, and economic strife. The Administration of 
President McKinley waa surrounded by evil and corrupt elements, 
and appearances ustified the suspicion that it was influenced by 
them to the detriment of the country. Whether it was or not, 
Is of little moment at this time. The declaration of war made 
a "tabula rasa" of old differences and contentions, and, beyond 
that, we can say with complete satisfaction and pleasure that, 
on the firing of the first gun, William McKinley, the practical Ohio 
politician, passed from the stage, and William McKinley, the great 
war President, appeared to plan victory for his people and to achieve 
for them the benefits and glories of a new and splendid colonial 
empire. 

Prince Hal did not more suddenly or sternly relegate to ob- 
scurity the disreputable Falstaff and other loose companions of 
his evil days than President McKinley swept away from his offi- 
cial life the renegade Tories and despicable peace mongers who 
once permeated it. The 21st of April saw him seize the crown 
of American patriotism, championship of humanity, and national 
progress from the deathbed of old-time seclusion and provin- 
cialism, and placing it on his head, stand forth a new man and 
a worthy counselor and leader of the splendid imperial Republic 
of America. 

While we have a McKinley in the chair of state and a Dewey 
in the conning tower, all Europe could not wrest from our hands 
the scepter of our new dominion in the Far Orient. As in the 
case of the hero of Cavite, so in that of President McKinley. 
"The hour has come, and the Man." 

THE HAND UPON THE HELM. 

[Washington Post, Ind.] 

In this hour of rejoicing and relief, while, as is right and proper, 
we visit with acclamation the men who have led our military 
forces with such courage and address, it is well to keep always 
before us the thought of that firm yet gentle hand which from 
the first has been upon the helm of state and which, with wise 
and noble guidance, has steered us into port — the hand of William 
McKinley, President and patriot, philanthropist and warrior. 

To his undaunted courage, lofty purpose, and immovable devo- 
tion we owe not only the swift and splendid victory we have 
won, but the glory of having won it as gentlemen and Chris- 
tians. He it was who, at the outset, curbed the passionate ex- 
travagance of those who had invoked the judgment of the sword. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 211 

He foresaw the calamities which our first outburst of ardor would 
have entailed upon us; he stood firm against the clamor of the 
unthinking multitude. His wisdom set us in the straight and 
narrow path of justice. His quiet strength has held us there. 
We stand to-day free of all complications, at liberty to carry out our 
wholesome and beneficent schemes of restoration, simply because 
William McKinley cast away the fetters that were offered us by 
folly and excess of zeal. We are masters of the situation, bound 
to no ignoble course and touched by no discreditable alliances, 
solely because he. with clear head and tender heart and potent 
hand, has saved us from ourselves. 

We owe nothing to Aguinaldo, the vengeful mountebank of the 
Philippines. We are not involved with the insurgent chiefs of 
Cuba and their conspiracies of tyranny and pillage. To Mr. Mc- 
Kinley's tranquil prevision and statesmanlike conservatism we 
owe our present immunity from those abominable and sinister 
entanglements. He braved the insensate storm, the maudlin 
clamor, the hysterical importunity, which, three months or so ago, 
held possession of the land and threatened the extinction of its 
self-restraint. He it was who held Congress at bay, with its in- 
sane hypothesis of Cuban independence, meaning the regime of 
the insurgents. Through all that tragic time he scorned delights 
and lived laborious days, that wisdom, righteousness, and hal- 
lowed peace might crown our arms. Kind of heart, leaning al- 
ways to gentleness and mercy, suspected by the callous, and re- 
proached by every rude and brutal tongue, he yet displayed a 
courage which nothing could appal — a determination for the right 
which stood like adamant. 

And he has led us to humanity and grace, to power and to 
cleanliness. We take up the work of emancipation and civiliza- 
tion without a shameful or encumbering embarrassment. We 
have no objectionable coadjutors, no distasteful obligations. The 
field of regeneration lies before us and we enter it without a 
single clog upon our action. "William McKinley has led us to this 
noble task. His has been the hand upon the helm. 

THE LONDON TIMES RECOGNIZES THE PRESIDENT AS 
A STATESMAN. 

London, Aug. 1. — The Times this morning comments editorially 
boo the generous universal recognition of the part which Presi- 
dent McKinley has played throughout the war between the United 
States and Spain, and says: 

"If foreign observers might presume to have an opinion on his 
conduct, it would be that President McKinley has kept his finger 
constantly upon the national pulse and has known how to stim- 



212 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOS. 

ulate and direct national thought without too markedly outrun- 
ning its movement. 

"Everything has been done in the open, every move has been 
discussed on a possibility all over the United States before the 
Government was irrevocably committed one way or the other, and 
the tentative policy is that where he stands at this moment the 
President has the whole American people at his back. 

"We do not know that there can be any higher statesmanship 
for a President governing under the Constitution of the United 
States. 

"It is noteworthy that while the Spaniards, who are usually 
regarded as chivalrous, romantic, and medieval, have turned first 
to the financial aspect of the situation, the Americans, who are 
usually supposed to be intensely practical, have as yet hardly 
given a thought to the financial or economical side of the ques- 
tion. What occupies the American people at this moment is not 
the cost of the war, the value of their acquisitions, or the .balance 
of the profit and loss account, but the moral result of the strug- 
gle and the nature of the ideas which it stimulates." 

president Mckinley and the colored people. 

Afro-Americans have reason to feel grateful to the present Ad- 
ministration. In civil affairs they have shared in the Government 
patronage, as the Official Register or Blue Book, will attest, equally 
as well as ever before, and very many of uiem have been re- 
stored to places from which they were removed by the former 
Administration. 

President McKinley has taken an advanced step in recognizing 
colored men. He has by his own choice (as the law did not re- 
quire it), commissioned them as officers in the United States Army. 

The Eighth Illinois Regiment of Volunteers is officered by col- 
ored men. The Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth United States I 
Volunteers have two colored officers with each company. The 
Twenty-third Kansas is officered in part by colored men; and inl 
Sixth Massachusetts Volunteers, Company L, is officered by J 
colored men. 



BKPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN T^XT BOOK. 



818 



MERCHANT MARINE. 

Its Operations, 1897 and 1896. 
On June 30, 1897, the merchant marine of the United States, in- 
cluding all kinds of documented shipping, comprised 22,633 vessels, 
of 4,769,020 gross tons. On June 30, 1896, it comprised 22,908 ves- 
sels, of 4,703,8S0 gross tons. The following table shows the geo- 
graphical distribution, motive power, and material of construction, 
and trade of vessels of the United States for the fiscal year 1897 
compared with the fiscal year 1896, and also the construction for 
the two years: 

Trade of vessels of the United States. 





1896. 


1897. 


GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION. 


Number. 

16,786 

1,560 

3,333 

1,229 


Gross tons. 
2,667,313 

437,972 
1,324,068 

274,527 


Number. 

16,592 

1,581 

3,230 

1,230 


Gross tons. 

2,647,796 

439,012 

1,410,103 

272,109 






Western rivers 


Total 


22,908 


4,703,880 


22,633 


4,769,020 




POWER AND MATERIAL. 

Sail:* 


16,244 

69 


2,310,819 
85,554 


15,940 

94 


2,276,938 
133,524 






Total 


16,313 


2;396,673 


16,034 


2,410,462 




Steam: 
Wood 


5,707 
888 


1,303,095 
l,004,llS 


5,670 
929 


1,284,859 
1,073,699 






To*al 


6,595 


2,807,208 


6,599 


2,358,558 






682 
1,357 


75,224 
393,188 


650 
1,480 


73,786 
432,523 






Total 


2,039 


468,412 


2,130 


506,309 


TRADE. 

Registered : 


103 

141 

1,013 


226,503 

38,37'J 

580,072 


103 

144 
983 


222,136 

36,337 

547,111 








Total 


1,257 


841,954 


1,230 


805,584 






785 
5,566 
15,300 


777,609 
1,264,716 
1,816,602 


826 

5,526 
15,051 


851,562 
1,248,521 
1,863,353 








Total..! 


21,651 


3,858,927 


21,4^3 


3,963,436 


CONSTRUCTION DURING THE YEAR. 

Total built and documented 


723 


227,096 


P91 


232.J8* 





•Including canal boat* and barges, 



f Including bargeg. 



214 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Table of vessels of the United States. 





1896. 


1897. 


GEOGRAPHICAL DISTR11HJTION. 


Number. 

418 

93 

117 

95 


Gross Ions. 

91,724 

10,818 

108,782 

■ 15,772 


Number. 
609 

64 
120 

98 


Gross ions. 

96,009 

7,49f> 






116,937 

11,792 






Total. 


723 


227,096 


891 


232.23S 




POWER AND MATERIAL. 

Sail: 
Wood 


364 
5 

237 
49 
13 

49 
6 


51,551 
13,685 

41,640 

96,389 

1,494 

19,190 
3,147 


327 
11 

244 
44 
70 

182 
13 


29,678 
34,631 

27,917 

78 23C 


Steel 


Steam : 
Wood 






10,216 

40,027 
11,528 


Barges : 
Wood 


Steel 




Total 


723 


227 096 


891 


232,233 





The satisfaction afforded by examination of the statistics of the 
growth of our merchant marine must be tempered by the reflection 
that our tonnage registered for the foreign trade is the lowest 
in over half a century. The decline has been gradual, and may 
be attributed in part to natural and in part to legislative causes, 
operating both at home and abroad. Recovery, too, from the na- 
ture of things, must be gradual, and will require the cooperation 
of natural and legislative conditions. 



MEXICO. 

Industrial Conditions. 

Side by side with the glowing encomiums which Mr. W. J. 
Bryan sheds upon the prosperous condition of labor prevailing in 
Mexico under the silver standard, the people will be interested 
in the following interview with Ex-Congressman John A. McShane, 
himself a Democrat, who represented the Omaha district in the 
House of Representatives: 

[From the Washington Post (Ind.), February 3, 1893.] 

"I will not deny that there is a kind of prosperity in evidence 
in the Republic of Mexico," said Mr. John A. McShane, of Omaha, 
at the Arlington. -Mr. McShane is at the head of a large mining 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 215 

concern that has been engaged in silver production in the Mexican 
State of Chihuahua for the past ten years. 

''It is of this sort: The Government is largely back of it, and to 
the paternal fostering of the Diaz administration it is mainly due. 
The Government subsidizes breweries, railroads, industrial plants, 
and aids in every way to build up the material resources of the 
country. Money is used with a liberal hand, and as a consequence 
there is much activity and great apparent prosperity. The fact 
that Mexico is on a silver basis does not figure; it can't help being 
on that kind of a basis, but I should be sorry to see the United 
States resort to any such policy. 

"Ten years of experience in that country has forever set me 
against the adoption of a monetary system which is not only in 
disrepute among the leading nations of the world, but which is 
about to be discarded by countries like Japan, Brazil, and some 
of the smaller Spanish-American governments that were formerly 
on a silver basis. The masses in Mexico are in a worse condi- 
tion than I trust will ever befall our laboring population. This 
I can explain by referring to matters that have come under my 
personal observation. 

"When the Sherman purchasing act was in force some seven 
yeifrs ago. silver was worth $1.21, and a United States dollar was 
worth in Mexico 100 cents in Mexican money. The dollars of the 
two countries were on a parity. At this time we employed about 
300 men in our mines, their pay ranging from $1 to $2.50 per day. 
It took approximately $10,000 a month to meet the pay roll. The 
money to cancel this expense was shipped from Omaha, and it 
was exchanged for $10,000 of Mexican coin. We operated general 
merchandise stores along with our mining concern, and at the 
time I speak of sold to our Mexican employees bacon for 20 cents 
a pound. 

"What are the conditions to-da\-? We still hire 300 men and 
give them exactly the same scale of wages that obtained prior 
to the slump in silver caused by the repeal of the purchasing clause 
of the Sherman act. Our pay roll still a2"gregates $10,000 a month. 
To meet this we have shipped us a like sum of United States 
money, and here is where the point of difference comes in. In- 
stead of exchanging that amount at our bank for its nominal 
equivalent, we get for it not $10,000. but $22,000 of Mexican money. 

'•We have here made a clear gain of $12,000. Our employees still 
render us 100 cents' worth of work, for which they used to get 
100 cents, and do yet, as far as the name goes, but in reality they 
receive less than half of what should be theirs, seeing that the 
Mexican coin in which they are paid has shrunk to less than half 
ot its former value. 



216 BBPUBLIOAlf OAMPAION TXZT BOOK. 

"But there is more still. When the Mexican miner goes to buy 
bacon he finds that in tendering- payment he can not buy it with 
depreciated money for 20 cents a pound; the price is now 45 cents. 
It would still be so if he could tender a dollar as good as that 
given him for his labor at the time of the repeal of the Sherman 
law. The $12,000 I spoke of simply comes out of the labor of 
the country, and when the toiling class of any nation is forced* 
to such a condition, it is stretching a point to call the people 
prosperous. 

"If the fair and right thing were done fey these hard-working 
miners, their wages would be doubled. The man that now gets 
$2 a day is justly entitled to $4, but labor will bring only what 
price is fixed in market, like any commodity, and employers are 
not yet far enough advanced in philanthropy to voluntarily give 
more than the customary rate. 

"So the talk about the prosperity of Mexico, in so far as it ap- 
plies to the vast body of its citizens — the common people — is a 
myth. If there is prosperity at all, it is not due to the silver 
standard, but in spite of it." 

CONSUL GENERAL CRITTENDEN ON CONDITIONS IN 

MEXICO, 

Ex-Gov. Thomas T. Crittenden, of Missouri, was Consul General 
to Mexico under the last Cleveland administration. Mr. Critten- 
den is an ardent free silver man, and vigorously advocated the 
election of Mr. Bryan in 1896. Yet this is what Mr. Crittenden 
sets forth in an official report to the State Department dated 
September 1, 1896, touching the financial question as bearing upon 
the industrial conditions of Mexico. Speaking of these conditions 
in 1873 as compared with 1896, he says: 

"Then, again (1873) gold and silver were on a par, and Mexican 
money was almost the equal of the money of all other nations, while 
to-day r as compared with a gold dollar it is worth but 52 cents. 
* * * Finally, it can be generally proven that the cost of living 
and of wearing apparel of the native iras as low, and in many 
instances lower, in 1873 than at the present time." 

Mr. Crittenden then submits the following report on wages and 
salaries paid in and about the City of Mexico at the present date: 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



217 



Wages. 



Employment. 



Agents, railway per month.. 

Boilermakers per day...! 

Brakemen per month... 

Bricklayers (native) per day... 

CJerks (office) per month... 

Cooks, women do 

Cooks, men do 

Carpenters per day- 
Conductors, passenger per month... 

Conductors, freight do 

Conductors, street- car per day... 

Coachmen, private (native) per month... 

Coachmen, public (native) do 

Division (railway) superintendents per month... 

Drivers, street-cay per day... 

Engineers: 

Locomotive per month... 

Stationary, with board per day... 

Stationary, without board do 

Engravers do 

Firemen, locomotive per month... 

Firemen, ordinary do 

Furnace men * per day... 

Harness makers, etc do 

Iron workers do 

Jewelers do 

Laborers, in large cities do 

Laborers, in the country do 

Laborers, in factories (10 to 11 hours) do 

Laborers,- skilled (10 to 11 hours) ...do 

Mechanics do 

Machinists (shop) do 

Miners, skilled do 

Miners, ordinary do 

Maids, house per month... 

Ot .era tors, telegraph do 

Plumbers : 

Native per day... 

American do 

Printers : 

Native per week- 
Pressmen do 

Compositors do 

Policemen per month... 

Switchmen per d»y... 

Blacksmiths ,..do 

Gold and silver smiths do 

Stonemasons- do 

Seamstresses do 

Train masters per month... 

Tailors : 

Repairers per day... 

Coat makers per ooat... 

Vest makers per vest... 

Pantaloonists - -....per pair- 



Mexican cur- 
rency. 



?75.00 

4.00 

35.00 

1.00 

40.00 

6.00 

25.00 

150 

100 00 

100.00 

.50 

15.00 

250.00 
.50 



to $150.00 
to 8.00 
75.00 
1.50 
200.00 
12.00 
75.00 
4.75 
160.00 



to 200.00 



150.00 to 

2.50 to 

3.50 to 

5.00 to 

75.00 to 

20.00 to 

1.00 to 

.50 to 

2.00 to 

2.00 to 

.37Ato 

.10 to 

.ro to 

1.50 to 

3.50 to 

3.50 to 

1.00 to 

.50 to 

4.00 to 

50.00 to 



1.00 

80.00 

15.00 

350.00 

1.00 

250.00 

3.50 

5.00 

10.00 

100.00 

50.00 

1.60 

2.00 

2.50 

5.00 

.67| 

.15 

1.00 

2.00 

5.00 

5.00 

1.50 

.80 

7.00 

150.00 



2.03 to 2.50 
6.00 to 8.00 



7.00 to 

H.00 to 

10.00 to 

30.00 to 

3.50 to 

2.25 to 

1.00 to 

.37 to 

150.00 to 



8.00 
11.00 

12.00 

50.00 I 

1.50 ] 

4.50 

3.50 

1.50 

.50 

175.00 



United States 
currency. 



1.00 to 1.25 

5.00 to 12.00 

1.35 to 1.50 

1.75 to 2.50 



$39.00 to 

2.0S to 

18.20 to 

.52 to 

20.80 to 

3.12 to 

13.00 to 

.78 to 

52.00 to 

52.00 to 

.26 to 

7.80 to 

130.00 to 
.26 to 

78.00 to 

1.30 to 

1.82 to 

2 60 to 

39.44 to 

10.44 to 

.52 to 

.26 to 

1.04 to 

1.04 to 

.19-ito 

.052 to 

.26 to 

.78 to 

1.82 to 

1.82 to 

.52 to 

.26 to 

2.08 to 

26.00 to 

1.04 to 
3.12 to 

3.64 to 

4.16 to 
5.20 to 

13.60 to 

1.82 to 

1.17 to 
.52 to 

.29 to 
73.00 to 

.52 to 
2.G0 to 
.71 to 



tlS REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

MONEY. 

History of Gold and Silver Coinage and Paper Issues of the 
United States. 

Gold Coins. — The coinage of legal-tender gold was authorized 
By the first coinage act passed by Congress, April 2, 1792. 

The gold unit of value is the dollar which contains 25.8 grains of 
standard gold 900 fine. The amount of fine gold in the dollar is 
23.22 grains, and the remainder of the weight is an alloy of copper. 
While the gold dollar is the unit and standard of value, the actual 
coinage of the $1 piece was discontinued under authority of the act 
of September 26, 1890. Gold is now coined in denominations of 
$2.50, $5, $10, and $20, called respectively quarter eagles, half eagles, 
eagles, and double eagles. 

The total coinage of gold by the mints of the United States from 
1792 to June 30, 1897, was $1,886,338,958, of which it is estimated 
that $671,676,250 is still in existence as coin in the* United States, 
while the remainder, $1,214,662,708, has been exported or consumed 
in the arts. The gold bullion now in the United States Treasury 
amounts to $101,665,439. 

The basis for the estimate of the amount of gold coin in the 
United States was established in 1873, when the amount in the 
vaults of the national banks and in the Treasury was ascertained 
from reports to be $98,389,864. To this was added $20,000,000 as an 
estimate of the amount of gold in use on the Pacific Coast, and 
VI 0,000,000 as the amount held by all other banks, and by the people. 
The amount thus ascertained was $128,389,864, to which have been 
added from year to year the new coinage reported by the Director 
of the Mint, and the imports as shown by the custom-house reports; 
and from which have been deducted the exports and the amounts 
consumed in the arts. More than two-thirds of the gold coins 
struck at the mints of the United States have disappeared from cir- 
culation. 

Silver Coins. — The silver unit is the dollar which contains 412% 
grains of standard silver 900 fine. The amount of fine silver in the 
dollar is 371% grains, and there are 41% grains of copper alloy. The 
standard silver dollar was first authorized by the act of April 2, 1792. 
Its weight was 416 grains 892.4 fine. It contained the same quantity 
of fine silver as the present dollar, whose weight and fineness were 
established by the act of January 18, 1837. The coinage of the 
standard silver dollar was discontinued by the act of February 12, 
1873. and it was restored by the act of February 28, 1878. The total 
amount coined from 1792 to 1873 was $8,031,238. From 1878 to 
March 1, 1898, $458,100,347. 



MtPUBLIOAH CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 219 

The coinage ratio between gold and silver under the act of 1792 
was 15 to 1, but by the acts of 1834 and 1837 it was changed first to 
16.002 to 1 and finally to 15.988 to 1 (commonly called 10 to 1). This 
is the ratio under the present s.ystem of limited coinage. 

Of the 45S.100.347 standard silver dollars coined since February, 
1878, there were held in the Treasury duly 1, 1S9S, $404,736,731 and 
the amount in circulation on that date was only $57, 259, 791, show- 
ing that the silver dollar is not as popular as many suppose. Silver 
certificates to the amount of $390,830,650 have been issued against 
that amount of silver dollars held in the Treasury. The average 
commercial value of an ounce of fine silver in September, 1897, was 
$0.5689, and the commercial value in the silver dollar for nine 
months in 1S97 averaged 47.1 cents, the highest being 50.5 and the 
lowest 40. 

Paper Money. — The first paper money ever issued by the Govern- 
ment of the United States was authorized by the acts of July 17 and 
August 5, 1861. The notes issued were called "demand notes," be- 
cause they were payable on demand at certain designated subtreas- 
uries. They were receivable for all public dues, and the Secretary 
was authorized to reissue them when received; but the time within 
which such reissues might be made was limited to December 31, 1862. 
The amount, authorized by these acts Avas $50,000,000. An additional 
issue of $10,000,000 was authorized by the act of February 12, 1862, 
and there were reissues amounting to $30,000. The demand notes 
were paid in gold when presented for redemption and they were re- 
ceived for all public dues, and these two qualities prevented their 
depreciation. All other United States notes were depreciated in 
value from 1862 until the resumption of specie payments, as shown 
by the table hereinafter following. The act of February 25, 1862, 
provided for the substitution of United States notes in place of the 
demand notes, and they were, therefore, canceled when received. 
By July 1, 1803, all except $3,770,000 had been retired, and nearly 
three millions of this small remainder were canceled during the 
next fiscal year. These notes were not legal tender when first 
issued, but they were afterwards made so by the act of March 
17, 1862. 

United States Notes. — The principal issue of United States paper 
money was officially called United States notes. These were the 
well-known "greenbacks" or "legal tenders." The act of February 
25, 1862, authorized the issue of $150,000,000, of which $50,000,000 
were in lieu of an equal amount of demand notes, and could be 
issued only as the demand notes were canceled. A second issue of 
$150,000,000 was authorized by the act of July 11, 1862, of which, 
however, $50,000,000 was to be a temporary issue for the redemption 
of ft debt known as the temporary loan. A third issue of $150,000,000 



220 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

was authorized by the act of March 3, 1863. The total amount author- 
ized, including the temporary issue, was $450,000,000, and the high- 
est amount outstanding at any time was $449,338,902 on January 30, 
1864. There are still outstanding $346,681,016. 

The reduction from the original permanent issue of $400,000,000 
to $346,683,016 was caused as follows: The act of April 12, 1866, pro- 
vided that United States notes might be retired to the extent of 
$10,000,000 during the ensuing six months, and that thereafter they 
might be retired at the rate of not more than $4,000,000 per month. 
This authority remained in force until it was suspended by the act 
of February 4, 1868. The authorized amount of reduction during 
this period was about $70,000,000, but the actual reduction was only 
about $44,000,000. No change was made in the volume of United 
States notes outstanding until after the panic of 1873, when, in 
response to popular demand, the Government reissued $26,000,000 of 
the canceled notes. 

This brought the amount outstanding to $382,000,000, and it so 
remained until the resumption act of January 14, 1875, provided 
for its reduction to $300,000,000. The process was, however, again 
stopped by the act of May 31, 1878, which required the notes to be 
reissued when redeemed. At that time the amount outstanding 
was $346,681,016, which is the present amount. The amount of 
United States notes redeemed from the fund raised for resumption 
purposes since January 1, 1879, to June 30, 1898, was $516,821,507; 
but the volume outstanding is undiminished because of the pro- 
\isions of the act of May 31, 1878, which require the notes so re- 
deemed to be paid out again and kept in circulation. 

Gold Certificates. — The act of March 3, 1863, authorized the Sec- 
retary of th# Treasury to receive deposits of gold coin and bullion 
in sums not less than $20, and to issue certificates therefor in de- 
nominations not less than $20, said certificates to be receivable for 
duties on imports, Under this act deposits of gold were received 
and certificates issued until January 1, 1879, when the practice was 
discontinued by order of the Secretary of the Treasury. The pur- 
pose of the order was to prevent the holders of United States notes 
from presenting them for redemption in gold, and redepositing the 
gold in exchange for gold certificates. No certificates were issued 
after January 1, 1879, until' the passage of the bank act of July 
12, 1882, which authorized and directed the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury to receive gold coin and bullion and issue certificates. 

This act, however, provided that ''the Secretary of the Treasury 
shall suspend the issue of gold certificates whenever the amount of 
gold coin and go! a bullion in the Treasury, reserved for the re- 
demption of United States notes, falls below one hundred millions. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 221 

of dollars." The highest amount of gold certificates outstanding 
nt the close of any fiscal year was $157,542,979, on July 1, 1890, 
and the amount now outside the Treasury is $37,420,149. The act 
of July 12, 18S2, made them receivable for customs, taxes, and all 
public dues. 

Silver Certificates.— The act of February 28, 1878, authorizing the 
issue of the standard silver dollar, provided that any holder of such 
dollars might deposit them in sums not less than $10 with the 
Treasurer or any assistant trensurer of the United States, and re- 
ceive certificates therefor, in denominations not less than $10, said 
certificates to be receivable for customs, taxes, and all public dues. 
The act of August 4, 18S6, authorized the issue of the smaller 
denominations of $1, $2, and $5. Silver certificates have practically 
taken the place in circulation of the standard silver dollars which 
they represent. The amount outside the Treasury July 1, 1898, 
was $390,659,080, while the amount of standard silver dollars out- 
side the Treasury was only $57,259,791. Neither silver certificates 
nor silver dollars are redeemed in gold. 

Treasury Notes, Act of July 14, 1890. — These notes were au- 
thorized by the act of July 14, 1890, commonly called the 
"Sherman act." The Secretary of the Treasury w r as directed to 
purchase each month 4,500,000 ounces of fine silver at the market 
price, and to pay for the same with Treasury notes redeem- 
able on demand in coin, and legal tender for all debts, public 
and private, except where otherwise expressly stipulated in the 
contract. It was provided in the act that when the notes should be 
redeemed or received for dues they might be reissued; but that no 
greater or less amount of such notes should be "'outstanding at. 
any time than the cost of the silver bullion and. the standard silver 
dollars coined therefrom, then held in the Treasury, pure-based bv 
such notes." 

The authority for the purchase of silver bullion under this act 
was repealed by the act of .November 1, 1893, up to which date the 
Government had purchased 168,674,682.53 fine ounces, at a cosi of 
$155,931,002, for which Treasury notes were issued. The amou -.x of 
silver bullion purchased under said act, and now held in the Tn .is 
ury, is 131,838,199.46 fine ounces, which cost $118,903,909.23 When 
coined it will produce $170,457,470, 6f which $51, 55:,, 500,77 will be 
gain or seigniorage. The amount of Treasury notes redeemed in 
gold up to the close of the fiscal year 1898 was $92,574,618, and the 
amount redeemed in standard silver dollars was about $45,000,000. 
Treasury notes redeemed in standard silver dollars are canceled 
and retired in accordance with the requirements of the act of L890. 
Those redeemed in gold are reissued as required in inv course of 
business. 



t22 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Monetary System of the United States. — In 1786 the Congress 
of the Confederation chose as the monetary unit of the United 
States the dollar of 375.64 grains of pure silver. This unit had its 
origin i n the Spanish piaster or milled dollar, which constituted 
the basis of the metallic circulation of the English colonies in 
America. It was never coined, there being at that time no mint- 
in the United States. 

The act of April 2, 1792, established the first monetary system 
of the United States. The bases of the system were: The gold 
dollar or unit, containing 24.75 grains of pure gold, and stamped in 
pieces of $10, $5, and $2.%, denominated, respectively, eagles, half 
eagles, and quarter eagles; the silver dollar or unit, containing 
371.25 grains of pure silver. A mint was established. The coinage 
was u i) limned and there was no mint charge. The ratio of gold to 
silver in coinage was 1 to 15. Both gold and silver were legal 
tender. The standard was double. 

The act of 1792 undervalued gold, which was therefore exported. 
The act of June 28, 1834, was passed to remedy this, by changing 
the mint ratio between the metals to 1 to 16.002. This latter act 
fixed the weight of the gold dollar at 25.8 grains, but lowered the 
fineness from .916 2-3 to .899225. The fine weight of the gold dollar 
\\ns thus reduced to 23.2 grains. The act of 1834 undervalued silver 
as that of 1792 had undervalued gold, and silver was attracted to 
Kurope by the more favorable ratio of 1 to 15%. The act of 
January 18, 1837, was passed to make the fineness of the gold and 
silver coins uniform. The legal weight of the gold dollar was fixed 
at 25. 8 grains, and its fine weight at 23.22 grains. The fineness was, 
therefore, changed by this act to .900 and the ratio to 1 to 15.988-f-. 

Silver continued to be exported. The act of February 21, 1853, 
reduced the weight of the silver coins of a denomination less than 
$1. which the acts of 1792 and 1837 had made exactly proportional 
to the weight of the silver dollar, and provided that they should be 
legal tender to the amount of only $5. Under the acts of 1792 and 
1^37 they had been full legal tender. By the act of 1853 the legal 
weight of the half dollar was reduced to 192 grains and that of the 
other f [act ions of a dollar in proportion. The coinage of the frac- 
tional pa its of the dollar was reserved to the Government. 

The act of February 12, 1873, provided that the unit of value of 
the United States should be the gold dollar of the standard weight 
of 25.8 grains, and that there should be coined besides the following 
gold coins: A quarter eagle, or 2%-dollar piece; a 3-dollar,piece; a 
half eagle, of 5-dollar piece; an eagle, or 10-dollar piece, and a 
double eagle, or 20-dollar piece, all of a standard weight propor- 
tional to that of the dollar piece. These coins were made legal 
tender in all payments at their nominal value when not below toe 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 223 

standard weight and limit of tolerance provided in the act for the 
single piece, and when reduced in weight they should be legal 
tender at a valuation in proportion to their actual weight. The 
silver coins provided for by the act were a trade dollar, a half 
dollar, or 50-cent piece, a quarter dollar, and a 10-ceut piece; the 
k weight of the trade dollar to be 420 grains troy; the half dollar 12 > ._, 
grams: the quarter dollar and the dime, respectively, one-half and 
one-fifth of the weight of the half dollar. These silver coins were 
made legal tender at their nominal value for any amount not ex- 
ceeding $5 in any one payment. The charge for converting stand- 
ard gold bullion into coin was fixed at one-fifth of 1 per cent. 
Owners of silver bullion were allowed to deposit it at any mint of 
the United States, to be formed into bars or into trade dollars, and 
no deposit of silver for other coinage was to be received. 

Section 2 of the joint resolution of July 22, 1876, recited that the 
trade dollar should not thereafter be legal tender, and that the 
etary of the Treasury should be authorized to limit the coinage 
of the same to an amount sufficient to meet the export demand for 
it. The act of February 19, 1887, retired the trade dollar and pro- 
hibited its coinage. That of September 26, 1S90, discontinued the 
coinage of the 1-dollar and 3-dollar gold pieces. 

The aet of February 28, 1878, directed the coinage of silver dollars 
of the weight of 412y 2 grains troy, of standard silver, as provided 
in the aet of January 18, 1837, and that such coins, with all stand- 
ard silver dollars, theretofore coined, should be legal tender at their 
nominal value for all debts and dues, public and private, except 
where otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract. 

The Secretary of the Treasury was authorized and directed by 
the first section of the act to purchase from time to time silver 
bullion at the market price thereof, not less than $2,000,000 worth 
nor more than $4,000,000 worth per month, and to cause the same to 
be coined monthly, as fast as purchased, into such dollars. A 
subsequent act, that of July 14. 1890, enacted that the Secretary of 
the Treasury should purchase silver bullion to the aggregate 
amount of 4.500.000 ounces, or so much thereof as might be offered, 
each month, at the market price thereof, not exceeding $1 for 
371.25 grains of pure silver, and to issue in payment thereof Treas- 
ury notes of the United States, such notes to be redeemable by the 
Government, on demand, in coin, and to be legal tender in payment 
of all debts, public and private, except where otherwise expressly 
stipulated in the contract. The act directed the Secretary of the 
Treasury to coin each month 2,000,000 ounces of the silver bullion 
purchased under the provisions of the act into standard silver dol- 
lars until the 1st day of July, 1891, and thereafter as much as might 
be necessary, to provide for the redemption of the Treasury notes 



224 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

issued under the act. The purchasing clause of the act of July 14, 
1890, was repealed by the act of November 1, 1893. 

The act of June 9, 1879, made the subsidiary silver coins of the 
United States legal tender to the amount of $10. The minor coins 
are legal tender to the amount of 25 cents. 

• 

MONETARY UNIT. 

The unit of currency in the United States is the gold dollar, hav- 
ing a stand ard weight of 25.8 gains. 

SOME FACTS 1ROM OFFICIAL SOURCES RESPECTING ITS 

ADOPTION. 

[R. E. Preston, Director of the Mint.] 
COLONIAL PERIOD. 

The unit of account was the Spanish "milled dollar" or piece 
oi' eight (pieza de ocho). Up to about 1775, however, accounts 
were kept in pounds, shillings, and pence— a pound consisting then, 
as now, of 20 shillings, and a shilling of 12 pence "Colonial" or 
"pound currency," 133 1-3 pounds of which were equal to 100 
pounds sterling. Pour pounds "Colonial currency" were, there- 
fore, equal to 3 pounds sterling. This par of the Colonial and the 
sterling pound was established by the fact that the Spanish pias- 
ter, or milled dollar, was worth, in the Colonies, 6 shillings, while 
in England it was valued at only 4% shillings. 

[From Morris's Report, January 15, 1782.] 
The various coins which have circulated in America have under- 
gone ditferent changes in their value, so that there is hardly any 
which can be considered as a general standard, unless it be Span- 
ish dollars; these pass in Georgia at 5 shillings,, in North Carolina 
and New York, at 8 shillings, in Virginia and the four Eastern 
States, at 6 shillings, in all the other States, except South 
Carolina, at 7 shillings and sixpence, and in South Carolina 
at 32 shillings and sixpence. The money unit of a new 
ooin, to agree without a fraction with all these different values 
of a dollar, except the last, will be the fourteen hundred and for- 
tieth part of a dollar, equal to the sixteen hundredth part of a 
crown * * * It has been already observed, that to have the 
money unit very small is advantageous to commerce; but there 
is no necessity that this money unit be exactly represented in 
coin; it is sufficient that its value be precisely nown. * * * 
A dollar contains, by the best assays which I have been able to 
f«t, about 373 grains of fine silver, and that at the mint price 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 225 

would be 1,440 units. In like manner, if crowns contain from 414 
to 415 grains of fine silver, they would, at the mint price, bj 
worth 1,600 units. 

[From Jefferson's Notes.] 

In fixing the unit of money these circumstances are of a prin- 
cipal importance: 

1. That it be of a convenient size to be applied as a measure to 
the common money transactions of life. 

2. That its parts and multiples be in an easy proportion to each 
other so as to facilitate the money arithmetic. 

3. That the unit and its parts or divisions be so nearly of the 
value of some of the known coins as that they may be of easy 
adoption for the people. 

The Spanish dollar seems to fulfill all these conditions. 

1. Taking into our view all money transactions, great and small, 
I question if a common measure of more convenient size than 
the dollar could be proposed. The value of 100, 1,000 and 10,000 
dollars is well estimated by the mind; so is that of the tenth or the 
hundredth of a dollar. Few transactions are above or below these 
limits. The expediency of attending to the size of the money 
unit will be evident to anyone who will consider how inconvenient 
it would be to a manufacturer or merchant, if, instead of the yard 
for measuring cloth, either the inch or the mill had been made 
the unit of measure. 

If we adopt the dollar for our unit we should strike four coins, 
one of gold, two of silver, and one of copper, viz: 

1. A golden piece equal in value to $10. 

2. The unit or dollar itself, of silver. 

3. The tenth of a dollar, of silver also. 

4. The hundredth of a dollar, of copper. 

(Supposed to have been ?ent to Congress, same date as that of Mr. Morris, January 15, 1782.] 

The suggestion of Mr. Jefferson was adopted, as shown by the 
following, from the Journal of the Continental Congress. 

[In the Continental Congress.] 

"Wednesday, July 6, 1785, Congress took into consideration the 
report of the grand committee on the subject of a money unit; 
and on the question, That the money unit of the United States 
of America be one dollar, the yeas and na} r s being required by 
Mr. Howell, every member answering yea, it was: 

"Resolved, That the money unit of the United States of America 
be one dollar. 

"Resolved, That the smallest coin be of copper, of which 200 shall 
pass for one dollar. 
15 



226 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

"Resolved, That the several prices shall increase in a decimal 
ratio." — Journal of the Continental Congress, vol. x, pp. 157, 158. 

No mint was established by the Confederation, and no coinage 
was attempted until after the adoption of the Constitution. 

"The Original Coinage Act, Section 9, in which the Money Unit 
was established. 

****** 

"Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That there shall be from time 
to time struck and coined at the said mint coins of gold, silver, 
and copper, of the following denominations, values, and descrip- 
tions, viz: Eagles — each to be of the value of ten dollars or units, 
and to contain, two hundred and forty-seven grains and four- 
eighths of a grain of pure, or two hundred and seventy grains 
of standard gold. Half eagles — each to be of the value of five 
dollars, and to contain one hundred and twenty-three grains and 
six-eighths of a grain of pure, or one hundred and thirty-five 
grains of standard gold. Quarter eagles — each to be of the value 
of two dollars and a half dollar, and to contain sixty-one grains 
and seven-eighths of a grain of pure, or sixty-seven grains and 
four-eighths of a grain of standard gold. Dollars or units — each 
to be of the value of a Spanish milled dollar as the same is now 
current, and to contain three hundred and seventy-one grains and 
four-sixteenth parts of a grain of pure, or four hundred and six- 
teen grains of standard silver. Half dollars — each to be of half 
the value of the dollar or unit, and to contain one hundred and 
eighty-five grains and ten-sixteenth parts of a grain of pure, or 
two hundred and eight grains of standard silvger. Quarter dol- 
lars — each to be of one-fourth the value of the dollar or unit, and 
to contain ninety-two grains and thirteen-sixteenth parts of a 
grain of pure, or one hundred and four grains of standard silver. 
Dimes— each to be of the value of one-tenth of a dollar or unit, 
and to contain thirty-seven grains and two-sixteenth parts of a 
grain of pure, or forty-one grains and three-fifths parts of a grain 
of standard silver. Half dimes — each to be of the value of one- 
twentieth of a dollar, and to contain eighteen grains and nine-six- 
teenth parts of a grain of pure, or twenty grains and four-fifths 
of a grain of standard silver. Cents — each to be of the value of 
one-hundredth part of a dollar, and to contain eleven pennyweights 
of copper. Half cents — each to be of the value of a half cent, and 
to contain five pennyweights and half a pennyweight of copper. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 227 

GOLD VALUE OF LEGAL-TENDER NOTES, 1862-1879. 

Premium on gold, and gold value of United States legal-tender 
notes from 1862 to January 1, 1879. 



Year. 


Average 
currency value 
of gold each cal- 
endar year dur- 
ing suspension of 
specie payments, 
Jan. 1, 1862, to 
Jan. 1,1879. 


Average gold 
value oi U. S. 
notes each cal- 
endar year dur- 
ing suspension of 
specie payments, 
Jan. 1, 1862, to 
Jan. 1,1879. 


1852 


113.3 

145.2 

203.3 

157.3 

140.9 

138.2 

139.7 

133 

114.9 

111.7 

112.4 

113.8 

111.2 

114.9 

111.5 

104.8 

100.8 


88.3 


1863 


68.9 


1864 


49.2 


1865 


63.6 


1866 


71 


1867 m 


72.4 


1868 


71.6 


1869 


75.2 


1870 


87 


1871 


89.5 


1872 


89 


1873 


87.9 


1874 


89.9 


1875 


87 


1876 

1877 


89.8 
95.4 


1878 


99.2 







The total redemptions of notes in gold and the exports of that 
metal during each fiscal year since the resumption of specie pay- 
ments have been as follows: 



Fiscal year. 


United States j Treasury 
notes. notes of 1890 


Total. 


Exports of 
gold. 


1879 


§7,976,698 

3,780,638 

271,750 

40,000 

75,000 

590,000 

2,222,000 

6,863,699 

4,224,073 

692,596 

730,143 

732,386 

5,985,070 

5,352,243 

55,319,125 

6S 242 408 




$7,976,698 

3,780,638 

271?,750 

40,000 

75,000 

590,000 

2,222,000 

6,863,699 

4,224,073 

692,596 

730,143 

732,386 

5,986,070 

9,125,843 

102.100,345 

84,842,150 

117,354,198 

158,655,956 

78,201,914 

24,993,296 


$4,587,614 

3,639,025 

2,565,132 

32,587,880 

11,600,888 

41,081,957 

8,477,892 

42,952,191 

9 701 187 


1880 




1881 




1882 




1883 




1884 




1885 




183* : 




1887 






1889 

1890 




18,376,234 
59,952,235 
17,274,491 
86,362,654 
50.195,327 

103,680,841 
76,978,061 
66,131183 

112,309,186 
40,361,580 
15,406,391 






1891 


1892 

1893 

1894 


$3,733,600 
46,781,220 

1 fi fi«Q !&.-> 


189-) 


109,783,800 i 7J570|398 
153,307,591 ! 5,348,365 

68,372,923 9,828,991 

22,314,479 1 


1896.. 

1897_ 


1898 


Total 






616,821,607 


92,574,618 


609,396,125 


801,922,952 





228 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

SUMMARY OF MONETARY EVENTS SINCE 1786. 

1786. — Establishment of the double standard in the United States 
with a ratio of 1 to 15.25; that is, on the basis of 123.134 grains 
of fine gold for the half eagle, or $5 piece, and 375.64 grains of 
fine silver for the dollar, without any actual coinage. 

1792. — Adoption of the ratio of 1 to 15 and establishment of a 
mint with free and gratuitous coinage in the United States; the 
silver dollar equal to 371% grains fine, the eagle to 247% grains 
fine. 

1803. — Establishment of the double standard in France on the 
basis of the ratio of 1 to 15%, notwithstanding the fact that the 
market ratio was then about 1 to 15. 

1810. — Introduction of the silver standard in Russia on the basis 
of the ruble of 17.99 grams of fine silver, followed in 1871 by the 
coinage of imperials, or gold pieces of 5 rubles, of 5.998 grams; 
therefore, with a ratio of 1 to 15. This ratio was changed by the 
increase of the imperial to 5 rubles 15 copecks, and later to 1 to 
15.45. 

1815. — Great depreciation of paper money in England, reaching 
26y 2 per cent in May. Course of gold, £5 6s., and of silver, 7iy 2 d. 
per ounce standard. In December the loss was only 6 per cent; 
gold at this period was quoted at £4 3s., and silver at 64d. 

1816. — Abolition of the double standard in England, which had 
had as its basis the ratio of 1 to 15.21, and adoption of the gold 
standard on the basis of the pound sterling at 7.322 grams fine 
in weight. 

Coinage of divisional money at the rate of 66d. per ounce. Ex- 
treme prices, £4 2s. for gold and 64d. for silver; in January, 
£3 18s. 6d., and 59%d. in December. 

1816. — Substitution for the ratio of 1 to 15.5 in Holland, estab- 
lished by a rather confused coinage, of the ratio of 1 to 15%. 

1819. — Abolition of forced currency in England. Price of gold. 
£3 17s. 10y 2 d., and of silver, 62d.* per ounce in October, against 
£4 Is. 6d. and 67d. in February. 

1832. — Introduction of the monetary system of France in Bel- 
gium, with a decree providing for the coinage of pieces of 20 and 
40 francs, which, however, were not stamped. Silver, 59%d. 

1834.— Substitution of the ratio of 1 to 16 for that of 1 to 15 
in the United States by reducing the weight of the eagle, ten- 
dollar gold piece, from 270 grains to 258 grains. 

Tn 1S37 the fineness of the United States gold coins was raised 
from .899,225 to .900, and the silver coins from .892.4 to .900, giv- 
_ 
* The price of silver given hereafter represents the average rate per ounce standard— 1 hat 
is, the mean hetween the highest price and the lowest price quoted during the year. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 229 

ing a ratio of 1 to 15.9S8 and fixing the standard weight of the 
silver dollar at 412y 2 grains. Silver, 59 15-lGd. 

1S35. — Introduetion of the company rupee, a piece of silver weigh- 
ing 165 grains fine, in India in place of the sicca rupee. Creation 
of a trade coin — the mohur, or piece of 15 rupees — containing 
165 grains of hue gold. Silver, 59 11-lCd. 

1844. — Introduction of the double standard in Turkey, with the 
ratio of 1 to 15.10. Silver, 59y 2 d. 

1S47. — Abolition of the double standard in Holland by the in- 
troduction of the silver standard on the basis of a 1-florin piece 
0.945 grams fine, the coinage of which had already been decreed 
in 1S39. Silver, 59 ll-16d. 

1S47. — Discover}' of the gold mines of California. 

1S4S. — Coinage in Belgium of pieces of 10 and 25 francs in gold, 
a shade too light. These pieces were demonetized and withdrawn 
from circulation in 1884. Silver, 59y 2 d. 

1S4S. — Replacing the ratio df 1 to 16 in Spain, which had been in 
force since 1786, by that of 1 to 15.77. 

1850. — Introduction of the French monetary system in Switzer- 
land without any actual coinage of gold pieces. Silver, 60 l-16d. 

1851. — Discovery of the gold mines of Australia. 

1S53. — Lowering of the weight of silver pieces of less value than 
$1 to the extent of 7 per cent in the United States, and limitation 
of their legal-tender power to $5. Silver, 6iy 2 d. 

1853. — Maximum of the production of gold reached in California 
when it amounted to $65,000,000. 

1854. — Introduction of the gold standard in Portugal on the basis 
of the crown of 16.257 grams fine. Before this period the country 
had the silver standard, with a rather large circulation of gold 
coins stamped on the basis of 1 to 15% in 1835 and 1 to 16% in 
1847. Silver, 6iy 2 d. 

1854. — Modification of the ratio of 1 to 15.77 in Spain by rais- 
ing it to'l to 15.48, and by lowering the piaster from 23.49 grains 
to 23.36 grams fine. 

1854. — Introduction of the silver standard, as it existed in the 
mother country, in Java, in place of the ideal Javanese money, 
and coinage of colonial silver pieces. 

1857. — Conclusion of a monetary treaty between Austria and the 
German States, in accordance with which 1 pound of fine silver 
(one-half a kilogram) was stamped into 30 thalers or 52% florins 
of south Germany, or 45 Austrian florins, resulting in 1 thaler 
equaling 1% German florins or 1% Austrian florins. Silver, 6iy,d. 

1861. — Law decreeing the coinage of gold pieces of 10 and 20 
francs exactly equal to French coins of the same denomination in 
Belgium. Silver, 6^d. 



230 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT ROOK. 

1862. — Adoption of the French monetary system by Italy. Sil- 
ver, 61 7-16d. 

1865. — Formation of the Latin Union between France, Belgium, 
Switzerland, and Italy on the basis of a ratio of 1 to 15y 2 . Sil- 
ver, 61 l-16d. 

1868. — Adoption of the French monetary system by Roumania, 
with the exclusion of the 5-franc silver piece, which was, how- 
ever, stamped in 1881 and 1883. Silver, 60%d. 

1868. — Admission of Greece into the Latin Union. The definite 
and universal introduction of the French monetary system into 
the country was affected only in 1883. 

1868. — Adoption of the French monetary system, with the peseta 
or franc as the unit, by Spain. The coinage of gold alphonses 
d'or of 25 pesetas was made only in 1876. 

1871. — Replacing of the silver standard in Germany by the gold 
standard. Coinage in 1S73 of gold pieces of 5, 10, and 20 mark 
pieces, the latter weighing 7.168 grams fine. Silver, 60y,d. 

1871. — Establishment of the double standard in Japan with the 
ratio of 1 to .16.17 by the coinage of the gold yen of 1.667 grams 
and of the silver yen of 26.956 grams, both with a fineness of .900. 

1873. — Increase of the intrinsic value of the subsidiary coins of 
the United States. Replacing of the double standard by the gold 
standard. Reduction of the cost of coinage of gold to one -fifth 
per cent, the total abolition of which charge was decreed in 1875. 
Creation of a trade dollar of 420 grains with a fineness of .900. 
Silver, 59y 4 d. 

1873. — Suspension of the coinage of 5-franc pieces in Belgium. 

1873. — Limitation of the coinage of 5-franes on individual ac- 
count in France. 

1S73. — Suspension of the coinage of silver in Holland. 

1873. — Formation of the Scandinavian Monetary Union. Replac- 
ing of the silver standard in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway by 
that of gold on the basis of the krone. Coinage of pieces of 10 
and 20 kroner, the latter weighing 8.961 grams, with a fineness 
of .900. 

1874. — Introduction of the system of contingents for the coinage 
of 5-franc silver pieces in the Latin Union. Silver, 58 5-16d. 

1875. — Suspension of the coinage of silver on individual account 
in Italy. Silver, 56%d. 

1875. — Suspension of the coinage of silver on account of the 
Dutch colonies. 

1875. — Introduction of the double standard in Holland on the 
basis of the ratio of 1 to 15.62 by the creation of a gold piece 
of 10 florins, weighing 5.048 grams fine, with the maintenance of 
the suspension of the coinage of silver. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 231 

1S7G. — Great fluctuations in the price of silver, which declined 
to 46%d., representing- the ratio oi 1 to 20.172, in July. Recovery, 
in December, to 58_%d. Average price, 52%d. 

1S77. — Coinage of 5-franc silver pieces by Spain continued later, 
notwithstanding the decline of silver in the market. Silver, 54%d. 

1877.- Replacing of the double* standard in Finland by that of 
go'ul on the basis of the mark or franc. 

j^7>. — Act of United States Congress providing for the purchase, 
from time to time, of silver bullion, at the market price thereof, 
of not less, than $2,000,000 worth per month as a minimum, nor 
more than 84,000.000 worth per month as a maximum, and its 
coinage as fast as purchased into silver dollars of 412% grains. 
The coinage of silver on private account prohibited. Silver, 
52 9-16d. 

1878. — Meeting of the first international monetary conference in 
Paris. Prolongation of the Latin Union to January 1, 1886. 

1879.— Suspension of the sales of silver by Germany. Silver, 

5iy 4 d. 

1SS1. — Second international monetary conference in Paris. Sil- 
ver, 51 11-lGd. 

1SS5. — Introduction of the double standard in Egypt. Silver, 

b%d. 

1885. — Prolongation of the Latin Union to January 1, 1S91. 

— Great decline in the price of silver, which fell in August 
to 42d., representing a ratio of 1 to 22.5, and recovery in December 
to 4Gd. Modification of the coinage of gold and silver pieces in 
Russia. Silver, 45%d. 

18S7. — Retirement of the trade dollars by the Government of the 
United States in February. Demonetization of the Spanish xys- 
ters, known as Ferdinand Carolus, whose reimbursement at the 
rate of 5 pesetas ended on March 11. New decline of silver in 
March to 44d.. representing the ratio of 1 to 21.43. Silver, 44%d. 

1S90.— United States— Repeal of the act of February 28, 1878, 
commonly known as Bland-Allison law, and substitution of au- 
thority for purchase of 4,500,000 fine ounces of silver each month, 
to be paid for by issue of Treasury notes payable in coin. (Act 
of July 14, 1S90.) Demonetization of 25,000,000 lei in pieces of 
5 lei in Roumania in consequence of the introduction of the gold 
standard by the law of October 27. Silver, 47 ll-16d. 

391. — Introduction of the French monetary system in Tunis on 
the basis of the gold standard. Coinage of national gold coins 
and bullion. Silver, 45 l-16d. 

392. — Replacing of the silver standard in Austria-Hungary by 
that of gold by the law of August 2. Coinage of pieces of 20 
crowns, containing 6.098 grams fine. The crown equals one-half 



232 liEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

florin. Meeting* of the third international monetary conference 
at Brussels. Production of gold reaches its maximum, varying be- 
tween 675,000,000 and 734,000,000 francs. Silver, 39 13-16d. 

1893. — Suspension of the coinage' of silver in British India and 
of French trade dollars on individual account. Panic in the silver 
market in July in London, when" the price fell below 30d., repre- 
senting the ratio of 1 to 31.43. Repeal of the purchasing clause 
of the act of July 14, 1890, by the Congress of the United States. 

1895. — Adoption of the gold standard by Chile. 

1895. — Russia decides to coin 100,000,000 gold rubles in 1896. 

1896. — Costa Rica adopts the gold standard. 

1896. — Russia decides to resume specie payments. 

1897. — Adoption of the gold standard by Russia and Japan. 

1897. — Peru suspends the coinage of silver and prohibits its im- 
portation. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



233 



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284 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

ORIGIN OF MOEEY. 

All trade is essentially barter— the exchange of goods foi* goods. 
In primitive 4 society this exchange was direct, each person part- 
ing with that of which he had a surplus and taking in return 
that of which had need. But this direct exchange presupposed 
the meeting of two persons each of whom had a surplus of 
just what the other wanted in kind and quantity. This double 
coincidence Mas not always easy to find; so difficult, in fact, as to 
discourage all effort at exchange, or to make the search for it 
extremely wasteful of time and energy. 

By and by men observed that there was some article that was 
in such general demand that in exchange for it one could, at any 
time, get any other thing that he might desire. This object of 
general desire gradually became the medium through which ex- 
changes were effected. A person having a surplus of anything, 
even if he had no unsupplied want, would take this medium of 
exchange, knowing that for it he could at any time supply his 
wants. 

The invention of this medium of exchange was a great step 
onward. It economized the time and energy of the people to such 
an extent that it enabled them with the same effort to produce 
many more goods, made it easier to supply their wants, and thus 
materially bettered the condition of all. And from that day to 
this every economy in methods of exchange (like economies in. 
manufacture) has more and more placed the good things of earth 
within the reach of the mass of the people, and thus elevated the 
standard of living. 

The things exchanged possessed value. The common medium 
of exchange came to be the tiling with whose value the value 
of every other commodity was compared; that is, it became the 
standard of value. In other words, the same commodity served 
both as the standard of value and as the medium of exchange or 
currency. 

In the various stages of social advancement different commodi 
ties, each suited to the times, were used as money. Thus, in the 
hunting stage, skins of animals were so used; in the pastoral stage 
cattle; in the agricultural stage, corn, tobacco, and tea. Later 
came the use of metals, iron and copper, silver and gold. In 
each stage of advancement progress was made by discarding the 
less convenient and desirable form of money for that which better 
served the purpose. Gradually, too, progress was made in the 
methods of using money. When first used as money the metals 
passed by weight. (As a memento of that time we have the word 
expend, which means literally to weigh out.) Later, for the purposel 
of saving the trouble of weighing, and to remove the risk of fraud 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 235 

INTRINSIC VALUE OF MONEY— WHAT IT MEANS. 

A man has $300. One hundred dollars of this amount is in gold, 
one hundred in silver, and one hundred in paper. Instead of 
depositing- it in a bank, he places it in a safe in his house. In 
his absence, the house burns down and practically destroys the 
safe. On forcing- open the door he finds his gold and silver dollars 
melted. His greenbacks are charred and powdered. The paper 
mone3 r is a total loss, but he gathers up the mass of molten metal 
and offers it in the market. Here the true ultimate test of money 
is applied. Fire has not harmed it. It is put in a scale and paid 
for at the market rate of gold and silver. The mass of silver is 
worth about fifty dollars, or fifty cents on the dollar, but the 
gold is worth dollar for dollar, because the stamp of the govern- 
ment only certified its value; it did not create it. The intrinsic 
value of greenbacks is nil. The only sound money is metal money, 
but until silver and gold are at par, gold is the better standard 
under all circumstances, as shown in this illustration. 

DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE USE OF MONEY AS A STAND- 
ARD AND ITS USE AS A CURRENCY. 

There is a marked distinction between the use of money as a 
standard and its use as a medium of exchange or currency. In 
the former case it is used to compare or measure values; in the 
second it is used to transfer them. There is the same distinction 
to be made in these two uses of money that there is between the 
use of the scales for weighing a ton of coal and the use of the 
wagon in which the coal is delivered to a customer. Or, to use 
another illustration, and in some respects a better one, there is 
the same distinction between the use of money as a standard of 
value and its use as a medium of exchange that there is in the 
use of a bushel basket to measure grain and the use of that 
basket to carry the grain to the manger. Here the same thing 
may be used for either purpose. So it was originally with money. 
But we have learned that while there can be only one standard 
of size for a bushel, we may carry bushels of grain in baskets 
or in sacks or wagon boxes. So it is with money. While in the 
nature of things there can be only one standard of value, the 
forms of money as a medium of exchange are many, including 
jgold, silver, nickel, copper, and paper. 



236 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

MONROE DOCTRINE. 

This question was brought before the United States Senate by 
the introduction of various resolutions touching the controversy 
between Great Britain and Venezuela relating to the boundary of 
British Guiana. The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations hav- 
ing considered the subject, Mr. Davis, on behalf of said committee, 
on January 20, 1896, reported the following preamble and re- 
solution: 
[Concurrent resolution relative to the assertion and enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine.] 

"Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concur- 
ring) : That whereas President Monroe, in his message to Con- 
gress of December 2, A. D. 1823, deemed it proper to assert as a 
principle in which the rights and interests of the United States 
are involved that the American continents, by the free and inde- 
pendent condition which they have assumed and maintained, were 
thenceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization 
by any European power; and 

"Whereas, President Monroe further declared in that message that 
the United States would consider any attempt by the allied powers 
of Europe to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere 
as dangerous to our peace and safety; that with the existing 
colonies and dependencies of any European power we have not inter- 
fered and should not interfere, but that with the governments who 
have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose in- 
dependence we have on great consideration and on just principles 
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose 
of oppressing them or controlling in any other manner their destiny 
by any European power in any other light than as the manifest- 
ation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States; and 
further reiterated in that message that it is impossible that the 
allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of 
either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; 
and 

"Whereas, the Doctrine and policy so proclaimed by President 
Monroe have since been repeatedly asserted by the United States 
by Executive declaration and action upon occasions and exigencies 
similar to the particular occasion and exigency which caused them 
to be first announced, and have been ever since their promulgation, 
and now are, the rightful policy of the United States; therefore, 

"He it resolved, That the United States of America reaffirms and 
confirms the Doctrine and principles promulgated by President! 
Monroe in his message of December 2, A. D. 1823, and declares that 
it will assert and maintain that doctrine and those principles, and 
will regard any infringement thereof, and particularly any attempt! 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



237 



by any European power to take or acquire any new or additional 
territory on the American continents, or any island adjacent 
thereto, or any right of sovereignty or dominion in the same in 
any case or instance as to which the United States shall deem such 
attempt to be dangerous to its peace or safety, by or through force, 
purchase, cession, occupation, pledge, colonization, protectorate, or 
by control of the easement in any canal or any other means of 
transit across the American Isthmus, whether under unfounded 
pretension of right in cases of alleged boundary disputes or under 
any other unfounded pretensions, as the manifestation of an un- 
friendly disposition toward the United States, and as an inter- 
position which it would be impossible in any form for the United 
States to regard with indifference." 

The resolution was debated in the Senate on various dates until 
the close of the session without final action. 



NAVAL APPROPRIATIONS. 



Statement showing the total amount appropriated annually since 1882 for the naval 
establishment and the amounts appropriated annually during the same period for 
construction, equipment, and armament of new vessels. 

Total 
amount ap- 
propriated 
for the con- 
struction, 
equipment, 
and arma- 
ment of new 
vessels. 



Fiscal year for 
which appropria- 
tion was made. 



1882. 
1883. 
1884. 
188-5. 

1887. 

1889. 
1890. 
1891. 
1892. 
1893. 
1894.. 



1896... 
1897 .. 
1898*.. 



Total appro- 
priation for 
the naval es- 
tablishment. 



Appropriated Appropriated 
for the con- j for equip- 
struction of ; ment of new 
new vessels. vessels. 



Appropriated 
for armor 
and arma- 
ment of new 
vessels. 



814,749,443 
15,395,613 
15,980.437 
9,242,49- 
21,68 ',759 
17,053,780 
23,925,483 
19,553,43s 
22,456,113 
24,015,586 
31,427,544 
23.013,752 
20,779,407 
24,679,914 
28,236,956 



41 
02 
46 
32:574,082 43 



82,300,000 00 
1,541,500 00 i 
2,057,340 80 
2,595,861 00 
4,920.000 00 
3,800,000 00 ! 
4,055,000 00 i 
5,475,000 00 ! 

13,107,000 00 i 
7,000.000 00 ] 
6,875,000 00 
5,994,725 00 
8,405,201 30 
6,870,600 00 
6,-550,369 00 



8108,600 00 



2,500 00 



8500,000 00 



343,000 00 



400,000 00 
400,068 48 
250,000 00 I. 



6,128,362 00 ! 
2,17-5,000 00 I 
2,500,000 00 
2,500,000 00 
4,000,000 00 
2,000,000 00 



125,000 00 
287,000 00 
162,628 00 



4,000,000 00 
4,837,670 00 
4,371,454 00 
7 220,796 00 



«2,300,('00 00 

2,150,100 00 

2,057,340 80 

2,938,861 00 

11,048,362 00 

5,977,500 00 

6,555,000 00 

7,975,000 00 

17,507,000 00 

9,400,068 48 

7,125,000 00 

9,994,725 00 

13,367,871 30 

11,529,054 00 

13,933,783 00 



Total v 374,609,877 88 j 81,547,587 10 1,735,796 48 : 40,576,282- 00 | 123,859,665 58 



•Up to February 15, 1898. 



238 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

FLEETS OF THE WORLD. 



Comparison of the principal fleets of the world in battle ships, coast-defense vessels, 
and torpedo boats, including those building or ordered. 



Country. 



Great Britain... 

France 

Russia 

Italy 

Germany 

United States*. 

Japan 

Spain 



Battle 

ships. 


( oast- 
defense 
vessels. 


Cruisers. 


80 


60 


133 


51 


26 


57 


40 


84 


25 


28 
28 




18 
23 


18 


19 


13 


27 


11 


6 


19 


14 


IS 


20 



Torpedo 

boats. 



152 
23 
40 
61 



*Up to February 15, 1898. 

Among the battle ships are included all vessels which might be 
employed in the line — i. e., battle ships, seagoing coast-defense 
vessels, first-class monitors, and large armored cruisers. 

Since the above statement was made we have lost the Maine, a 
second-class battle ship. 



NICARAGUA CANAL. 

From President McKinley's Message to Congress, December 6, 

1897. 
"A subject of large importance to our country and increasing 
appreciation on the part of the people, is the completion of the 
great highway of trade between the Atlantic and Pacific known as 
the Nicaragua Canal. Its utility and value to American commerce 
is universally admitted. The Commission appointed under date of 
July 24th last 'to continue the surveys and examinations authorized 
by the act approved March 2, 1895,' in regard to 'the proper route, 
feasibility, and cost of construction of the Nicaragua Canal, with a 
view of making complete plans for the entire work of construction 
of such canal,' is now employed in the undertaking. In the future 
I shall take occasion to transmit to Congress the report of this 
Commission, making at the same time such further suggestions as 
may then seem advisable." 



OATS. 

The total reported production of oats in 1897 was 698,767,809 
bushels, being 8,578,595 bushels, or 1.2 per cent, less than was re- 
ported for 1896. This production has been exceeded five times 
during the last ten years, the crops of the remaining years falling 
from 36,000,000 bushels to 175,000,000 bushels below it. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 239 

The total oat-producing- area was 25,730,375 acres, as compared 
with 27,565,9S5 acres in 189(1, a decrease of 1.835,010 acres, or 6,7 per 
cent. 

The total value of the crop was $147,974,719, as compared with 
$132,485,033 in 189G, an increase of $15,489,686, or 11.7 per cent. 

The average yield per acre, 27.2 bushels, is 1.7 bushels per acre 
above the average for the preceding ten years, having- been ex- 
ceeded during that period only in the years 18S9, 1891, and 1895. 

The average value per bushel, 21.2 cents, is 2.5 cents per bushel 
higher than the average for 1896. The average value per acre is 
$5.75, against $4.81 in 1896. 



PACIFIC RAILROADS. 

Republican Policy Regarding Their Sale Contrasted with the 
Policy Under Cleveland. 
The pecuniary interest of the Government in the Union Pacific 
Railroad terminated on November 1, 1897, when its main line was 
sold to the purchasing trustees of the Union Pacific reorganization 
committee under a decree of the United States circuit court for the 
district of Nebraska. The bids of the trustees, which were accepted 
and the sale confirmed on November 6, 1897, covered the entire in- 
debtedness to the United States to November 1, 1897, including 
$13,645,250 in bonds at par, then held by the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury for the Union Pacific sinking fund. The amount due the 
Government consisted of the following items: 

Total amount of United States 6 per cent bonds is- 
sued in aid of the construction of the company's 
main line $27,236,512 00 

Interest paid thereon by tire United States to Novem- 
ber 1, 1S97, and not reimbursed by transportation 
service and 5 per cent of net earnings 30,830,181 51 

Accrued interest to November 1, 1897, on the balance 

of principal outstanding July 1, 1897, not yet due 381,530 24 

Total 58,448,223 75 

The sinking fund in the United States Treasury belonging to the 
company consisted of $4,549,368.26 uninvested cash and $13,645,- 
2.->0.00 in bonds, aggregating $18,194,618.26. The proceeds of the 
bonds sold at par to the reorganization committee, together with 
the uninvested cash in the fund, have been covered into the Treas- 
ury in part payment of the company's indebtedness, leaving a bal- 
ance due the Government of $40,253,605.49. This balance was de- 



2 40 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

creased by the payment of $0,100,000.00 on December 1st, and by 
the terma of the decree the remainder is required to be paid in four 
equal installments within thirty, forty, fifty, and sixty days, re- 
spectively, a tier the confirmation of sale. 

During the Cleveland administration an attempt was made to 
effect a sale of the Union Pacific and Kansas Pacific lines. The 
Government entered into an agreement with the reorganization 
committee to the effect that the whole debt on the Union Pacific 
Railway, main line, and on the Kansas Pacific line, amounting in 
the aggregate to about $70,000,000, should be settled by a sale of 
the road which would realize to the Government about $42,000,000. 
This agreement fell to the ground, the McKinley Administration 
and the Department of Justice denying that any such agreement 
binding on the Government had been made. By the clever manage- 
ment of the President and the Attorney-General the reorganization 
committee was compelled, so far as the main line was concerned, 
to bid a sum which realized to the Government the total amount 
of the Government debt, namely $58,448,223.75. 

Regarding the Kansas Pacific line, the reorganization committee 
had declared positively that they would not bid upon that road a 
sum which would yield to the Government more than $2,500,000 on 
its debt. The total Government debt upon this branch was $6,303,- 
000, principal, and about an equal amount of accrued interest. It 
was made to appear beyond all question that the road was worth 
but very little if anything more than the amount of the prior in- 
cumbrance and the principal of the Government debt. By the 
action of the Department of Justice under President McKinley, 
which made an application to the court prior to the time of sale for 
leave to redeem the antecedent liens, to postpone the sale and to 
have a receiver appointed in the interest of the Government, the 
reorganization committee, which had formerly declared it would not 
bid a sum that would yield more than $2,500,000 to the Government, 
was persuaded to increase its bid, so that the Government actually 
realized on this sale the full amount of its principal — $6,303,000 — the 
only loss upon the whole indebtedness of $70,000,000 for the two 
lines being the accrued interest on the Kansas Pacific debt, a result 
which may well be regarded with intense satisfaction. 

A basis of settlement with the Central Pacific and Western Pacific 
railways was also fixed, by the adoption of the following amend- 
ment to the general deficiency bill in Congress. The amendment 
was added in the Senate and was concurred in by the House July 
6, 1898, with the addition of the last paragraph which the Senate 
accepted: 

That the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of the Interior, 
and the Attorney-General, and their successors in office, be, and 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT P.OOK. 241 

they are hereby, appointed a commission with full power to settle 
the indebtedness to the Government growing out of the issue of 
bonds in aid of the construction of the Central Pacific and Western 
Faeific bond-aided railroads, upon such terms and in such manner 
as may be agreed upon by them, or by a majority of them, and the 
owners of said railroads: Provided, That any and all settlements 
thus made shall be submitted in writing to the President for his 
approval or disapproval, and unless approved by him shall not be 
binding*. 

That said commission shall not agree to accept a less sum in 
settlement of the amount due to the United States than the full 
amount of the principal and interest and all amounts necessary 
to reimburse the United States for moneys paid for. interest or 
otherwise: And also provided, That said commission are hereby 
empowered to grant such time or times of payment by installment, 
and at such rates of interest, to be not less than 3 per cent per 
annum, payable Semi-annually, and with such security as to said 
commission may seem expedient: Provided, however, That in any 
settlement that may be made the final payment and full discharge 
of said indebtedness shall not be postponed to exceed ten years, 
and the whole amount, principal and interest, shall be paid in 
equal semi-annual installments within the period so limited, and 
ih any settlement made it shall be provided that if default shall 
be made in any payment of either principal or interest or any part 
thereof then the whole sum and all installments, principal and 
interest, shall immediately become due and payable, notwithstand- 
ing any other stipulation of said settlement. 

That there is hereby appropriated, out of any money in the 
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the sum of $20,000 to defray 
the expenses of said commission in making the said settlement. 

Provided further, That unless the settlement herein authorized be 
perfected within one year after the passage of this act, the Presi- 
dent of the United States shall at once proceed to foreclose all the 
liens and securities now held by the United States against said 
railroad companies and to collect the indebtedness herein sought 
to be settled, and nothing in this act contained shall be held to 
waive or in any way modify the lien already held by the United 
States. 

The roads are 8G0 miles in length, the two together carrying an 
indebtedness of something over $100,000 to the mile. The Central 
Pacific road commences five miles west of Ogden and runs to San 
Francisco; the Western Pacific commences at or about Sacramento 
and runs to San Jose. 

This money is now due except in round numbers about $10,000,- 
000, which (having in the meantime been paid out of the Treasury 
under a former law to redeem the subsidiary bonds) will be due the 
last day of next January, so that the whole $60,000,000, or, to be 
accurate, $50,000,000, will then be due and owing, subject to the lien 
of $27,000,000 or $28,000,000, which is a first mortgage prior to the 
Government lien. 

Now, in this condition the question arises. What is it best for 
the United States to do in order to secure this great sum of money? 
16 



242 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

One remedy might 'be to foreclose. If there should be a foreclosure 
and no purchaser then the United States, to get possession of the 
roads, must pay the first mortgage — $27,000,000 or $28,000,000, and 
enter upon a policy of the ownership of railroads, which is re- 
pugnant to the majority of people outside of the Populist party. 
The roads have transported the supplies of the Government, and 
that has gone as a credit upon this indebtedness. Then there is 
the 5 per cent sinking fund and the sinking fund under the Thur- 
man Act. 

There has been declamation year in and year out ever since the 
Pacific roads' were constructed; declamation about the plutocrats, 
about the great fortunes that have been made. How just or unjust 
that declamation has been is not to the purpose. The country 
through which the roads pass was an untracked desert, a wilder- 
ness, when these roads were built. Most of the way it is now a 
settled country, with many commonwealths. Most men recollect 
the old story of Columbus and the egg. He stood it on end, and 
after he showed them how, any fool could stand it upon end. 

Congress decided to create this commission of three Cabinet 
officers to make the best agreement they can touching securities, 
upon the basis of full payment, with 3 per cent interest, twenty 
semi-annual payments, in not long-er than ten years; if there is 
default in any one payment, the whole to come due. Otherwise the 
hands of this commission are left untied, and when the agreement 
is made it is to be submitted to the President of the United States, 
to be ratified by him, and agreement to be made under the white 
light of public criticism. 



PENSIONS. 

Record of the Work Accomplished Under President McKinlsy in 
Contrast with Former Periods. 

The expenditure of nearly $150,000,000 during the past fiscal year 
on account of pensions, thirty-three years after the close of the 
civil war, which is chargeable with more than nine-tenths of this 
expenditure, shows that this Government has not forgotten its 
promises and obligations to the heroes who offered upon the altar 
of their country, their lives and all they held dear for the preser- 
vation of the Union. 

Unfavorable comparisons are sometimes made as to the number 
of certificates issued during a former administration of the Pension 
Bureau and the present, but it must be remembered that during 
the period when the large number of eertificates was issued (1891, 
1892 and 1893) the Act of June 27, 1890, had just been passed and 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 243 

several hundred thousand claims had been filed thereunder which 
required but little, if any proof aside from the medical examination, 
and the Bureau was thus able to adjudicate the claims very rapidly. 
The claims now pending- are largely those which require more or 
less evidence, and embrace those claims under the general law, the 
prosecution of which was waived by the claimants for the time 
being, in order that the settlement of their new-law claims might 
not be delayed. 

It needs no argument to show that a comparison of results be- 
tween the two periods of time is not practicable, and that while it 
is impossible to issue as many certificates as were issued during the 
years stated there is really as much work done now as there was 
then, but with different material and necessarily with different 
results. The high figures showing allowances of claim under the 
Act of June 27, 1890, which were reached during the Administration 
of President Harrison, immediately following the passage of said 
act can never be equaled, because the majority of those entitled to 
its benefits promptly filed their claims which have long since been 
adjudicated. 

The act of June 27, 1890, which has been so far-reaching in its 
benefits was passed by a Republican Congress and approved by a 
Republican President. Its beneficiaries now number 539,638 of 
which 413.909 are soldiers and sailors and 125,729 are widows and 
dependent relatives. 

The amount of money expended for pensions during the fiscal 
year ending June 30, 1898, was $144,651,879, of which $66,255,670 
was paid out to pensioners under the act of June 27, 1890. 

The money annually expended during the four years preceding 
the present fiscal year was as follows: 

1894 $139,804,461 05 

1895 139,807,337 30 

1896 138,214,761 94 

1897 139,949,717 35 

The following table shows the growth, or increase, in the amount 
of mail handled in the Pension Bureau: 

Received. 1896. 1897. 1898. 

Congressional calls 95,509 137,861 199,718 

Letters of inquiry 512,113 566,115 558,391 

Letters, miscellaneous 192,161 137,800 495,927 

Total pieces of mail handled, received and sent: 1896, 2,162,581; 
1897, 5,056,768; 1898, 6,566,967. 

During the past year there were 2,054,048 letters sent out (not 
including cards), being one-third more than the previous year. 



244 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK!. 

During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1897, 94,454 pension certifi- 
cates were issued by the Pension Bureau, 30,538 of which were 
granted during the months of April, May and June of that year, 
after the present Commissioner assumed charge of the Bureau. 
For the preceding nine months of that year the issues amounted to 
only 63,916. 

For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1898, the number of certifi- 
cates issued was 95,760, showing an average of nearly 8,000 allow- 
ances per month, or 320 for each working day during the year. 

The number of pensioners on the rolls on June 30, 1897, was 
976,014; on June 30, 1898, the number was 993,714, being a net in- 
crease during the year of 17,700. 

These figures are obtained from the official records of the Pen- 
sion Bureau, and show a steady increase in the roll since March 4, 
1S97, as well as in the number of applications received and disposed 
of by the Bureau. 

When it is considered that from July 1, 1897, to June 30, 1898, the 
board of review in the Pension Bureau acted on 181,389 claims, 
most of them involving the most careful scrutiny, and the best 
judicial consideration, in order that no injustice may be done the 
applicants, it is apparent that the adjudication of claims under the 
present Administration is being conducted with the utmost ex- 
pedition consistent with correct action. 

In the present organization of the Pension Bureau, the "soldier 
element," as it rightfully should, largely predominates, and the 
policy of the administration of the affairs of the Bureau and its 
different divisions is guided and controlled by those who served in 
the Union army during the civil war. 

The head of the Bureau, his two Deputies, the Medical Referee, 
the Chief of the board of review, and nine of the other chiefs of 
divisions, are veterans of the late war, and under their direction 
the rights of the soldier and his dependents are protected to their 
fullest extent. 

One of the first acts of the present Commissioner after he as- 
sumed his duties was to order the reinstatement of a large number 
of veterans of the late war who had been discharged by the former 
Administration, and his action in this respect was so prompt and 
general that it won for him the highest testimonials of commend- 
ation from the Grand Army of the Republic and other kindred 
organizations composed of ex-Union soldiers. 

Pensions in the Fifty-fifth Congress. — On the 31st day of March, 
1898, we had on the pension rolls the following pensioners: 
Under general law: 

A rmy invalid (soldiers) 329,787 

Navy invalid (seamen, etc.) 4,837 

334,624 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 245 

Under act of June 27, 1890: 

Army invalid 394,702 

Navy invalid 14,349 

409,051 



Total soldiers, sailors, and marines 743,675 

I'nder general law: 

Army widows and dependent relatives... 93,376 

Navy widows and dependent relatives 2,320 

95,596 



Under act of June 27, 1890: 

Army widows and dependent relatives... 118,056 
Navy widows and dependent relatives. . . . 5,907 



123,963 



Total widows and dependent relatives 219,561 

A rmy nurses 644 



Total pensioners, war of the rebellion 963,880 

Revolutionary pensioners 16 

War of 1812 pensioners 2,523 

Indian wars pensioners 6,262 

Mexican war pensioners 18,293 



Total pensioners March 31, 1898 990,974 

In truth, about 1 person out of every 70 of our population draws 
a pension from the General Government. 

]n 1S97 we paid pensions to the amount of $139,949,717 35 

I'aid pension agents for disbursing 572,439 41 

Paid expenses of Pension Bureau 3,415,343 66 



Total expense, year ending July 1, 1S97 143,937,500 42 

During the fiscal year ending July 1, 1898, we have paid, in round 
numbers, $14^,000,000 to our pensioners. 

Pension Office Statistics. — The following Pension Office Statis- 
tics will be of interest: 

Number of pensioners on agency roils June 30, 1898 976.014 

Originals granted included in report not on rolls 6,852 

Restorations granted included in report not on rolls. . 762 

■ 7,614 

Originals granted in 1898 52,648 

Kestorations granted in 1S98 4,089 

56,737 

Total 1,040,365 



146 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Dropped, 1898: 

By deaths 33,691 

By remarriages 1,369 

By expiration minority 2,124 

By failure to claim 3,031 

By other causes 8,436 



46,651 



On rolls June 30, 1898: 

Survivors — Old wars 12,034 

Survivors — Act 1890 331,913 

Survivors — General laws 413,909 



757,856 



Widows — Old wars 14,629 

Widows — Act 1890 95,500 

Widows — General laws 125,729 



235,858 



Total 993,714 



Net increase for year 17,700 

Pensions, Army and Navy, paid in 1898 $144,651,879 80 

Fees, paid examining surgeons $894,249 08 

Agencies — Salaries ;'nd expenses., 536,629 84 

Bureau — Salaries mid expenses and per 

diem 3,182,982 34 

4,613,861 26 



TV 



149,265,741 06 



During the Administrations of Presidents Grant and Hayes, ex- 
tending from 1869 to 1880, the number of pensions allowed was as 
follows: 



Grant's first term, 1869 to 1872 

Grant's second term, 1873 to 1876. 
Hayes' term, 1877 to 1880 



Total 

Average per year. 



War of 
1812. 


War of the 
rebellion. 


20,850 
26,820 

7,698 


71,462 
47,359 
«9,945 


55,368 
4,614 


158,766 
13,230 



The number of pensions allowed during the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1898, including war 1812,(7), was as follows: Army, 54,852; 
Navy, 1,885; total, 56,737. 

The amount paid for pensions during the Administrations of Pres- 
idents Grant and Hayes, extending from 1869 to 1880, was as fol- 
lows: 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



247 





Army. 


Navy. 


Toial. 




§114.570,023 77 
112,244,102 49 
142,922,197 97 


81,56(5,251 71 
2,151,254 68 
2,400,291 19 


§116,136,275 4S 
114,395,357 17 
145,322,489 16 








Total 


869,736,324 23 


6,117,797 58 


375854,121 81 
31,321,176 62 











The amount paid for pensions during the fiscal year ending June 
30, 1S98, was as follows: 

Army $140,924,348 71 

Navy 3,727,531 09 

$144,651,897.80 

Fees to examining surgeons $894,219 08 

Expenses of agencies 536,629 84 

Salaries to Bureau employees 2,753,951 20 

Other expenses including per diem of 

special examiners . 429,031 31 

4,613,861 26 



Total 149,265,741 OG 

Reinstatement of ex-Union soldiers to .June 30, 1898: 

Reinstatement of ex-Union soldiers in Bureau 121 

Reinstatement of ex-Union soldiers in agencies 18 



- 139 



Promotions of ex-Union soldiers in Bureau.. 
Promotions of ex-Union soldiers in agencies'. 



261 
18 



279 



Soldiers' widows reinstated 4 

Soldiers' widows promoted 2 

Orphans and relatives of soldiers reinstated and pro- 
moted 58 



64 



It will be observed that more pensions for service in the war of 
the rebellion were allowed during the fiscal year ending June 30, 
1898, than were allowed for that service during the entire four years 
of General Grant's second term, and the entire Administration of 
President Hayes, and that the amount actually paid for Army and 
Navy Pensions during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1898, was 
largely in excess of the amount paid during either the first or 
second Administration of President Grant, and almost as much as 
was paid during the entire four years of President Hayes' Admin- 
istration. 



248 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Work of the Pension Bureau.— Much has been said importing 
that the present Administration in its administration of the pen- 
sion laws through the present Commissioner of Pensions, Hon. 
H. Clay Evans, has been and is unfriendly to the pension system 
and to the old soldiers and their widows and orphans. A cer- 
tain class of pension agents and attorneys and Democrats (called 
statesmen) have been exceedingly busy spreading this report. For 
a year or more during the last of the Administration of President 
Cleveland pensioners were advised to hold back their claims pending 
the approaching election and to present and press claims for pen- 
sion increases as soon as the new President (certain to be a Repub- 
lican) should be inaugurated. 

The result was that Commissioner Evans found the Bureau 
"swamped" under a mass of new applications. The eager and ex- 
pectant applicants could brook no delay. They seemed to expect 
the immediate allowance of every claim filed, whether for original 
pension, increase, or restoration to the rolls. They did not pause 
to consider that such action would be impolitic, unwise, and unjust. 
The propriety and necessity of a thorough examination of each in- 
dividual case was a consideration not to be entertained, and as a 
result there was considerable friction between pension attorneys 
and the Commissioner. 

But the work of the Bureau, impeded as it is by the presence of 
many incompetent clerks placed there by a Democratic Adminis- 
tration, unfriendly to the old soldiers and to the pension system, 
has gone on unceasingly, laboriously, and faithfully. A compari- 
son of work done and of results obtained under the last Adminis- 
tration and the present will best tell the story. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



249 



Comparison of pension claims allowed and disallowed for years 1894, 1895, and 
1S96, and 1897 (nine months only included). 



Year. 



General laic—orighwl. 



1894 

1595 

1896 

1897 (9 months). 



Act of 1890- original. 



1894. 



1896 

1897 (9 month*). 



General law — increase. 



1895 

1896 

1397 (9 months).. 



Act of 1890— increase. 



1894. 



1897 (9 month?). 



General law— original, 



1894, 1895,1396... 
1897 (9 months). 



General law — increase. 



1894,lS9i,1893.. 

1897 (9 month?). 



1894. 1895, 1890... 
1897 (3 months) 



Act of 1890- originaH. 
Act of 1SS0 — increase. 



1*94,1895, 1396.. 
1897 (9 months). 



Allowed 
per month. 



845 

662 
650 



6 2,655 
c 2,710 
d 3,331 

e 4,118 



813 

810 

1,050 



177 
283 
844 

7,2 



/719 

^808 



924 
961 



2,899 
4,118 



270 



Rejected 
per month. 



1,653 
1,582 
1,307 
1,089 



4,271 
3,777 
3,171 
2,358 



1,892 
1,639 
1,887 
1,165 



864 
1,431 
1,059 
1,071 



1,806 
1,165 



3,740 
2,358 



1,119 
1,071 



a Or 31 per dav. 
b Or 102 per day. 
c Or 104 per day. 



d Or 123 per day. 
e Or 158 per day. 



/ Or 27 per day. 
g Or 31 per day. 



It thus appears that during each of the years 1894, 1895, and 
1896, up to March, 1897, when President McKinley was inaugu- 
rated, the Democratic Administration was allowing original claims 
under the general law at the rate of 27 per day and rejecting such 
claims at the rate of 58 per day. It was allowing original claims 
under the act of 1890 at the rate of 111 per day and rejecting them 
at the rate of 143 per day. 

Under both laws it was allowing 138 original claims per day 
and rejecting 201 per day. 

The Republican Administration has been allowing original 
claims under the general law at the rate of 31 per day and reject- 
ing at the rate of 41 per day. It has been allowing original claims 



250 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



under the act of 1890 at the rate of 158 per day and rejecting at 
the rate of 90 per day. 

Under both laws it has allowed 189 original claims per day and 
rejected 131 per day. 





Original claims. 


- 






Allowed 
per day. 


Rejected 
per day. 




189 
13S 


131 




201 





The above figures relate simply to original claims adjudicated. 

Now let us take claims for increase. 

The Democratic Administration allowed 35 claims for increase 
under the general law per day and rejected 69 per day. It al- 
lowed of claims for increase under the act of 1890, 10 per day and 
rejected 43 per day. In other words, it was allowing 45 increase 
claims per day and rejecting 112 per day. 

The Republican Administration has been allowing 37 increase 
claims per day under the general law, and 28 per day under the 
act of 1890, a total of 65 per day, while it has rejected 44 increase 
claims under the general law per day and 41 of such claims under 
the act of 1890, a total of 85 per day. 

Increase claims. 



Republican Administration. 
Democratic Administration. 



Allowed 
per day. 



Rejected 
per day. 



112 



INCLUDING BOTH CLASSES. 





{ 


189 
65 


113 




58 


Total 


254 


216 








{ 


138 
45 


201 




112 


Total 




183 


313 







It is seen that while the Democratic Administration was adju- 
dicating 496 claims per day, as against 470 per day adjudicated by 



REPUBLTOAX CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 251 

the ^Republican Administration since the return of the ^Republican 
party to power, the Pension Office under Commissioner H. Clay 
Evans has alowed 71 claims per day more than- were allowed under 
the former Administration, while it has rejected 97 less per day. 

This proves beyond any controversy whatever that while the 
Pension Bureau has been a little slower in adjudicating" pension 
claims since March 4, 1S97, than prior to that date, the work done 
has inured wholly to the benefit of the old soldier and of his widow 
and orphan. Every day for the nine months covered by these 
figures in 71 cases more than under the last Administration has 
happiness been carried to the family of some old soldier. The 
rates allowed have been much larger also. 

Those who complain of tardiness at the Bureau and who are 
inclined to suggest that the Administration is against the old 
soldier should study the figures well befoue indulging- in such un- 
warranted and undeserved criticism. 

Our Democratic friends who, now they are out of power, would 
pose as the soldier's friend, when in power and when they had an 
opportunity to do something- for the needy old soldier and his 
widow and orphan, were slow to act in Congress and granted pen- 
sions and increases with a hesitating and niggardly hand, as we 
have seen. 

At the Pension Bureau the}- struck from the rolls the names of 
thousands of needy and deserving pensioners. In passing on claims 
they were swift to adjudicate unfavorably but exceedingly slow 
to allow pensions. Let the old soldiers remember the few bills 
passed; the many vetoed; the fact that at the Bureau of Pensions 
in 1894 and 1S95 the Democratic Administration allowed 34 per cent 
of the claims examined and rejected 66 per cent; that in 1896, when 
it did its best, trying to influence the election, it only allowed 42 
per cent and rejected 58 per cent. 

During the entire year since H. Clay Evans became Commis- 
sioner of Pensions, 154,445 pension claims have been finally adju- 
dicated, and of these 79,298, or 52 per cent, have been allowed, and 
75.147, or 48 per cent, have been rejected or held for further evi- 
dence. The Bureau has proceeded with great care, and in thou- 
sands of the cases not allowed the Bueau has held and is holding 
them for additional necessary evidence. There has been no veto 
of a special pension bill, and every patriotic citizen knows that 
President McKinley, himself an old soldier, will not tolerate an 
illiberal pension policy or an injustice to an old comrade in arms. 

During the first nine months of the present fiscal year the pen- 
sion roll was increased by the addition of 15,000 more names than 
were lost by death, remarriage, and the arrival of minors at the 



262 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

age of 16 years. During the year ending April 1, 1898, the loss to 
the roll was as follows: 

From death '. 37,885 

Remarriage 1,421 

M inors arrived at age 2,284 

Failure to claim pension 3,563 

Other causes 3,194 



Total '. 48,317 

During the year ending June 30, 1895, 37,060 original claims were 
filed. For the year 1896, 33,749 such claims were filed, while for 
the year ending April 1, 1898, 61,613 original claims and 164,438 
claims for increase — a total of 226,051 — were filed. It is easy to 
see how impossible it has been for the Commissioner to examine 
and adjudicate all these claims, and when we consider the rejec- 
tions and failure to reach claims, and the consequent disappoint- 
ments, in connection with the misrepresentations made by poli- 
ticians of the opposing political party for partisan purposes, it is 
not difficult to understand how undeserved is the criticism to 
which the Pension Bureau has been subjected. 

This large amount of money to meet the just claims of our pen- 
sioners will be required but a few years longer. Year by year 
the soldiers and sailors and marines and their widows are answer- 
ing to the last roll call. In a very few years the last survivor of the 
Mexican and Indian wars will be in his grave, and fifty years 
hence the last survivor of the war of the rebellion will have passed 
over the river to his eternal rest under the shade of the trees on 
the evergreen shores. 

Nearly all who incurred pensionable disabilities in the service 
are now on the rolls and the main additions by reason of past 
service will come in under the act of June 27, 1890, where the 
maximum allowed is $12 per month. 

During the last five years pensioners have died as follows: 



1893 25,005 

1894 28,070 

1895 27,816 



1S96 29,393 

1897 31,960 



As only two-thirds of the survivors are on the rolls, it is safe to 
say that at least 25,000 of the comrades of the war of the rebellion 
die each year. 

By reason of deaths and other causes the decrease in pension 
payments in 1897 was $5,684,0S1. The increase in the figures be- 
fore given was caused by the addition of new names and the grant- 
ing of increase applications. It will be seen that when the addi- 
tion of new names in considerable numbers ceases the decrease in 
the amount of pension payments will be very rapid. — From the 
speech of TTon. George W. Ray, in the House, July 7, 1898. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 253 

WHO ARE ENTITLED TO PENSION UNDER EXISTING LAWS. 

Revolutionary War. — The act of March 18, 1818, thirty-five years 
after the termination of the Revolutionary War, was the first 
general act passed granting- a pension for service only. Its benefi- 
ciaries were required to be in indigent circumstances and in need 
of assistance. 

Alarm Act. — About 1S20 Congress became "alarmed" at the large 
number of applicants for pensions under this act (there were about 
8.000) and, on May 1, 1820, passed what has been known as the 
"alarm act," which required all pensioners then on the roll to 
furnish a schedule of the amount of property then in their posses- 
sion. Many of the pensioners whose schedules showed they pos- 
sessed too much property were dropped from the rolls Pensioners 
were dropped who owned as small an amount as $150 worth of 
property. 

On May 15, 1828, or forty-five years after the war, service pension 
was granted to those who served to the end of the War of the 
Revolution. 

On June 7, 1S32, or forty-nine years after the close of the war, a 
general law was enacted pensioning all survivors who served not 
less than six months in said war. 

On July 4, 1S36, fifty-three years after the termination of the war, 
an act was passed granting pensions for five years to Revolutionary 
War widows, provided they were married to the soldier or sailor 
before the close of his last service, and that his service was not less 
than six months. 

On July 7, 1838, or fifty-five \'ears after the close of the war, the 
above act was amended so as to provide where the marriage took 
place before January 1, 1794. 

On July 29, 1840, or sixty-five years after the war, the above laws 
were amended to include those who were married prior to January 
1, 1800. 

On February 3, 1853, or seventy years after the war, an act was 
passed striking out the limitation as to date of marriage. 

War of 1812. — The first law granting pension for service in the 
War of 1S12 was passed February 14, 1S71, fifty-six years aftei the 
close of the war. This act required sixty days' service, and widows 
were not entitled, unless they were married to soldier or sailor 
prior to the treaty of peace, February 17, 1815. 

The act of March 9, 1S78, sixty-three years after the close of 
the war, reduced the period of service to fourteen days, and made 
no limitation as to date of marriage in case of widows. 

War with Mexico. — On January 29, 1S87, thirty-nine years after 



254 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

the war closed, an act was passed providing for soldiers and 
sailors (and their widows), for service of sixty days, if 62 years 
of age, or disabled or dependent. 

Indian Wars. — On July 27, 1892, fifty years after period included 
in the act, pension was provided for those who served thirty days 
in the Black Hawk, Creek, Cherokee, and Florida war with Semi- 
nole Indians, from 1832 to 1842, and to their widows. 

War of the Rebellion.— Acts of July 14, 1862, and March 3, 1873. 
Any officer, soldier, sailor or marine disabled by reason of wound 
received or disease contracted in the service of the United States, 
and in the line of duty, may be pensioned for such disability 
during its continuance. 

In case of his death from causes originating as above set forth, 
his widow (or his child or children under 16 years of age), be- 
comes entitled to pension. If he left no widow or child under 
16 his dependent mother, father, or orphan sisters and brothers 
are entitled in the order named. 

Act of June 27, 1890. — Any officer, soldier, sailor or marine who 
served ninety days or more in the military or naval service of the 
United States during the late war of the rebellion, who has been 
honorably discharged therefrom, and who is suffering from dis- 
ability of a permanent character, not the result of his own vicious 
habits, which incapacitates him from the performance of manual 
labor in such a degree as to render him unable to earn a support, 
is entitled to pension under this act of not less than $6 per month, 
nor more than $12 per month. 

In case of the death of any person named above, his widow be- 
comes entitled to pension, provided she married him prior to June 
27, 1890, and that she is without other means of support than her 
daily labor. If she remarries or dies, the child or children of such 
soldier or sailor, under the age of sixteen years, become entitled. 

Act of August 5, 1892. — All women employed by the Surgeon- 
General of the Army as nurses during the late war of the rebel- 
lion for a period of six months or more, and who were honorably 
relieved from such service, are granted a pension provided they are 
unable to earn a support. 

Service Pensions. — There is no law granting service pension to 
any person for service rendered since the war with Mexico. 

There has never been any law pensioning widows of soldiers 
whose death was due to service in time of peace prior to March 4, 
1861. 

No provision has ever been made for mothers and fathers and 
brothers and sisters, if the death of the soldier or sailor resulted 
from service prior to March 4, 1861. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 255 

The laws relating to pensions have been infinitely more liberal 
since 1861 than they were prior to that date- 
To make it plainer, as an illustration of the fact, let us cite the 
case of a sailor who lost both arms in the service and line of duty 
prior to March 4, 1S61. He would be entitled to a rating, beginni^ir 
at 8:. 50 per month, and to the various rates provided from time to 
time, to February 12, 1SS9, when he would receive $100 per month. 



PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

Our Commerce with the Former Spanish Possessions in the Far 

East. 

The total amount of our imports from the Philippine Islands is 
shown by years in the following table: 

1S93, total imports of merchandise $9,159,S57 

1894, total imports of merchandise 7,008,342 

1S95, total imports of merchandise 4,731,366 

1896, total imports of merchandise 4,982,857 

. total imports of merchandise 4,3S3,740 

For the same periods our exports were as follows: 

1893, total exports of merchandise $154,378 

1894, total exports of merchandise 145,466 

1S95, total exports of merchandise 119,255 

1896, total exports of merchandise 162,446 

1897, total exports of merchandise 94,597 

The principal articles of import from the Philippines consisted 

of textile grasses, manila, etc., amounting to $2,701,651, non-duti- 
able, and sugar, dutiable, amounting to $1,199,202. 0:ir principal 
exports were refined mineral oils, to the value of $45, 90S, cotton 
manufactures, $2,164 and varnish, $2,239. All other articles ex- 
ported amounted to $44.2S6. It is apparent that the Philippine 
Islands offer tempting opportunities for the extension oE American 
commerce. 

AREA, IMPORTS AND EXPORTS AT THE PHILIPPINE 

ISLANDS. 

Local and European authorities estimate the area of the Philip- 
pine Islands at 150,000 square miles, and their population, at 8,000,000 
to 10,000,000. The island of Luzon, on which the city of Manila 
is situated, is larger than New York and Massachusetts, and has a 
population of 5,000,000; and the island of Mindanao is nearly, if not 
quite, as large. There are scores of other islands, large and very 
populous. An idea of the extent of the Philippines may he formed, 
when it is stated that the six New England States, New York, New 
Jersey, Maryland, and Delaware have 10 per cent less area. 



25(3 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



In all, there are about two thousand islands in a land and sea 
area of about 1,200 miles of latitude and 2,400 miles of longitude. 

EXPORTS. 

During- the quarter ended December 31, 1897, there were exported 
from these islands to the United States and Great Britain 216,898 
bales of hemp (2S0 pounds per bale), of which 138,792 bales went 
to the United States and only 78,106 bales to Great Britain. During 
the year 1897 there was an increase in the export of hemp from the 
Philippines to continental Europe of 19,741 bales; to Australia, 
2,192 bales; to China, 28 bales; to Japan, 2,628 bales; and to the 
United States, 133,896 bales— a total increase of 158,485 bales, while 
to Great Britain there was a decrease of 22,348 bales. 

Thus, of increased shipments from the Philippines, those to the 
United States were 544 per cent greater than to all other countries 

Of the total exports of hemp from the Philippines for the ten 
years ended 1897, amounting to 6,528,965 bales (914,055 tons), 41 
per cent went to the United States. 

During the same years the Philippine Islands exported to the 
United States and to Europe 1,582,904 tons of sugar, of which 875,- 
150 tons went to the United States, 666,391 tons to Great Britain, 
and 41,362 tons to continental Europe; showing that of the total 
exports more than 55 per cent went to the United States. 

According to the returns of the Bureau of Statistics, Treasury 
Department, the annual imports into the United States from the 
Philippine Islands amounted to $74,150,284 during the ten years 
ended June 30, 1897, or $7,415,028 per year. For the seven years 
ended with 1894, the imports averaged $8,564,611 per year, but for 
the last three years the imports fell off nearly one-half, amounting 
to only $4,731,366, $4,982,857, and $4,383,740, in 1895, 1896, and 1897, 
respectively. 

According to a British Foreign Office report (No. 1932, annual 
series, 1897), the total imports into the islands in 1896 were valued 
at $10,631,250 and the exports at $20,175,000. The trade with sev- 
eral of the most important countries (compiled from the respective 
official statistics) was: 





Country. 




Imports. 


Exports. 




$2,467,050 
744,928 
359,700 
272,240 
162,446 
103,680 
98,782 


$7,467,500 
223,700 






990,200 




45,660 








4,982 857 




13,770 


Jaj.au * 






1,387,909 







* In 1897. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



257 



About 13 per cent of the imports, says the Statesman's Year 
Book, come from Spain. Three-fifths of the imports from Great 
Britain consist of cotton manufactures and yarn. 

Details of trade with the United States during the last two years 
are given by the United States Treasury as follows: 





1896. 


1897. 


Articles. 


Quantities. 


Values. 


Quantities. 


Values. 


Imports. 

Hemp, manila tons.. 

Cane sugar (not above No. 16) lbs- 
Fiber, vegetable, not hemp.. tons.. 
Fiber, vegetable, manufactures of 


35,584 

142,075,344 

872 


$2,499,494 
2,270,902 
68.838 
26,428 
81,352 
808 
35,035 


38,533 

72,463,577 

5,450 


$2,701,651 

1,199,202 

384.155 

22,170 






72,137 
2,338 
1,087 


Tobacco pounds.. 


1,280 


2,745 










Total 




4.982,857 




4,383,740 








Exports. 




9,714 
89,958 

1,500 
61,274 




2,164 


Oils, mineral, refined gallons. 


1,130,769 
1,138 


600,837 
2,483 


45,908 

2,239 

44,286 


All otber 








Total .. 




162,446 




94,597 


1 



It should be noted that our trade is really much larger (especially 
in the item of exports to the islands) than is indicated by the above 
figures. Large quantities of provisions (flour, canned goods, etc.),' 
are sent to Hongkong or other ports for transshipment, and are 
credited to those ports instead of to Manila. 

In a report published in Highways of Commerce, Consul Elliott, 
of Manila, says that there is but one railway in the islands — from 
Manila to Dagupin — a distance of 123 miles. It is single track and 
well built, steel rails being used its entire length, the bridges being 
of stone or iron, and the station buildings substantial. English 
engines are used which make 45 miles per hour. The Government 
assisted in the construction of the road by making valuable con- 
cessions of land with right of way its entire length, and by guar- 
anteeing 8 per cent per year upon the stock of the road for a period 
of ninety-nine years, when it is to become State property. So far, 
adds the consul, the road has paid more than 10 per cent per annum 
to shareholders. 

Mr. Elliott also states that the Compania Transatlantica (Manila- 
Liverpool) maintains a monthly service to Europe; that there are 
four lines of steainers to Hongkong, and many local lines plying 
between Manila and the provinces, the largest having twenty-eight 
Steamers of 25,000 tonnage. 

Consular Reports JN'o. 203 (August. 1897) quotes from a report 

17 



258 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK 

published in the Bulletin de la Societe de Geographic Commerciale 
(Paris, 1897, Vol. XIX, No. 4), the following description of the in- 
dustrial condition of the Philippine Islands: 

There are about 25,000 Europeans resident in the islands (the 
total population is nearly 8,000,000), of course, not counting the 
troops. Some 12,000 are established in the capital, Manila, the 
center of the colonial government. English, Spanish, and German 
houses are engaged in trade, advancing money to the natives on 
their crops. Such business methods involve risks and necessitate 
large capital in the beginning, but the profits are immense. The 
land is fertile and productive, and lacks only intelligent cultiva- 
tion. Abaca (manila hemp) is one of the chief sources of wealth 
of the country. Sugar cane does not give as satisfactory returns, 
owing largely to the ignorance of planters. The average pro- 
duction is 178,000,000 kilograms (175,186.96 tons), while that of 
Cuba is equal to 720,000,000 kilograms. The sugar goes almost 
entirely to Japan, England, and the United States. It is of poor 
quality and very cheap. The cultivation of tobacco is one of the 
most important industries, although it is capable of much greater 
development. The native coffee, although not equal to the mocha 
or bourbon varieties, has a fine aroma. It goes chiefly to Spain. 
Cocoa trees grow in abundance, and the oil is used for lighting 
houses and streets. The indigo is famous for its superior qualities. 
The inhabitants are apathetic to a degree that is noticeable even in 
these countries, where everyone is averse to exertion. The women 
have long and slender fingers, remarkably fine and sensitive, and 
well adapted to their work. The hats and cigarette-holders they 
make and the articles they embroider are models of delicacy. Cot- 
ton-spinning and work in bamboo are among the chief industries. 

THE INHABITANTS AND PRODUCTIVENESS OF THE 
PHILIPPINES. 

Ambassador Hay sends from London, under date of May 18, 
1898, a pamphlet written by Mr. Frank Karuth, F. R. G. S., entitled 
"A New Center of Gold Production," describing conditions in the 
Philippines. 

It is not improbable that ere long we may have to reckon with 
these islands in the Far East as factors in the world's gold pro- 
duction. That the precious metal is widely distributed in the 
archipelago is known to all who know a little more of it than its 
name, but they are few in number. Few also are the sources 
whence information can be drawn. Not five books in the English 
language are worth consulting about them. Crawford's History 
of the Indian Archipelago, published early in this century, is still 
the student's text-book. Whatever has been published since then, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 259 

when it rises above the level of a mere traveler's tale, is either not 
comprehensive or not reliable. The work of Jagor, the German 
naturalist, of which there exists a fairly good English translation, 
is rough and fragmentary, and not rarely wrong in its generaliza- 
tions. * * * 

The number of the islands which form the Philippine Archipel- 
ago will astonish many readers. It is said to approach two thou- 
sand. There are two among them larger than Ireland — namely, 
Luzon, with 42,000, and Mindanao, with 38,000 square miles; and 
there are other islands with 5.500, 5,000, 4,500, 4,000, 3,500, and 3,000 
square miles. * * * The character of the fauna and flora of the 
Philippine Islands is, to a certain extent, of the Melanesian or 
Australian type, and differs widely from that of the Malayan Archi- 
pelago, from which it is separated by a narrow, but very deep strip 
of sea. The Philippines rejoice in that distinctly Australian bird, 
the cockatoo, as an indigenous member of their avifauna, and in the 
entire absence of the tiger or any other representative of the large 
Ft'Udae. There are reasons for the hypothesis that the Philippine 
Islands are peaks, mountain ridges, and table-lands of a submerged 
continent, which in a Very early geological period extended to 
Australia. 

The geology of the Philippine Islands is to a very large extent 
a mere matter of conjecture. Their conformation and the exuber- 
antly luxurious tropical vegetation render surveys and explorations 
more than ordinarily difficult. Only a few districts have been 
cursorily surveyed and reported on. * * * 

The active operations of the Philippines Mineral Syndicate are 
at present confined to a district in the eastern part of Luzon, where 
the following formations have been observed, viz: Groups of chlo- 
ritic slates, diabase and gabbro, eocene limestone, and recent for- 
mations with marine fossils. 

Almost everywhere in the islands are the results of volcanic 
forces in evidence, although the number of active volcanoes is 
small. The volcanoes, active and extinct, are grouped in two lines, 
running, approximately, east and west. Earthquakes are not infre- 
quent, and the buildings are designed to resist them. The more 
violent seismic disturbances appear to be confined to certain 
centers, among which the neighborhood of Manila, the capital of the 
islands, situate in Luzon, seems to be prominent. The mining eon- 
cessions of the Philippine Mineral Syndicate, Limited, of London, 
which are scattered over an area of several hundred square miles 
in the east of Luzon, have in two years been visited by only one 
very slight shoek, which passed off without the smallest incon- 
venience or damage. The orography of the group is very com- 
plicated. In a general sense, the direction of the chains of moun- 



260 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

tains is north and south, with occasional deflections to east and 
west. The highest mountain in the group is Apo, in Mindanao, with 
over 9,000 feet, while Halcom, in Mindoro, reaches nearly 8,900 feet, 
and Majon, in Luzon, exceeds 8,200 feet. 

The archipelago lies between 4.40 and 20 north latitude, and 116.40 
and 126.30 east longitude. The seasons are divided into hot and 
cool, or wet and dry, and vary according to the aspect of the 
country. Regions exposed to the southwest monsoon have their 
wet season, while on the other side of the mountains people enjoy 
the dry season. The rainfall is not excessive for the tropics, nor is 
it continuous, for occasional breaks lessen the discomforts of the 
wet season. The climate is very healthy for the tropics, and dis- 
eases — e. g., yellow fever — are unknown. 

The bulk of the natives are of a race akin to the Malays, though 
pure Malays are only settled on the south coast of Mindanao and 
the neighboring islands, where at times they give a little trouble 
to the authorities. In the interior of Luzon and some of the other 
islands the remnants of a race of natives of undoubtedly Papuan 
origin are found, still as untamed and given to roving through the 
forests as the Spaniards found them over three hundred years 
ago. They, like their Australian kinsmen, fly from civilization and 
succumb when forced into contact with it. A very interesting ac- 
count of the inhabitants is given by Mr. Palgrave, late Her Majesty's 
consul in the Philippines, in an article in the Cornhill Magazine, 
entitled "Malay life in the Philippines." 

Mr. Palgrave speaks in glowing terms of the fertility and beauty 
of the eastern isles. * * * "The chiefest, the almost exceptional, 
spell of the Philippines is situate, not in lake or volcano, forest or 
plain, but in the races that form the bulk of the island population. 
I said 'almost exceptional,' because rarely is an intra-tropical people 
a satisfactory one to eye or mind. But this can not be said of the 
Philippine Malays, who, in bodily formation and mental charac- 
teristics alike, may fairly claim a place not among the middling 
ones merely, but among almost the higher names inscribed on the 
world's national scale. A concentrated, never-absent self-respect, 
an habitual self-restraint in word and deed, very rarely broken ex- 
cept when extreme provocation induces the transitory but fatal 
frenzy known as 'amok,' and an inbred courtesy, equally diffused 
through all classes high or low, unfailing decorum, prudence, cau- 
tion, quiet, cheerfulness, ready hospitality, and a correct, though 
not inventive taste. His family is a pleasing sight, much subordi- 
nation and little constraint, unison in gradation, liberty not license. 
Orderly children, respected parents, women subject but not op- 
pressed, men ruling but not despotic, reverence with kindness, 
obedience in affection; these form a lovable picture, not by any 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 261 

means rare in the villages of the eastern isles. The villagers' 
houses, some large, some small, wood or bamboo, two storied or 
one, mere huts or spacious dwellings, according to the fortunes 
of the inmates, are dotted here and there in an unsymmetrical row 
among the trees; but all have a comfortable, a cosy look, suggestive 
of sufficiency; many of them white, painted with stripes green or 
blue, rarely red, and occasionally a flower pattern or fanciful scroll 
work to en 1 wen them more. Eight million natives, more or less, 
inhabit the Philippines, and yet scarcity is of rare occurrence; 
famine unknown. * * * Of all tropical lands, all tropical raees 
that it has been my lot to visit, none will have left a pleasanter or 
more heart-satisfying memory, than the Philippine Archipelago, 
the home of the half-civilized Malay." 

The Philippine Islands are under the supreme charge of a gover- 
nor-general, who resides in Manila, a town of considerably more 
than .100.000 inhabitants, among them a goodly number of British 
men of business, whose well-appointed club is the center of foreign 
and social intercourse. In Madrid the interests of the colony are 
specially intrusted to a council of state for the Philippines, which 
acts as an advisory body to the Minister of the Colonies. There is 
also a council of state in Manila, which has a voice in questions 
affecting the material progress of the islands, which are divided 
into provinces, each under its governor. The provinces are sub- 
divided into districts, and these again into communes or parishes. 
The gobernadocillo (little governor) stands on the lowest rung of 
the official ladder, being the elected head of a commune, and wear- 
ing as the S3 r mbol of office a stiff, mushroom-shaped hat, re- 
splendent with solid ornaments of silver bullion. In these com- 
munes or parishes the cura (priest), especially if he be a Spaniard, 
as is generally the case in the more important parishes, exercises 
supreme power. He is the father and councilor of his people, and 
helps them not only with spiritual advice, but also furthers their 
material interests. Many of these Spanish curas have done much 
good work in the way of making roads and bridges, and the build- 
ing of churches, acting frequently as their own engineers and 
architects with far less unsightly results than one might expect 
from persons who are supposed to be more conversant with breviary 
and rosary, than with rule and compasses. 

The Spanish priests, friars of strict orders, come to the islands 
for aj r e and good, and. with scarcely any exception, do their duties 
faithfully and devotedly. Priests of native extraction do not quite 
come up to the high standard of their Spanish confratres. They 
can not all live up to the severity of monastic rules. These native 
curas, moreover, suffer under the proverbial disadvantage which 



262 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

affects the prophet in his own country, and, lacking- the strength 
of mind and tenacity of vow of the Spanish priests, sometimes seek 
consolation in diversions of not quite a clerical or monastic char- 
acter. 

***** * 

On the whole, the Philippine natives find and take life easy. 
Their requirements are few. The sum of £5 will provide a native 
household with a dwelling- of its own and ample furniture. Under 
a genial climate; on a soil lavishly grateful for the slig-htest tend- 
ing; by waters teeming with fish, they know naught of hunger, 
and have- much time left for amusements — such as dancing and 
public rejoicings on the smallest occasion, music, for which they 
have a natural talent, so that there is scarcely a commune without 
a fairly trained brass band — and gambling! Cockfighting is the 
national sport, and no mean source of revenue to the authorities. 
Almost every native owns a fighting fowl, which is as dear to him 
as her lap-dog to a European lady. He carries it about with him 
and bets his bottom dollar on its performance in the arena. Thus 
the native is an intermittent rather than a steady worker, and his 
delight in feasts and holy days, and his content, which passes him 
off as rich in his own mind with $10 in his purse, make him as a 
laborer, docile as he is and willing to please, a source of frequent 
annoyance to his employers. 

After this slight sketch of the country, its institutions and inhabi- 
tants, a glimpse may now be taken of mining matters. * * * 
Proceeding in the order of seniority, also in that of widest dis- 
tribution, gold mining will take the first place. 

There is no doubt that mining for the precious metal was prac- 
ticed in the islands long before the advent of the Spaniards. In 
fact, it may be that the alluvial deposits, accessible to the Chinese 
and Malny traders, who had intercourse with the islands long before 
they were known to Europeans, have been to a great extent worked 
over and over again. The production of gold by washing alluvial 
deposits and pounded quartz is an old-time industry in the Philip- 
pines, followed to these days by nearly all in the auriferous districts 
in a desultory way when the sowing is done or the rice harvest 
gathered; when the overdue capitation tax, or an approaching 
holiday, with its cockfights, makes the possession of a few dollars 
in cash more than usually desirable. The most serious im- 
pediment to mining in the Philippines is the utter absence of 
practicable * roads. The natives with their primitive ways of 
working do not feel the want of roads. They trudge contentedly 
single file, laden with their simple implements, through the track- 
less primeval forests, cutting their way patiently through end- 
less tangles of lianas and swaying labyrinths of luxuriant greenery, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 263 

which would make a botanist's, heart swell. In many parts vehicles 
of any kind are unknown; in others, their only representative 
is the creaking- country car, drawn by a pair of stolid buffaloes. 

Thus far the fringe only of its particular district has been inves- 
tigated by the Philippines Mineral Syndicate. Also, another dis- 
trict, hundreds of miles away from the syndicate's chief establish- 
ment, has been examined, with the result of finding an extensive 
alluvial gold field at .the foot of the mountains. There also the 
natives have worked in their usual fashion, riddling in places the 
ground like a sieve with their pits. It is well known that the 
natives in the mountains, which to a great extent are unexplored, 
all traffic in gold, and from the general evidence it seems probable 
that the auriferous formation, from which the alluvial deposits 
were stocked by the process of erosion, continues throughout the 
backbone of the island. But for practical purposes British mining 
enterprise must keep near the coast for years to come, until in the 
progress of events, more distant mines can be reached with con- 
venience. 

The question is often asked: "How is it that so little is known 
of Philippine gold?" The answer is simple. There is no official 
control of the output, or tax on it. The miners live in isolated 
districts and villages, with rare communication between them. And 
the universal man of business is the omnipresent Chinaman, now 
storekeeper with a fixed abode, now perambulating peddler, who 
penetrates the most distant settlements, buys the gold with his 
wares, and sends it out of the country, over to Hongkong or Amoy, 
or elsewhere. It is not his business to swagger over the volume of 
his trade; in fact, he keeps it dark. Those who know are aware 
that the gold export is considerable and very much exceeds the 
official computation, whatever that may be. "Paracale" gold is well 
known in Manila, but few Manilese know where Paracale is, and 
still less have ever visited the place. Yet it is a prosperous village, 
with a good deal of trade and a large native mining population. 
* * * The Paracale gold dust is melted into tiny ingots, a small 
bivalve serving as mold, so that the gold shows the shape of the 
shell. These tiny ingots are tested by the Chinese purchaser, the 
traces of whose probing auger are always in evidence on the ingots. 

Gold is found in many other islands of the group. Senor Abella 
found traces of alluvial workings in Cebu. Mindoro, which is but 
little known, is said to be rich in gold. Panaon, a small island north 
of Mindanao, has at least one well-defined vein of auriferous quartz, 
whilst Mindanao itself is the center of a considerable trade in 
alluvial gold. From specimens brought from that island, the oc- 
currence of rich quartz veins can not be a matter of mere con- 
jecture. Mindanao, though the first discovered island of the group, 



264 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

is the least known and least settled of all. Many points, especially 
on the south coast, are still held by Malay sultans and rajahs, who, 
while acknowledging the suzerainty of Spain, have not the power 
nor the inclination to keep their lieges from their traditional pira- 
cies. It is from some of these Malay strongholds that the prahus 
of the Orang Laut (man of the sea) sally forth on plundering 
cruises. * * * This iniquitous trade has been stopped on the 
coasts of Sumatra and Borneo, and it will soon be stopped in 
Mindanao, where the Spanish Government is now taking drastic 
repressive measures. 

* • « * * * 

Copper is found in many parts of the Philippines, and cupreous 
pyrites is not unfrequently met with accompanying quartz veins, 
but in such small quantities as to exclude all commercial value. 
In the central mountain ranges of Luzon, however, between Caga- 
yan and Ilocos, considerable deposits of copper ore are distributed 
and have been worked by a tribe of natives, called Igorrotes, long 
before the advent of the Spaniards. * * * They obtain the ore 
in excavations, which they make with the aid of wood fires, thus 
softening the rocks. They separate the ore according to quality, 
and roast the poorer repeatedly before smelting it. Their furnace 
is a cylindrical hole, walled with clay, about 12 inches deep and 8 
inches in diameter, and they use blowers of bamboo worked with 
plungers to produce the requisite draft. 

A Spanish company was established to work these deposits on a 
large scale. Furnaces were built, machinery was put up, but what 
the natives could accomplish the European metallurgists failed to 
do, although in those times copper was worth over £100 per ton. 
The absence of roads told, and the enterprise eventually collopsed. 
****** 

The coal which up to present times has been found in the 
Philippine Islands is not true coal, but lignite, probably of the 
tertiary period, and of a variety which can scarcely be distin- 
guished by the eye from true coal. There is no reason why true 
coal should not eventually be lound, for it is found and worked in 
Japan, whose geological lormation has much in common with that 
of the Philippines. There has been no systematic search made in 
these islands for coal, and wherever it has been found, it has be- 
trayed its presence by outcrops. Thus, in the Island of Masbate, 
a local steamship owner drew his supplies from a bed of coal which 
is so tilted as to have the appearance of a vein. lie supplied him- 
self as long as his native laborers could get the coal with crowbars. 
Mr. Hilton, who examined this bed cursorily, estimated the avail- 
able quantity of coal at about 600,000 tons in that particular con- 
fession. He is, however, of opinion that very much larger quan- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 205 

tities are available in adjoining concessions. These mines are prac- 
tically untouched, and. as they are situated within a few miles of 
the coast, they can bo worked at a profit by whomsoever should 
venture to introduce the necessary capital. Mr. Hilton, after trying- 
it in a local steamer, gives it the character of a "very good steam 
coal." A similar quality of lignite has recently been found in the 
district where the Philippines Mineral Syndicate is now working, 
and it will soon betried for the production of steam. 

The only coal deposits which have been to a certain extent de- 
veloped in the Philippine Archipelago, and of which a scientific and 
reliable record exists in the shape of a report by the chief inspector 
of mines. Senor Enrique Abella y Casariego, are those in the Island 
of Cebn. This report is embodied in a work entitled "Rapida 
Descripcion Fiscica, Geologica y Minera de la Isla de Cebn (Archi- 
pelago Filipino)/' * * * The coal deposits of Cebn were first 
examined in 1855 by the Government mining engineer. Senor 
Hernandez, who without hesitation described the coal as "lignita" 
(lignite). A few years later, however, another Government en- 
gineer. Senor Centeno, declared the formation in which coal occurs 
to belong to the true carboniferous system, and proclaimed the 
discovery of a true coal field of large dimensions, the eastern rim 
of which cropped out in the island of Cebn, whilst its western rim 
came to the surface in the Island of Xegros. Analysis proved 
Seiior Centeno to be in the wrong, for the contents — or carbon — of 
the coal of Cebn do not exceed 54 per cent, against the minimum of 
75 per cent, which true coal contains. 

At one time the Government attached so much importance to the 
coal deposits in Cebu that it established a monopoly, but this was 
soon abandoned and the industry thrown open to all comers. For 
a time coal mining in Cebu became quite a rage, any number of 
concessions were taken up, and several companies established for 
their development. In one or two eases a considerable amount of 
capital was expended. Although faults frequently occur, large 
quantities of workable coal were found; but the absence of roads 
and the necessity of investing large sums in railways in order to 
meet the competition from England. Australia, and Japan soon 
caused a reaction and put a stop to the industry. The present 
annual production of Cebu does not meet one-tenth of the demand 
of Manila, where the annual consumption of coal exceeds 60,000 
tons. * * * In the mines of Ulung five beds have been ascer- 
tained to occur, measuring, respectively, 3 feet S inches, :>, feet S 
inches, 3 feet 8 inches, 5 feet 8 inches, 5 feet.* 

♦Note by Mr. Karuth— True coal bas not been found as yet in the islands. All I he pool 
mined in Cebn, Mas >ate, and elsewhere is "licnite" of very pood quality, hut wanting i hi< 
proportion of carbon which is characteristic of true coal. True coal will perhaps l»e found 
in the islands of Mindero and Mindanao. 



266 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

No systematic search for banks of pearl shells has been made 
within the limits of the archipelago, but from indications it would 
be well worth while to bestow a little attention to that branch of 
industry. Beautiful pearls are found in the neighboring Sulu 
Archipelago, and pearls of very fine quality, but of unknown origin, 
are sometimes brought to Manila, where they meet with eager pur- 
chasers. 

* * * * * * 

Few outside the comparatively narrow circle who are directly 
interested in the commerce and resources *of the Philippine Islands 
know anything of them. The Philippine merchants are a rather 
close community, which only in the last decade or so has expanded 
its diameter a little. There are a number of very old established 
firms. * * * Amongst them also are firms — perhaps, as far as 
wealth and local influence go, the most important firms — whose 
chiefs are partly at least of native blood. 

In the old days money was made more easily than nowadays. 
It used somehow to flow into the merchant's coffers without any 
particular effort in directing the flow on his part. But those times 
are no longer. Cables, weekly mails, and the influx of younger 
men with modern ideas have disturbed the somnolent complacency 
of the old times. And the fall in the value of the dollar has added 
its own particular bitterness to the trouble caused by the inroad 
of competitors and by the equalization of chances by the tale- 
telling cable. Nevertheless, the field is still a good one, and, with 
the era of progress which seems to have set in in the Philippines, 
there will be room for many more. 

* * * * * * 

In 1891 the Philippines' exports to Spain amounted to $22,479,000 
($18,095,595). In 1891 the Philippines' imports from Spain 
amounted to $17,126,000 ($13,786,430). 

The total exports from the Philippines in 1892 consisted of 95,- 
016 tons of hemp; 3,951,060 piculs (553,148,400 pounds) of sugar; 
21,223 piculs (2,971,220 pounds) of coffee; 61,459 piculs (8,604,260 
pounds) of sampanwood; 5,570 piculs (779,800 pounds) of indigo; 
254,428 quintals (56,091,197 pounds) of tobacco leaf; 137,059,000 
cigars. The total exports in 1892 were of the value of $33,479,000 
($23,803,569).* Total value of imports in 1892 were of the value of 
$27,000,000 ($19,197,000). 

****** 

Manila hemp is the fiber of a species of banana (Musa textilis) 
which thrives only in certain localities) where it is cultivated by the 

♦United States currency, taking the average value of the Mexican dollar for that. year, 
an given by United States Treasury estimates. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 267 

natives. The fiber is still produced in the old native way, by 
scraping the leaves with a peculiar knife, which requires expert 
handling. Numberless contrivances to supercede this simple pro- 
cess have been tried and patented, but without success. The native 
way is still the best, and it produces a fine fiber of which thread 
is spun and cloth woven that excels the best Tussore silk. 

The manufacture of sugar is not carried on in a large way, but 
on small plantations with antiquated machinery. There are a few 
large factories, but they are isolated. Some years ago an enter- 
prising Australian established a central sugar factory, and laid 
down miles of pipes for 'the conveyance of the cane juice to the 
boilers, and generally went to vast expense. The factory was there, 
and the engines with the most recent improvements, vacuum pans 
and what not; the only thing that was wanting, was the planta- 
tions to supply the juice. And thus the money was lost, and the 
pipes that were to conduct the cane juice now convey limpid water 
to the inhabitants of Manila. * * * 

In closing these notes, the writer merely wishes to add, that well- 
directed energy and judiciously applied capital will bear good fruit 
in the Philippines. 



PLATFORMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES. 

The Silver Question in Democratic Platforms of 1894-95. 
But nine Democratic State conventions declared for the free 
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 in their platforms of 1894, 
two years preceding the adoption of the Chicago Bryan platform. 
These States were Arkansas, Colorado, Idaho, Nevada, North Caro- 
lina, Ohio, South Carolina, Washington, and Wyoming — five west- 
ern, one eastern and three southern States. Three States conve- 
niently ignored the subject — Florida, Maine and New Hampshire — 
while twenty-seven either indorsed the policy of President 
Cleveland in bringing about the repeal of the purchasing clause 
of the Sherman act, or else took a conservative position, as appears 
from the following planks on the money question: 

DEMOCRATIC STATE PLATFORMS. 

Alabama, May 24, 1894 — "While there are differences of opinion 
among us in matters of detail, we all believe in the free coinage 
of silver whenever it can be done consistently with the main- 
tenance of a sound and safe currency." 

California, August 23, 1894 — Favors the retirement of all gold 
coins and paper currency below the denomination of $10 in order 
to restore silver to its full use as a circulating medium; also the 
reopening of the mints of the United States to the coinage of both 



|68 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

gold and silver without discrimination on such basis as will main- 
tain their parity. 

Connecticut, September 25, 1894 — Commends the Administration 
of President Cleveland and pledges him continued support; congrat- 
ulates the country upon the successful efforts of the President to 
"restore the currenc}' of the country to a better condition than 
it has enjoyed for more than thirty years." 

Delaware, August 28, 1894 — "We hold to the use of both gold 
and silver as the standard money of the country, and to the coin- 
age of both gold and silver without discriminating against either 
metal; and we demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par 
with and redeemable in such coin." 

Georgia, August 2, 1894 — Demands such immediate legislation 
"as will restore silver to its constitutional position as a money 
metal, and will secure "at once the free and unlimited coinage 
of gold and silver on a parity, and give to every dollar in circu- 
lation, whether coin or paper, the same debt-paying and purchas- 
ing power." 

Illinois, June 27, 1894 — "They demand that the Government shall 
spare no effort to bring about a proper ratio between the values 
of gold and silver so that parity may be maintained between the 
two metals and all mints thrown open to free coinage. They 
declare that this has for years been a cardinal doctrine of the 
Democratic party, and they denounce the Republican party for 
its constant and persistent efforts to demonetize silver and thus 
increase all public and private debts." 

Indiana, April 25, 1894 — Indorses the repeal of the Sherman act 
of 1890, and reaffirms belief that both gold and silver should be 
used as the standard money of the country, and that both should 
be coined without discrimination between either metal, and with- 
out charge for mintage. 

Iowa, August 1, 1894 — "We hold to the use of both gold and 
silver as a standard money of the country, and to the coinage of 
both gold and silver without discriminating against either metal 
or charges for mintage. But the dollar unit of coinage of both 
metals must be equal in intrinsic and exchangeable value, and we 
demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and 
redeemable in such coin." 

Kentucky. May 25, 1892 — Demands sound and stable currency 
composed of or redeemable in gold, and silver coin, and free coin- 
age of silver without detriment to any business interest. 

Maryland, July 31, 1895 — The Administration is to be commended 
"for the courage, sagacity and ability which it has displayed in 
its determined and resolute efforts to rescue the country from 
the deplorable evils of a fluctuating, unstable and debased cur- 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 269 

rency, and to crush the pernicious financial heresy of the free 
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1." 

Michigan, June 28, 1894 — "We demand that, henceforth, the issu- 
ing of all circulating medium be made under the acts of Con- 
gress, through the National Treasury in such amounts as the 
business wants of the country may require, and it shall be full 
legal-tender." 

Minnesota, September 6, 1894 — Commends President Cleveland's 
Administration. 

Mississippi, June 8, 1892 — Indorses the Administration of Grover 
Cleveland. 

Missouri, May 16, 1894 — "We therefore demand the free bimetal- 
lic coinage of both gold and silver, and the restoration of the 
bimetallic standard as it existed under our laws for over eighty 
years prior to the demonetization of standard silver dollars in 
1873, and should it become necessary in order to maintain the 
two metals in circulation, to readjust the ratio, it should be deter- 
mined whether gold has risen or silver has fallen, and whether 
there should be a change of the gold dollar or the silver dollar, 
or both, to the end that whatever ratio is adopted the rights of 
both creditor and debtor shall be preserved alike, having in view 
the demand of the people for an adequate circulating medium. 
We declare that we are not in favor of gold monometallism or 
silver monometallism, but that both should be coined at such 
ratio as will maintain the two metals in circulation." 

Nebraska, September 6, 1894 — "We indorse the principles of 
faith as set forth in the National Democratic platform adopted 
at Chicago in 1892, including the money plank, and we accept the 
construction placed upon that plank by Grover Cleveland as a 
sound interpretation, and insist that every dollar issued or coined 
by the Government shall be as good as every other dollar." 

New Jersey, May 25, 1892 — "We condemn the policy of free coin- 
age of depreciated legal-tender silver and also further purchases 
of silver bullion under the Eepublican legislation of 1890, and we 
believe that the whole matter of the use of silver as a money 
metal should be relegated to the further concerted action of the 
commercial nations." 

New York, September 26, 1894 — "We therefore rejoice that by the 
repeal of the Sherman law for the purchase and storage of silver 
bullion all fear of a depreciated currency has been allayed and 
faith has been restored in the ability of -the Government to main- 
tain a constant parity between its gold and silver coinage." 

New York Independent Democrats, October 9, 1894 — "We favor 
a sound currency and a safe banking system, which will extend 
throughout the country the money advantages of the cities, and 



870 BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

which can be based only on an honest dollar of a single standard 
of value." 

North Dakota — Same as Missouri. 

Oregon, April 18, 1894 — Opposes all measures of discrimination 
against silver; and demands free coinage to supply the demands 
of business and that all money issued by the Government be made 
a legal tender for all debts, both public and private. 

Pennsylvania, June 27, 1894 — "We declare that the consistent, 
courageous, and inflexible determination of a Democratic Presi- 
dent to maintain the credit of the Government terminated a finan- 
cial panic, restored confidence, and composed disturbed values. 
We are opposed to the reckless inflation of the currency to $40 
per capita demanded by the Kepublican State conventions of 1893 
and 1894; and while we favor the circulation of constitutional 
money, gold and silver at a parity, we are unalterably opposed to 
any debasement of the currency or to the depreciation of any 
dollar issued by the Government to the people." 

Rhode Island, March 20, 1894 — "The repeal of the Sherman coin- 
age act, to which the Democratic party was pledged by its last 
nation platform, has already restored public confidence that 
debasement of currency will not be permitted, and the near ap- 
proach of tariff reform is stimulating industrial activity in every 
direction." 

South Dakota, September 5, 1894 — "We demand the coinage of 
both silver and gold under such conditions and at such a ratio as 
will maintain the parity of the two metals." 

Tennessee, August 15, 1894 — Favors the bi-metallic standard, the 
coinage, without reference to the policy of other nations, of both 
gold and silver in such manner as will maintain both metals in 
circulation at parity. 

Texas, August 16, 1894— "We hold to the use of both gold and 
silver as the standard money of the country, and the equal coin- 
age of both metals without discrimination against either metal 
or charge for mintage; but the dollar unit of coinage of both 
metals must be of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value or be 
adjusted through international agreement or by such safeguards 
of legislation as shall insure the maintenance of parity of the 
two metals and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the 
markets and in payment of debts, and we demand that all paper 
money shall be kept at par with and redeemable in such coin. 
We insist upon this policy as especially necessary for the protec- 
tion of farmers and laboring classes, the first and most defense- 
less victims of unstable money and a fluctuating currency." 

Vermont, June 28, 1894 — "We recognize the fact that the progress 
of civilization has made the large nations of the world dependent 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 271 

upon each other financially, and we demand a currency that shall 
be of its face value in every part of the globe. We believe in 
gold and silver as a circulating medium, and that they shall be 
made of equal value, as demanded in the National Democratic 
platform of 1S92." 

Wisconsin, September 6, 1894 — "By the repeal of the Eepublican 
measure known as the Sherman silver law, the money of the 
country is restored to a sound basis, and no proposed legislation 
should be entertained which does not provide that every dollar 
issued by the Government should be of equal intrinsic and inter- 
changeable value." 

Nothing better illustrates the utter instability of Democratic 
principles and professions than their repudiation of the doctrines 
enunciated in 1S94 and their adoption of the 16 to 1 doctrine on 
which the}' entered the campaign of 1596. 

PLATFORM DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

[Adopted by the Democratic convention at Chicago, July 8, 1893.] 
We, the Democrats of the United States, in national convention 
assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential 
principles of justice and liberty'upon which our institutions are 
founded, and which the Democratic party has advocated from 
Jefferson's time to our own — freedom of speech, freedom of the 
press, freedom of conscience, the preservation of personal rights, 
the equality of all citizens before the law, and the faithful obser- 
vance of constitutional limitations. 

STATE EIGHTS. 

During all these years the Democratic party has resisted the 
tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental 
power, and steadfastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme 
of government established by the founders of this Republic of \/ 
republics. Under its guidance and teachings the great principle 
of local self-government has found its best expression in the main- 
tenance of the rights of the . States and in its assertion of the 
necessity of confining the General Government to the exercise of 
the power^^ranted by the Constitution of the United States. 

THE MONEY QUESTION. 

Recognizing that the money system is paramount to all others 
at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Con- 
sitution names silver and gold together as the money metals of 
the United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Con- 
gress under the Constitution made the silver dollar the monetary 
unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon 
the silver-dollar unit. 



272 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the 
knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the 
appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of com- 
modities produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden 
of taxation and of all debts, public arid private; the . enrichment 
of the money-lending class at home and abroad; prostration of 
industry and impoverishment of the people. 

We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has 
locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis 
of hard times. Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its 
adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to Lon- 
don. It is not only un-American but anti-American, and it can 
he fastened on the United States only by the stifling of that spirit 
and love of liberty which proclaimed our political independence 
in 1776 and won it in the war of the Revolution. 

FREE SILVER. 

We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and 
silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the 
aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard 
silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all 
debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will 
prevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of legal- 
tender money by private contract. 

We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the 
holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved 
by law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either 
silver coin or gold coin. 

BOND ISSUES. 

We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the 
United States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with 
banking syndicates which, in exchange for bonds and at an enor- 
mous profit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold 
to maintain the policy of gold monometallism. 

Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and 
President Jackson declared that this power could not bQfielegated 
to corporations or individuals. We therefore demand that the 
power to issue notes to circulate as money be taken from the 
national banks, and that all paper money shall be issued directly 
by the Treasury Department, be redeemable in coin, and receivable 
for all debts, public and private. 



f 



( 



( 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 278 

TARIFF FOR REVENUE. 

We hold that the tariff duties should be levied for purposes of 
revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally 
throughout the country and not discriminate between class or sec- 
tion, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the 
Government honestly and economically administered. We de- 
nounce, as disturbing to business, the Republican threat to restore 
the McKinley law, which has been twice condemned by the people 
in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of 
protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts 
and monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, re- 
stricted trade, and deprived the producers of the great American 
staples of access to their natural markets. Until the money ques- 
tion is settled we are opposed to any 'agitation for further changes 
in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary to make the deficit 
in revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on 
the income tax. 

THE INCOME TAX. 

There would be no deficit in the revenue but for the annulment 
by the Supreme Court of a law passed by a Democratic Congress 
in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that Court for 
nearly one hundred years, that Court having sustained constitu- 
tional objections to its enactment which had been overruled by 
the ablest judges who have ever sat on that bench. We declare 
that it is the duty of Congress to use all the constitutional power 
which remains after that decision, or which may come by its re- 
versal by the Court, as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the 
burdens of taxation may be equally and impartially laid, to the 
end that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expenses of 
the Government. 

IMMIGRATION. 

We hold that the most efficient way to protect American labor 
is to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete 
with it in the home market, and that the value of the home market 
to our American farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a 
vicious monetary system, which depresses the prices of their pro- 
ducts below the cost of production, and thus deprives them of 
the means of purchasing the products of our home manufacture. 

CONGRESSIONAL APPROPRIATIONS. 

We denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the 
people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of 
recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high, while 
the labor that pays them is unemployed, and the products of the 

18 



/ 



274 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

people's toil are depressed in price till they no longer repay the 
cost of production. We demand a return to that simplicity and 
economy which best befits a democratic government and a reduc- 
tion in the number of useless offices, the salaries of which drain 
the substance of the people. 

FEDERAL INTERFERENCE. 

We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in 
local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United States 
and a crime against free institutions, and we especially object to 
government by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form 
of oppression, by which Federal judges, in contempt of the 'laws 
of the States and rights of citizens, become at once legislators, 
judges, and executioners, and we approve the bill passed at the 
last session of the United States Senate, and now pending in the 
House, relative to contempts in Federal courts, and providing for 
trials by jury in certain cases of contempt 

PACIFIC FUNDING BILL. 

No discrimination should be indulged by the Government of the 
United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the 
refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Eailroad 
funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present Republican 
Congress to enact a similar measure. 

PENSIONS. 

Recognising the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we 
heartily indorse the rule of the present Commissioner of Pen- 
sions that no names shall be arbitrarily dropped from the pension 
roll, and the fact of an enlistment and service should be deemed 
conclusive evidence against disease or disability before enlistment. 

CUBA. 

We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic 
struggle for liberty and independence. 

THE CIVIL SERVICE. 

We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor 
appointments based upon merits, fixed terms of office, and such 
an administration of the civil-service laws as will afford equal 
opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness. 

NO THIRD TERM. 

We declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic, estab- 
lished by custom and usage of one hundred years, and sanctioned 
by the examples of the greatest and wisest of those who founded 
and have maintained our Government, that no man should be 
eligible for a third term of the Presidental office. 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 275 

COBPOBATE WEALTH. 

The absorption of wealth by' the few, the consolidation of our 
leading railroad systems, and formation of trusts and pools require 
a stricter control by the Federal Government of those arteries of 
commerce. We demand the enlargement of the powers of the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, and such restrictions and guar- 
anties in the control of railroads as will protect the people from 
robbery and oppression. 

ADMISSION OF TEBRITOBIES. 

We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico and 
Arizona iuto the Union of States, and we favor the early admis- 
sion of all the Territories giving the necessary population and re- 
sources to entitle them to Statehood, and while they remain Terri- 
tories we hold that the officials appointed to administer the gov- 
ernment of any Territory, together with the District of Columbia 
and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the Territory or 
District in which their duties are to be performed. The Demo- 
cratic party believes in home rule and that all public lands of 
the United States should be appropriated to the establishment of 
free homes for American citizens. 

We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be granted a Dele- 
gate in Congress, and that the general land and timber laws of 
the United States be extended to said Territory. 

MISSISSIPPI BIVEB IMPROVEMENTS. 

The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mis- 
sisippi Eiver and other great waterways of the Jtepublic, so as to 
secure for the interior people easy and cheap transportation to 
tidewater. 'When any waterway of the Eepublic is of sufficient 
importance to demand aid of the Government, such aid should be 
extended upon a definite plan of continuous work until permanent 
improvement is secured. 

Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of its 
success at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration of prin- 
ciples and purposes to the considerate judgment of the American 
people. We invite the support of all citizens who approve them, 
and who desire to have them made effective through legislation 
for the relief of the people and the restoration of the country's 
prosperity. 



176 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

PLATFOBM PEOPLE'S PARTY. 



[Adopted by the Populist convention at St. Louis, July 24, 1896.] 

The People's Party, assembled in national convention, reaffirms 
its allegiance to the principles declared by the founders of the Re 
DVblic, and also to the fundamental principles of just government 
as enunciated in the platform of the party in 1892. 

We recognize that through the connivance of the present and 
preceding Administrations the country has reached a crisis in its 
national life, as predicted in our declaration four years ago, and 
that prompt and patriotic action is the supreme duty of the hour. 

We realize that, while we have political independence, our finan- 
cial and industrial independence is yet to be attained by restoring 
to our country the constitutional control and exercise of the func- 
tions necessary to- a people's government, which functions have 
been basely surrendered by our public servarits to corporate mo- 
nopolies. The influence of European money changers has been 
more potent in shaping legislation than the voice of the American 
people. Executive power and patronage have been used to cor- 
rupt our legislatures and defeat the will of the people, and plu- 
tocracy has been enthroned upon the ruins of democracy. 

To restore the government intended by the fathers and for the 
welfare and prosperity of this and future generations, we demand 
the establishment of an economic and financial system which shall 
make us masters of our own affairs and independent of European 
control, by the adoption of the following declarations of principles: 

AS TO MONEY, BONDS, AND INCOME TAX. 

1. We demand a national money, safe and sound, issued by the 
General Government only, without the intervention of banks of 
issue, to be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, 
and a just, equitable, and efficient means of distribution direct to 
the people and through the lawful disbursements of the Govern- 
ment. 

2. We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and 
gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the 
consent of foreign nations. 

3. We demand that the volume of circulating medium be speedily 
increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of the 
business population of this country and to restore the just level 
of prices of labor and production. 

4. We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the public 
interest-bearing bond debt made by the present Administration as 
unnecessary and without authority of law, and that no more 
bonds be issued except by specific act of Congress. 

5. We demand such legal legislation as will prevent the demone- 



ns 






REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 277 

tization of the lawful money of the United States by private 
contract. 

6. We demand that the Government on payment of its obligations 
shall use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which they 
are to be paid, and we denounce the present and preceding" Ad- 
ministrations for surrendering this option to the holders of Gov- 
ernment obligations. 

7. We demand a graduated income tax, to the end that aggre- 
gated wealth shall bear its just portion of taxation, and we de- 
nounce the recent decision of the Supreme Court relative to the 
income-tax law as a misinterpretation of the Constitution and an 
invasion of the rightful powers of Congress over the subject of 
taxation. 

8. We demand that postal savings banks be established by the 
Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people and 
to facilitate exchange. 

GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP OF RAILROADS AND TELEGRAPH. 

1. Transportation being a means of exchange and a public neces- 
sity, the Government should own and operate the railroads in the 
interest of the people and on nonpartisan basis, to the end that 
all may be accorded the same treatment in transportation, and 
that the tyranny and political power now exercised by the great 
railroad corporations, which result in the impairment if not the 
destruction of the political rights and personal liberties of the 
citizen, may be destroyed. Such ownership is to be accomplished 
gradually, in a manner consistent with sound public policy. 

2. The interest of the United States in the public highways built 
with public moneys and the proceeds of extensive grants of land 
to the Pacific railroads should never be alienated, mortgaged, or 
sold, but guarded and protected for the general welfare as pro- 
vided oy the laws organizing such railroads. The foreclosure of 
existing liens of the United States on these roads should at once 
follow default in the payment of the debt of the companies, and 
at the foreclosure sales of said roads the Government shall pur- 
chase the same if it becomes necessary to protect its interests 
therein, or if they can be purchased at a reasonable price; and the 
Government shall operate said railroads as public highways for the 
benefit of the whole and not in the interest of a few, under suit- 
able provisions for protection of life and property, giving to all 
transportation interests equal privileges and equal rates for fares 
and freight. 

3. We denounce the present infamous schemes for refunding 
those debts and demand that the laws now applicable thereto be 
executed and administered according to their true intent and spirit. 



278 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

4. The telegraph, like the post-office system, being a necessity 
for the transmission of news, should be owned and operated by 
the Government in the interest of the people. 

LAND, HOMES, AND PACIFIC RAILROAD GRANTS. 

1. The true policy demands that the national and State legisla- 
tion shall be such as will ultimately enable every prudent and 
industrious citizen to secure a home, and therefore the land should 
not be monopolized for speculative purposes. 

All lands now held by railroads and other corporations in excess 
of their actual needs should by lawful means be reclaimed by 
the Government and held for actual settlers only, and private land 
monopoly, as well as alien ownership, should be prohibited. 

2. We condemn the frauds by which the land grant to the Pacific 
railroad companies have, through the connivance of the Interior 
Department, robbed multitudes of bona fide settlers -of their homes 
and miners of their claims, and we demand legislation by Congress 
which will enforce the exemption of mineral land from such grants 
after as well as before patent. 

3. We demand that bona fide settlers on all public lands be 
granted free homes, as provided in the national homestead law, 
and that no exception be made in the case of Indian reservations 
when opened for settlement, and that all lands not now patented 
come under this demand. 

DIRECT LEGISLATION AND GENERAL PLANKS. 

We favor a system of direct legislation through the initiative and 
referendum under proper constitutional safeguards. 

We demand the election of President, Vice-President and United 
States Senators by a direct vote of the people. 

We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest sympathy 
in their heroic struggle for political freedom and independence, 
and we believe the time has come when the Unitd States, the 
great Republic of the world, should recognize that Cuba is and 
of right ought to be a free and independent state. 

We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of Co- 
lumbia and the early admission of the Territories as States. 

All public salaries should be made to correspond to the price of 
labor and its products. 

In times of great industrial depression idle labor should be em- 
ployed on public works as far as practicable. 

The arbitrary course of the courts in assuming to imprison citi- 
zens for indirect contempt and ruling by injunction should be 
prevented by proper legislation. 

We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers. _^ 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 279 

Believing- that the elective franchise and untrameled ballot 
are essential to a government of, for, and by the people, the Peo- 
ple's Party condemn the wholesale system of disfranchisement 
adopted in some States as unrepubliean and undemocratic, and we 
declare it to be the duty of the several State legislatures to take 
such action as will secure a full, free, and fair ballot and an 
honest count. 

FINANCIAL QUESTION "THE PRESSING ISSUE." 

While the foregoing- propositions constitute the platform upon 
which our party stands, and for the vindication of which its organi- 
zation will be maintained, we recognize that the great, and pressing 
issue of the pending campaigu, upou which the present Presiden- 
tial election will turn, is the financial question, and upou this 
great and specihc issue between the parties we cordially invite the 
aid and cooperation of all organizations and citizens agreeing 
with us upon this vital question. 

PLATFORM REPUBLICAN PARTY. 

Adopted by the Republican convention at St. Louis, June 17, 1S9G.] 
The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their re- 
presentatives in national convention, appealing for the popular 
and historical justification of their claims to the matchless achieve- 
ments of the thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confi- 
dently address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experi- 
ence, and conscience of their countrymen in the following declara- 
tion of facts and principles: 

For the first time since the civil war the American people have 
witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted 
Democratic control of the Government. It has been a record of 
unparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster. In administrative 
management it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable revenue, en- 
tailed an unceasing- deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses 
with borrowed money, piled up the public debt by $262,000,000 in 
time of peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual 
menace hanging over the redemption fund, pawned American 
credit to alien syndicates, and reversed all the measures and results 
of successful Republican rule. 

In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, blighted 
industry' and trade with prolonged depression, closed factories, re- 
duced work and wages, halted enterprise, and crippled American 
production while stimulating foreign production for the American 
market. Every consideration of public safety and individual in- 
terest demands that the Government shall be rescued from the 
han^s of those who have shown themselves incapable to conduct 



2iO REPUBLICAN CAMPAION TEXT BOOK. 

it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be re- 
stored to the party which for thirty years administered it with 
unequaled success and prosperity, and in this connection we 
heartily indorse the wisdom, patriotism, and the success of the 
Administration of President Harrison. 

TARIFF. 

We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protec- 
tion as the bulwark of American industrial independence and the 
foundation of American development and prosperity. This true 
American policy taxes foreign products and encourages home in- 
dustry; it puts the .burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures 
the American market for the American producer; it upholds the 
American standard of wages for the American workingman; it 
puts the factory by the side of the farm, and makes the American 
farmer less dependent on foreign demand and price; it diffuses 
general thrift, and founds the strength of all on the strength of 
each. In its reasonable application it is just, fair, and impartial; 
equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sec- 
tional discrimination, and individual favoritism. 

We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injuri- 
ous to the public credit, and destructive to business enterprise. 
We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which 
come into competition with American products as will not only 
furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the Gov- 
ernment, but will protect American labor from degradation to the 
wage level of other lands. We are not pledged to any particular 
schedules. The question of rates is a practical question, to be 
governed by the conditions of the time and of production; the 
ruling and uncompromising principle is the protection and devel- 
opment of American labor and industry. The country demands 
a right settlement, and then it wants rest. 

RECIPROCITY. 

We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated 
by the last Republican Administration was a national calamity, 
and we demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will 
equalize our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions 
which now obstruct the sale of American products in the ports of 
other countries, and secure enlarged markets for the products of 
our farms, forests, and factories. 

Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican 
policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck 
down both, and both must Be re-established. Protection for what 
we produce; free admission for the necessities of life which we 
do not produce; reciprocity agreements of mutual interests which 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 281 

gain open markets for us in return for our open markets to others. 
Protection builds up domestic industry and trade and secures our 
own market for ourselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade 
and finds an outlet for our surplus. 

We hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of the 
European powers from this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union 
of all English-speaking parts of the continent by the free consent 
of its inhabitants. 

SUGAR. 

We condemn the present Administration for not keeping faith 
with the sugar producers of this country. The [Republican party 
favors such protection as will lead to the production on American 
soil of all the sugar which the American people use, and for which 
they pay other countries more than $100,000,000 annually. 

WOOL AND WOOLENS. 

To all our products — to those of the mine and the fields as well 
as to those of the shop and the factory; to hemp, to wool, the 
product of the great industry of sheep husbandry, as well as to 
the finished woolens of the mills — we promise the most ample 
protection. 

MERCHANT MARINE. 

We favor restoring the American policy of discriminating duties 
for the upbuilding of our merchant marine and the protection of 
our shipping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ships — 
the product of American labor, employed in American shipyards, 
sailing under the Stars and Stripes, and manned, officered, and 
owned by Americans— may regain the carrying of our foreign com- 
merce. 

FINANCE. 

The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused 
the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie 
payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold. 

We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to de- 
base our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, 
therefore, opposed to the free coinage of silver except by interna- 
tional agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, 
which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can 
be obtained the existing gold standard must be preserved. All 
our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with 
gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably 
the obligations of the United States and all our money, whether 
coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most 
enlightened nations of the earth. 



282 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

PENSIONS. 

The veterans of the Union Army deserve and should receive fair 
treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable* they 
should be given the preference in the matter of employment, and 
they are entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best cal- 
culated to secure the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in 
the dark days of the country's peril. We denounce the practice in 
the Pension Bureau, so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the 
present Administration, of reducing pensions and arbitrarily drop- 
ping names from the rolls as deserving the severest condemnation 
of the American people. 

FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and 
dignified, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere care- 
fully watched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be con- 
trolled by the United States, and no foreign power should be 
permitted to interfere with them; the Nicaraguan Canal should 
be built, owned, and operated by the United States; and by the 
purchase of the Danish Islands we should secure a proper and 
much needd naval station in the West Indies. 

ARMENIAN MASSACRES. 

The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and 
just indignation of the American people, and we believe that the 
United States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert 
to bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents 
have been exposed to the gravest dangers and American property 
destroyed. There and everywhere American citizens and American 
property must be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any 
cost. 

MONROE DOCTRINE. 

We reassert the Monroe doctrine in its full extent, and we re- 
affirm the right of the United States to give the doctrine effect by 
responding to the appeal of any American State for friendly inter- 
vention in case of European encroachment. We have not inter- 
fered and shall not interfere with the existing possessions of any 
European power in this hemisphere, but these possessions must 
not on any pretext be extended. 



From the hour of achieving their own independence the people 
of the United State have regarded with sympathy the struggles 
of other American people to free themselves from European domi- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 283 

nation. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic bat- 
tle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our 
best hopes go out for the full success of their determined contest 
for liberty. 

The Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being 
unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citi- 
zens, or to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the 
Government of the United States should actually use its influence 
and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the 
island. 

THE NAVY. 

The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of 
its rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a 
naval power commensurate with its position and responsibility. 
We therefore favor the continued enlargement of the Navy and a 
complete system of harbor and seacoast defenses. 

FOREIGN IMMIGRATION. 

For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship and 
of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competition of 
low-priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thor- 
oughly enforced and so extended as to exclude from entrance to 
the United States those who can neither read nor write. 
civil service. 

The civil-service law was placed on the statute book by the 
Republican party which has always sustained it and we renew 
our repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and honestly 
enforced end extended wherever practicable. 

FREE BALLOT. 

We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed 
to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot shall 
be counted and returned as cast. 

LYNCHINGS. 

We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and 
barbarous practice, well known as lynching or killing of human 
beings suspected or charged with crime, without process of law. 

NATIONAL ARBITRATION. 

We favor the creation of a national board of arbitration to settle 
and adjust differences which may arise beween employers and 
employees engaged in interstate commerce. 

HOMESTEADS. 

We believe in an immediate return to the free-homestead policy 
of the Republican party, and urge the passage by Congress of a 



284 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

latisfactory free-homestead measure such as has already passed the 
House and is now pending in the Senate. 

TERRITORIES. 

We favor the admission of the remaining" Territories at the 
earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the 
people of the Territories and of the United States. All the Federal 
officers appointed for the Territories should be selected from bona 
fide residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be 
accorded as far as practicable. 

ALASKA. 

We believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation in 
the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legisla- 
tion may be intelligently enacted. 

TEMPERANCE. 

We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and 
prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. 

"* RIGHTS OF WOMEN. 

The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of 
women. Protection of American industries includes equal oppor- 
tunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. 
We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, 
and welcome their cooperation in rescuing the country from Demo- 
cratic and Populist mismanagement and misrule. 

Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party. By 
these principles we will abide and these policies we will put into 
execution. We ask for them the considerate judgment of the Amer- 
ican people. Confident alike in the history of our great party and 
in the justice of our cause, we present our platform and oifr candi- 
dates in the full assurance that the election will bring victory to 
the Republican party and prosperity to the people of the United 
States. 

PLATFORM SILVER PARTY. 

[Adopted by the Bimetallic convention at St. Louis, July 24, 1896.] 
The National Silver Party in convention assembled hereby adopts 
the following declaration of principles: 

First. The paramount issue at this time in the United States is 
indisputably the money question. It is between the gold stand- 
ard, gold bonds, and bank currency on the one side, and the bi- 
metallic standard, no bonds, and government currency on the other. 
On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a distinctively 
American financial system. We are unalterably opposed to the 
single gold standard, and demand the immediate return to the 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 285 

constitutional standard of gold and silver, by the restoration by 
this Government, independently of any foreign power, of the un- 
restricted coinage of both gold and silver into standard money 
at the ratio of 16 to 1, and upon terms of exact equality, as they 
existed prior to 1873; the silver coin to be full legal tender equally 
with gold for all debts and dues, private and public, and we 
favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetiza- 
tion of an}' kind of legal-tender money by private contract. 

We hold that the power to control and regulate a paper currency 
is inseparable from the power to coin money, and hence that all 
currency intended to circulate as money should be issued, and 
its volume controlled, by the General Government only, and should 
be legal tender. 

We are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States 
of interest-bearing bonds in time of peace, and we denounce as a 
blunder worse than a crime the present Treasury policy, concurred 
in by a Eepublican House, of plunging the country in debt by 
hundreds of millions in the vain attempt to maintain the gold 
standard by borrowing gold, and we demand the payment of all 
coin obligations of the United States, as provided by existing laws, 
in either gold or silver coin, at the option of the Government and 
not at the option of the creditor. 

The demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously increased the de- 
mand for gold, enhancing its purchasing power and lowering all 
prices measured by that standard; and since that unjust and inde- 
fensible act the prices of American products have fallen upon an 
average nearly 50 per cent, carrying down with them proportion- 
ately the money value of all other forms of property. Such fall of 
prices has destroyed the profits of legitimate industry, injuring the 
producer for the benefit of the nonproducer, increasing the burden 
of the debtor, swelling the gains of the creditor, paratyzing the pro- 
ductive energies of the American people, relegating to idleness vast 
numbers of willing workers, sending the shadows of despair into 
the home of the honest toiler, filling the land with tramps and 
paupers, and building up colossal fortunes at the money centers. 

In the effort to maintain the gold standard the country has 
within the last two years, in a time of profound peace and plenty, 
been loaded down with $262,000,000 of additional interest-bearing 
debt, under such circumstances as to allow a syndicate of native 
and foreign bankers to realize a net profit of millions on a single 
deal. 

It stands confessed that the gold standard can only be upheld 
by so depleting our paper currency as to force the prices of our 
product below the European and even below the Asiatic level to 
enable us to sell in foreign markets, thus aggravating the very 



286 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

evils our people so bitterly complain of, degrading American labor, 
and striking 1 at the foundations of our civilization itself. 

The advocates of the gold standard persistently claim that the 
cause of our distress is over-production; that we have produced so 
much that it has made us poor — which implies that the true remedy 
is to close the factory, abandon the farm, and throw a multitude 
of people out of employment, a doctrine that leaves us unnerved 
and disheartened, and absolutely without hope for the future. 

We affirm it to be unquestioned that there can be no such eco- 
nomic paradox as over-production and at the same time tens of 
thousands of our fellow-citizens remaining half clothed and half 
fed, and who are piteously clamoring for the common necessities 
of life. 

Second. That over and above all other questions of policy we 
are in favor of restoring to the people of the United States the 
time-honored money of the Constitution — gold and silver, not one, 
but both — the money of Washington and Hamilton and Jefferson 
and Monroe and Jackson and Lincoln, to the end that the^Ameri- 
can people may receive honest pay for an honest product; that 
the American debtor may pay his just obligations in an honest 
standard, and not in a standard that has appreciated 100 per cent 
above all the great staples of our country, and to the end, further, 
that the gold standard countries may be deprived of the unjust ad- 
vantage they now enjoy in the difference in exchange between gold 
and silver — an advantage which tariff legislation alone can not 
overcome. 

We therefore confidently appeal to the people of the United 
States to leave in abeyance for the moment all other questions, 
however important and even momentous they may appear, to 
Blinder, if need be, all former party ties and affiliations, and unite 
in one supreme effort to free themselves and their children from 
the domination of the money power — a power more destructive 
than any which has ever been fastened upon the civilized men 
of any race or in any age — and upon the consummation of our 
desires and efforts we invoke the gracious favor of Divine Provi- 
dence. 

Inasmuch as the patriotic majority of the Chicago convention 
embodied in the financial plank of its platform the principles enun- 
ciated in the platform of the American Bimetallic party, promul- 
gated at Washington, D. C, January 22, 1896, and herein reiterated, 
which is not only the paramount but the only real issue in the 
pending campaign, therefore, recognizing that their nominees em- 
body these patriotic principles, we recommend that this convention 
nominate William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, for President, and Arthur 
Sewall, of Maine, for Vice President. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 287 

DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL PLATFORMS, 1892 AND 189<J, ON 
THE MONEY QUESTION. 

1892. 
We denounce the Republican legislation known as the Sherman 
act of 1890 as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of 
danger in the future which should make all of its supporters, as 
well as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal. We hold to the 
use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country, 
and to the coinage of both gold and silver without discriminating 
against either metal or charge for mintage, but the dollar unit of 
coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value, 
or be adjusted through international agreement or by such safeguards of 
legislation as shall insure the maintenance of the parity of the two 
metals and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the markets 
and in the payment of debts; and ice demand that all paper currency 
shall be kept at par with and redeemable in such coin. We insist upon 
this policy as especially ncccssai-y for the protection of the farmers and 
laboring classes, the first and most defenseless victims of unstable money 
and a fluctuating currency. 

1896. 

Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all others 
at this. time we invite attention to the fact that the Constitution 
names silver and gold together as the money metals of the United 
States and that the first coinage law passed by Congress under the 
Constitution made the silver dollar the money unit of value and 
admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver 
dollar unit. We declare that the act of 1873, demonetizing silver 
without the knowledge or approval of the American people, has 
resulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in 
the prices of commodities produced by the people, a heavy increase 
in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and private, the 
enrichment of the money-lending class at home and abroad, pros- 
tration of industry, and impoverishment of the people. 

We are unalterably opposed to monometallism, which has locked 
fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard 
times. Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption 
has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It 
is not only un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened 
on the United States only by the stifling of that indomitable spirit 
and love of liberty which proclaimed our political independence in 
1776 and won the War of the Revolution. 

We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at 
the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without uniting for the aid or consent 
of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall 



288 



REPUBLICAN CAMTA1GN TEXT BOOK. 



be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and 
private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future 
the demonetization of any kind of legal-tender money by private 
contract. We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrender- 
ing to the holders of the obligations of the United States the option 
reserved by law to the Government of redeeming such obligation 
in either silver coin or gold coin. 



POPULISTS IN CONGRESS. 

They Fail to Substantiate Serious Charges When Called upon to 
do so in Congress. 

The extravagant claims of the Populist members of Congress, 
as they are intended strictly for home consumption, are usually 
treated with silence and contempt by their associates. Republican 
members with due regard for their own dignity seldom challenge 
these extravagant statements, for they are usually too ridiculous 
to be seriously accepted by people who think. On such rare occa- 
sions as arise to challenge any reply, or when the Populists are 
asked to produce proof in support of their statements and charges, 
they are completely demoralized an'd forced to seek refuge in 
flimsy subterfuges and extravagant quibbles. A few examples will 
illustrate the point. 

Senator Marion Butler, of North Carolina, chairman of the 
national committee of the Populist party, on April 25, after war 
had been declared, delivered an extended speech to prove that our 
warships were covered with defective armor plates, due to fraudu- 
lent contracts entered into with the Government. The quality 
of our ships and their armor were put to the severest tests to 
which warships could be subjected, and the falsity of Senator But- 
ler's claims were demonstrated by the battles of Manila and the 
bombardment of Matanzas, San Juan, and Santiago. In the light 
of these events the following extract from his speech is interesting: 

The facts are already public property, and if they were not 
secrecy would not save one of our battle ships if a Spanish shot 
should hit one of these rotten plates. I am not surprised that 
some people do not want to hear about them. The New York is 
one of our ships that is now facing Morro Castle. 

Mr. HALE. The New York is not a battle ship. 

Mr. BUTLER. It is there as a flag ship. It has armor plate 
on it. 

Mr. HALE. The New York is not an armor-plated battle ship. 

Mr. BUTLER. But it has armor plate on it. 

Mr. HALE. Only slight armor. It does not enter into it to any 
extent. 

Mr. BUTLER. If it is slight, there is no reason why it should 



KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 289 

be defective and full of blowholes anj' more than if the armor 
plate was 10 or 20 or 30 or 40 inches thick. There is armor on it 
10 inches thick. 

In a like manner, Senator Allen, of Nebraska, on April 20, de- 
livered a speech headed: "Republican party and sinister financial 
influence opposed to Cuban recognition, " the burden of which was 
that the Republican Congressmen were in league with the money 
power in trying to check the patriotic impulse of the country to 
make the Cubans a free people. He was challenged by Senator 
Gallinger to name some of the corruptionists, but Senator Allen 
quibbled out of the embarrassing situation, as shown by the fol- 
lowing extract from the Congressional Record: 

Mr. ALLEN. We know- that constituents exercise a powerful 
influence on the course of Senators and Representatives from the 
money States. When rightfully exercised, it is proper. I am not 
disclosing a political secret that the humblest citizen does not 
know when I say the financial and business interests of a constitu- 
ency are consulted and have a powerful influence in those sec- 
tions where money controls. 

I say that so far as evidence goes, that so far as you can deduce 
a conclusion from the existence of a fact or a group of facts, this 
influence has been in Congress and it is now here. The world 
ought to know, as we do, that the agents of this syndicate have 
been in this Capitol and are here to-day. And what are they here 
for? Not for their health, evidently, and not through patriotic 
motives. They are here to shape the course of legislation as far 
as that can be done from the outside. 

Mr. GALLINGER. Would the Senator name one of these men? 
I have not seen them. 

Mr. ALLEN. Now, that is an old dodge to ask, "Will the Senator 
name someone?" It has become a chestnut. 

Mr. GALLINGER. But as a matter of fact 

Mr. ALLEN. The Senator will name to a committee someone, 
if it is necessary. 

Mr. GALLINGER. I think the Senator ought to name them here. 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not think so. 

Mr. GALLINGER. If those men are around here trying to cor- 
rupt Congress I think we ought to know who they are. 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not think so. 

Mr. GALLINGER. None of them have approached me. Probably 
I am not of sufficient account. 

Mr. ALLEN. They have not approached me, I am glad to say, 
but I see them. It is not necessary that a crow should approach 
me that I should know that it is a crow. When it flies over we can 
see it, and sometimes it gets in such close proximity that we can 
smell it. 

Mr. GALLINGER. But the Senator would not hesitate to say it 
was a crow? 

Mr. ALLEN. But I would not want to say it was Jim Crow, 
or any other particular crow. 

Mr. GALLINGER. I think that is as near as the Senator is to 
it. He does not know whether it is Jim Crow or any other kind 
of crow. 

19 



290 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Representative Kelley, of South Dakota, in a speech on the war- 
revenue bill, attacked the Supreme Court for deciding the income- 
tax law unconstitutional. The following extract from the Con- 
gressional Record of May 4, containing the speech, illustrates still 
further the utter irresponsibility of the Populists in making 
charges of corruption: 

That such a law is perfectly constitutional nobody doubts who 
has any respect for the decisions of the Supreme Court during 
the century now nearing its close, notwithstanding the recent de- 
cision of the Court, which every one knows, whether the Court be 
above reproach or not, was attempted to be packed in the interest 
of plutocracy. 

Mr. EVANS. I read in the Record of the 27th instant, on page 
4757, remarks made by the gentleman from South Dakota (Mr. 
Knowles) upon this floor, in which, speaking of the judges of that 
court, he used this language: 

"The probate court which recently settled the estate of a de- 
ceased member of the Supreme Court found members of his family 
loaded down with Bell telephone stock, which had been made valu- 
able by a decision of that court." 

Without alluding to the other most remarkable charges made 
by the gentleman at the same time, I think it is due to the coun- 
try, I think it is due to this House, that any member of this 
body who makes such a charge as that should stand upon his feet 
and say what judge it was. I ask the gentleman from South 
Dakota the name of the judge of that Court whose family was 
loaded down with Bell telephone stock. 

Mr. KELLEY. Does the gentleman deny it? 

Mr. EVANS. I do; and I call upon the gentleman to name the 
judge. 

Mr. KELLEY. It would not be parliamentary. 

Mr. EVANS. It would be parliamentary, especially as the judge 
is not now on the bench, but is dead. 

But Mr. Kelley shifted the responsibility on his colleague and 
went on with his speech undisturbed. 

WHAT POPULISM STANDS FOR. 

"Socialism is the soul of Populism," declares an editorial in the 
Independence (Kansas) Populist, a newspaper edited by a man who 
openly and avowedly believes in communism to its utmost extreme 
and who also serves the Populist party as a member of the Kansas 
State senate. This editor was addressing himself to the handful of 
impatient socialists who recently held a State convention at Fort 
Scott and resolved to run a ticket of their own because the Populist 
State convention had not declared in favor of the full limit of 
socialistic demands, and he assured them that in due time the Popu- 
list party would be with them heart and. soul. We quote again: 
"The magnificent platform adopted by the Populists at Topeka is 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 291 

going to be a landmark for all coming* time. It demands as many- 
steps and as long steps toward socialism as any reasonable socialist 
could ask. Unless our party is headed in the socialistic direction, 
it means nothing and promises nothing to the victims of monopoly 
and capitalism. That the Populists of Kansas understand this 
and are, year by year, advancing to higher positions and planting 
their standards nearer to the citadel is evident to every honest man. 
Should the part}- go backward instead of forward it would be time 
enough for the socialists to desert its ranks and set up new stand- 
ards. But with the whole victorious army of Populism going our 
way, the socialist who deserts Populism in Kansas to-day is either 
a fool or a knave." 



PUERTO RICO. 

Exports and Imports, and Our Trade with Spain's Former Colony. 

During the calendar year 1896 the foreign trade of Puerto Rico, 
according to the official returns compiled by the colonial admini- 
stration of the island, attained a total value of $36,624,120, exceed- 
ing all previous records. Compared with the value for 1887, the 
opening year of the decade, which amounted to $21,237,601, these 
figures show a gain of more than $15,000,000 during the ten years. 
In the five-year period 1S92-1896, the total imports and exports had 
an average annual value of $33,870,535, as against $24,961,217 in the 
preceding five-year period, 1887-1891. 

Following is a summary statement of the imports and exports 
of Puerto Rico during each calendar year from 1887 to 1896, inclu- 
sive. The original values in pesos, as published in the official re- 
turns of trade issued by the Puerto Rican customs authorities, are 
accompanied by their nominal equivalent in United States dollars. 
The figures are as follows: 



292 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Value of mercliandise (*) imported and exported by Puerto Rico during each calen- 
dar year from 1887 to 1896, inclusive. 



Calendar years. 


Imports. 


Exports.t 


Total im- 
ports and 
exports. 


Excess of 
imports (+) 

or ex- 
ports (— ). 


1887 


Pesos. 
11,012,9*4 
14,389,«78 
14,177,577 
18,230,385 
16,$64,7W 


Dollars. 
10,627,510 
13,886,034 
13,681,362 
17,592,822 
16,274,497 


Pesos. 
10,994,913 
11,999,265 
11,06C,684 
10,710,519 

9,885,999 


Dollars. 
10,610,091 
11,579,281 
10,679,850 
10,385,651 
9,539,989 


Dollars. 

21,237,601 

25,465,816 

24/60,712 

27,927,973 

25,814,486 


Dollars. 
+ 17 419 


1888 


+2,306,753 
+3,002,012 


1889 


1890 


+7,266 671 


1891 


+6,734,508 




Annual average, 
1887-1891 


14,935,073 


14,412,345 


10,931,474 


10,548,872 


21,961,217 


+3,863,473 


1892 


17,081,610 
17,320.454 
19,778,587 
17,446,065 
18,945,793 


16,483,734 
16,714,238 
19,086,336 
16,835,453 
18,282,690 


16,076,312 15,513,641 
16,745,898 16,1S*,804 
17,295,585 16,699,191 
15,798,590 15,245,639 
19,006,668 18,341,430 


31,997,395 
32,873,542 
35,776,527 
32,081,092 
86,624,120 


+ 9?«,113 
+ 664,934 
+2,896,145 
+1,589.814 
— 58,740 


1893 


1894 


1895 


1896 




1S92-1896 


18,114,502 


17,480,494 


16,984,499 


16,390,041 


33,870,535 


+1,090,453 



* Not including coin and bullion. f Including re-exports. 

TRADE OF PUERTO RICO BY COUNTRIES. 

The foreign trade of Puerto Kico is conducted chiefly with Spain, 
the United States, Cuba, Germany, the United Kingdom, and 
France. Of all the merchandise imported and exported by the is- 
land during the four years 1893-1896, fully 85 per cent, measured 
in value, was exchanged with the six countries mentioned. Spain 
received the largest share of the trade, the transactions with that 
country in 1893-1896, according to Puerto Rican statistics, having 
an average annual value of $9,888,074, which was 28.8 per cent 
of the total valuation placed upon the island's commerce. The 
United States, as a participator in the trade, ranked second only to 
Spain, the value of the goods exchanged averaging $6,845,252 a 
year, or 19.94 per cent of the total. After Spain and the United 
States, Cuba was the most important factor, the portion of the 
trade credited to that island amounting to 13.41 per cent, and 
having an average yearly value of $4,606,220. Spain, the United 
States, and Cuba together enjoyed nearly two-thirds of the total 
commerce carried on by Puerto Rico during 1893-1896. About one- 
fourth of the trade was controlled by three European countries — 
Germany, the United Kingdom, and France. The average value per 
annum of the business transacted with Germany in the four years 
mentioned amounted to $3,050,334, or 8.88 per cent of the total;that 
with the United Kingdom to $2,863,930, or 8.34 per cent; and that 
with France to $2,201,687, or 6.41 per cent. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



293 



Wliile the six countries already mentioned have been the chief 
factors in Puerto Rico's foreign trade, the island has also enjoyed 
important commercial intercourse with many others. During- 1896, 
for instance, which is the latest jear covered bj r the Puerto Rican 
statistics, there were nine additional countries with each one of 
which the island had trade exceeding $100,000 in value. These 
countries, with the value of the commerce recorded for 1896, were: 
British possessions other than the East Indies, $2,039,749; Italy, 
$1,047,843 ; British East Indies, $886,339 ; Austria-Hungary, 
$553,783; Belgium, $297,701; Argentina, $251,844; Uruguay, 
$223,793 ; the Netherlands, $170,586 ; and Denmark, $137,213. 
Still other countries included in the Puerto Rican trade returns 
for 1896, but of less importance, were the following; French pos- 
sessions, Danish possessions, Santo Domingo, Venezuela, Sweden 
and Norway, Switzerland, Peru, Mexico, Haiti, and Portugal. 



Value of the combined import and export trade of Puerto Rico v:ith the several 
foreign countries during the calendar yearn 1893 to 1896, inclusive. 



Countries. 



Spain 

United States 

Cuba 

Germany 

United Kingdom 

France 

British possessions, n. 

British East Indies , 

Italy 

Netherlands 

Austria-' lungary 

Denmark 

Belgium 

Uruguay 

Argentina 

French possessions 

Santo Domingo , 

Danish possessions 

Sweden and Norway 

Portugal 

Venezuela. „ 

Japan 

Peru 

Switzerland 

Mexico 

Dutch possessions 

Haiti 

Philippines 

Africa .. 

Other countries 



Total 32,873,542 



Calendar years. 



1893. 



§9,048,255 

6,985,870 

4,453,782 

3,015,832 

2,700,003 

2,001,606 

1,366,364 

l,t»,820 

649,224 

506,347 

298,600 

195,563 

90,041 

58,280 

85,002 

131,502 

113,014 



48,217 
25,891 



120,329 



1894. 



£10.992,659 

7,080,594 

4,799,408 

3,345,446 

3,815,611 

2,213,767 

1,547,537 

810,484 

547,450 

311,649 

268,566 

252,971 

48,678 

25,197 

21,137 

86,906 

70,458 

29,440 

1,354 

26,701 

17,898 

1,858 

2,750 

341 

3,467 

1,177 



23 



35,776,527 



1895. 



£8,251,680 

6,838,516 

4,605,341 

2,657,389 

3,032,695 

1,696,640 

2,324,721 

880,796 

632,216 

332,277 

196,128 

275,114 

58,313 

120,349 

19,060 

65,634 

5,060 

42,763 

13.018 



10,380 
12,376 
5,861 
4,228 



188 



301 

18 



1896. 



§11,259,702 

6,526,029 

4,566,351 

3,183,168 

2,407,412 

2,894,786 

2,039,749 

886,339 

1,047,843 

170 586 

553,783 

137,213 

297,701 

223,793 

251,844 

74,965 

37,811 

43,634 

5,768 

319 

8,420 



1,969 
2,6*7 
1,480 



Annual average, 
1893-1896. 



83S 



32,081,092 36,624,120 34,338,820 100.00 



! 9,888,074 


28.80 


6,845,252 


19.94 


4,606,220 


13.41 


3,350,334 


8.88 


2,863,930 


8.34 


2,201,687 


6.41 


1,819,593 


5.30 


914,485 


2.66 


694,183 


2.02 


330,214 


.96 


829,269 


.96 


215,215 


.63 


123,683 


.36 


106.905 


.81 


95,011 


.28 


89,751 


.26 


56,586 


.17 


28,959 


.09 


17,097 


.05 


13,228 


.04 


9,175 


.03 


3,559 


.01 


2,645 

1,809 

1,237 

341 










210 




75 




10 





30,083 


.09 



Perct. 



* The item "other countries" in 189 J presumably includes trade with the " Danish pos- 
sessions" and with several additional countries lor which no separate statistics were given 
in that year. 



294 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



SOURCES OF PUERTO RICAN IMPORTS. 

Of the merchandise imported into Puerto Rico during the four 
years 1893-1896, nearly one-third was received from Spain, the aver- 
age annual value of the goods derived from that source amounting 
to $5,705,317, which was 32.52 per cent of the total value per annum 
of all imports. The United States furnished 23.77 per cent of the 
merchandise received during- the four years, and the United King- 
dom 12.05 per cent, the average value per annum of the imports 
from the former country being- $4,214,375 and from the latter 
$2,130,191. Nearly 70 per cent, therefore, of Puerto Rico's import 
trade for 1893-1896 came from the three countries mentioned. 
British possessions other than the East Indies supplied 8.80 per 
cent, Germany 7.73 per cent, the British East Indies 5.10 per cent, 
Cuba 3.97 per cent, France 1.74 per cent, and the Netherlands 1.47 
per cent. The average yearly imports from British possessions 
other than the East Indies, and also those from Germany, were 
worth more than $1,000,000, the official values amounting to 
$1,570,393 and $1,370,033' respectively. 



Value of merchandise imported into Puerto Rico from the several foreign countries 
during the calendar years 1893 to 1890, {■ elusive. 



Countries from which imported. 



Spain 

United States 

United Kingdom 

British possessions, n. e. s 

Germany 

British East Indies 

Cuba 

France 

Netherlands 

Belgium 

Uruguay ^ 

Argentina 

Denmark , 

Italy 

Austria-Hungary 

Venezuela 

Santo Domingo .". 

Japan 

French possessions 

Sweden and Norway 

Danish possessions 

Peru 

Switzerland 

Mexico 

Portugal 

Philippines 

Haiti 

Africa 

Other countries 



Calendar years. 



$5,012,408 

4,397,614 

2,177,004 

1,281,064 

1,148,437 

1,080,320 

699,622 

314,729 

258,094 

89.999 

58,280 

85,002 

13,449 

13,324 

2,797 



5,f 



3,217 
1,369 



412 



* 71,459 



Total 16,714,238 19,086,336 16,835,453 18,282,690 



1894. 



$6,740,153 

4,682,725 

2,259,844 

1,467,436 

1,610,430 

810,484 

577,870 

371,517 

286,052 

47,996 

25,197 

24,137 

70,081 

53,282 

22,213 

17,714 

8,484 

1,858 

75 

1,354 

853 

2,750 

341 

3,467 



23 



1895. 



$5,337,263 

3,803.307 

1,839,935 

1,781,101 

1,426,236 

880,796 

842,325 

262,597 

328,581 

58,313 

120,349 

19,060 

28,738 

21,488 

47,824 

9,612 

202 

12,376 

57 

4,359 

626 

5,861 

4,228 



301 

'"is 



1896. 



$5,971,445 

3,973,855 

2,267,982 

1,751,971 

1,297,429 

886,339 

692,719 

288,734 

170,586 

297,690 

223,793 

251,844 

96,506 

23,747 

34,775 

8,381 

11,802 



10,416 
5,768 

10,214 

1,969 

2,667 

1,480 

319 



Annual average 
1893-1896. 



$5,765,317 

4,214,375 

2,136,191 

1,570,393 

1,370,633 

914,485 

703,134 

309,394 

260.828 

123,499 

106,905 

95,011 

52,193 

27,960 

26,902 

8,902 

6,532 

3,559 

3,441 

3,213 

2,923 

2,645 

1,809 

1,237 

183 

75 

65 

10 

17,865 



17,729,679 100.00 



Perct. 

32.52 

23.77 

12.05 

8.86 

7.73 

5.16 

3.97 

1.74 

1.47 

.70 

.60 

.54 

.29 

.16 

.15 

.05 

.04 

.02 

.02 

.02 

.02 

.01 

.01 



.10 



♦The Item "other countries" in 1893 presumably includes imports from the "Danish 
possessions" and from several additional countries for which no separate statistics were 
given in that year. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



295 



The statistics presented in the following- table show the value of 
the goods exported from Puerto Rico to each of the various foreign 
countries that participated in the trade during the four years 
'^96, respectively: 

Value of merchandize exported jrom Puerto Rico to the several foreign countries 
during the calendar years 1893 to 1896, inclusive. 



Countries to which exported. 



Spain 

Cuba 

United States 

France 

Germany 

United Kingdom 

Italy 

Au-tria-Hungary 

British possessions.... 

Denmark 

French possessions... 

Netherlands 

Santo Domingo 

Danish possessions... 
Sweden and Nor\v;iy 

Portugal 

Dutch possessions ... 

Venezuela 

Belgium 

Haiti 

Other countries 



Calendar years. 



1893. 



035,847 
754,160 1 
,588,256! 
,6S6,877 



522,999 
535,900 
295,803 
85,300 
182,114 
128,285 
248,253 
107,376 



5,47: 



42 
'isisTO 



Total 16,159,304 16,690,191 15,245,639 18,341,430 



$4,252,506 

4,221,538 

2,347,869 

1,842,250 

1,735,016 

1,055,767 

494,168 

246,353 

80,101 

182,890 

86,831 

25,597 

61,974 

28,587 



26,701 
1.177 



1895. 



$2,914,417 

3,763,016 

3,035,209 

1,434,043 

1,231,153 

1,192,760 

610,728 

148,304 

543,620 

246,376 

65,577 

3,696 

4,858 

42,137 

8,689 



868 



1896. 



$5,288,257 

3,873,632 

2,552,174 

2.606,002 

1,885,739 

139,430 

1,024,096 

519,008 

287,778 

40,707 

64,549 



26,009 
33,420 



11 
579 



Annual average, 
1893-lSUo. 



$4,122,757 

3,903,086 

2,680,877 

1,892,293 

1,679,701 

727,739 

666,223 

802,367 

249,200 

163,022 

86,810 

69,386 

50,054 

26,036 

13,884 

13,045 

341 

273 

184 

145 

12,218 



16,609,141 100.00 



Perct. 

24.82 

23.60 

15.84 

11.39 

10.11 

4.38 

4.01 

1.82 

liO 

.98 

.52 

.42 

.80 

.16 

.09 



.08 



TRADE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND PUERTO RICO. 

As regards the trade carried on between the United States and 
Puerto Rico, an account somewhat fuller than that based upon the 
Puerto Riean statistics can be derived from the official returns of 
foreign commerce published annually by the United States Treas- 
ury Department. 

According to these returns, our commercial transactions with 
Puerto Rico during the past fiscal 3 r ear (1897) amounted in value to 
$4,169,912. With the exception of 1895, when the value of the trade 
fell as low as $3,340,056, the figures for 1897 were the smallest re- 
corded for any year since the civil war. The highest mark in our 
Puerto Rican trade was reached as far back as 1872, the imports 
and exports for that year having a combined value of $13,870,025, 
currency value. After 1872 the trade began to decline quite rapidly, 
and in less than a decade it had fallen off more than one-half, the 
value returned for 1881 amounting to only $5,623,911. During the 
next few years, however, there was a partial recovery, the value 



* 1 he item " other countries " in 1893 presumably includes exports to the " Danish posses- 
sions" and to several additional couutries for which no separate statistics weie given in 
that year. 



296 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

advancing to $9,115,071 in 1884, but this temporary improvement 
has been followed by a decline that has continued, with slight 
fluctuations, down to the present time. The extent to which the 
trade has decreased in the last ten years, 1888-1897, is shown by the 
fact that the average annual value for 1893-1897 was only $4,856,817, 
as compared with $6,017,785 for 1888-1892. 

Under the reciprocity treaty that was in force during the three 
fiscal 3 r ears 1892-1894 the trade between the United States and 
Puerto Rico was considerably augmented, the average annual value 
for the period mentioned amounting to $6,159,794, as against only 
$5,867,604 for the three 3 r ears immediately preceding. In the three 
years following the reciprocity period the average annual value 
fell to $3,969,572. While our imports from Puerto Rico increased 
very little during the period of the treaty, there appears to have 
been an important gain in the volume of our exports to the island. 
Taking the average value per annum of the merchandise exported 
during 1892-1894, we find that it reaches as high as $2,695,706, while 
the average annual value for the seven other years of the decade 
1888-1897 amounts to only $2,081,692. 

IMPORTS AND EXPORTS COMPARED. 

The shrinkage in our trade with Puerto Rico is traceable mainly 
to the falling off in our imports from the island. This is shown 
very clearly by the figures for the past decade, the average annual 
value of the exports for 1893-1897 amounting to $2,231,128, as com- 
pared with $2,300,665 for 1888-1892, a loss of only $69,537, while the 
average annual value of the imports declined from $3,717,120 to 
$2,625,689, a loss of $1',091,431. At present the value of the merchan- 
dise we send to Puerto Rico approaches quite closely that of the 
goods we receive in return, but formerly our imports were largely 
in excess of our exports. 

SUMMARY STATEMENT OF IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. 

The value of free and dutiable merchandise imported and of 
domestic and foreign merchandise exported in our commerce with 
Puerto Rico during each fiscal year from 1888 to 1897, inclusive, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



297 



according- to the official trade returns of the United States, will be 
seen from the following- summary statement: 

Value of merchandise (*) imported and exported by the United States in our trade with 
Puerto R co d iring each fiscal year from 18S8 to 1897, inclusive. 





Imports. 


Exports. 


Total 
imports 

and 
exports. 


Excess of 


Years ended 
June SO — 


Free, 


Dutiable. 


Total. 


Domestic 
merchan- 
dise. 


Foreign 
merchan- 
dise. 


Total. 


imports (+) 
or ex- 
ports ( — ). 


1888 


$293,450 

103,72 J 

174,394 

1,856,955 

3,236,337 


$4,119,033 

3,603,653 

3,877,232 

1,807,155 

11,670 


$4,412,483 
3,707,373 
4,053,626 
3,164,110 
3,248,007 


$1,920,358 
2,175,458 
2,247,700 
2 112,334 
2;803,631 


$49,260 
49,478 
49.8:8 
42,900 
47,372 


$1,969,618 
2,214,331 
2,297,6 38 
2,155,234 
2,856,003 


$6,382,101 

6,932,804 
6,351,164 
5,819,344 
6,104,010 


+ $2,442,865 
4- 1,482,442 
-h 1,766,088 


1889 

1890 


1891 


4- 1, 00*,876 
+ 392,004 


1892 






Annual av- 
erage, 18SS- 
U892 


1,133,371 


2,583,749 


3.717.120 


2,252,896 


47,769 


2,300,665 


6,017,785 


+ 1,416,455 






i893 


3,994,673 

3.126,8*6 

375,864 

48,008 

ioi.ni 


13,950 

8,739 

1,131,148 

2,218,045 

2,079,313 


4,008,623 
3,186,634 
1,506,512 
2,296,663 
2,181,021 


2,502,788 
2,70*5^46 

1,120,203 
2,080,400 
1,964,850 


7.819 
14,862 
13,311 
21,694 
24,038 


2,510,607 

2,720.103 
1,833,544 
2,102,094 
1,988,888 


6,519,280 
6,856,142 
3,340,056 
4,898,747 
4,169,912 


+ 1,498,016 
+ 415,126 


1894 


1895 


— 327,0*2 
+ 194,559 
+ 192,136 


1896 


1897 




Annual av- 
erage, 1893- 
1S97 


1,529,450 


1,096,239 


2,625,689 


2,214,777 


16,351 


2,231,128 


4,856,817 


4- 394,561 





* Not including gold and silver coin and bullion. 

PROSPERITY. 

Peace and Prosperity in the Air. 

[From the Boston Post.] 

The rising sun of peace shines upon a fortunate land. Prosperity- 
is in the air. Its evidences are all about us, forcing* themselves 
upon the blindest. It is not only felt, but is seen in the prompt 
start which enterprise, industry, and trade have taken simulta- 
neously with the removal of the uncertainties of war. 

The inquiries which the Post has made among representatives of 
commerce and industry in their various branches show that this 
feeling is universal. There are to-day no croakers, no grumblers, 
no prophets of evil. All feel the inspiration; all note the quick 
improvement already made in trade conditions; all look to steady 
and rapid advance, and all propose to push forward and take their 
share of the new prosperity. 

PRICES OF FARM PRODUCTS AT THE TIME OF BRYAN'S 
NOMINATION AND AFTER HIS DEFEAT. 

Following is a table compiled from Brad street's Journal, compar- 
ing the prices of articles mentioned on January 1, 1898, with those 
of July 1, 1896, the nearest obtainable date to Mr. Bryan's nomina- 



298 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



tion. They show that in practically all articles which farmers pro- 
duce the prices now received are much higher than when Mr. Bryan 
was nominated and when his party insisted that improved condi- 
tions could only come through the free and unlimited coinage of 
silver; also, that in a large proportion of the articles which the 
farmers and others must purchase for daily use the prices have 
fallen. The figures relate to New York markets, except where 
otherwise specified. 



Articles. 



Wheat, No. 2, red winter per bushel. 

Oats do ... 

Barley, No. 2 (Milwaukee) do.... 

Rye do.... 



Flour, winter per barrel. 

Beeves, best (Chicago) per 100 pounds. 

Sheep (Chicago) 

Hogs. 



Horses, average (Chicago) 

Beef carcasses (Chicago) per pound. 

Hogs' carcasses (Chicago) do.... 

Mutton carcasses (Chicago) do 

Eggs per dozen. 

Beef per barrel. 

Pork, mess do.... 

Bacon, smoked (Chicago) - per pound. 

Lard do.... 



Butter do.... 

Cheese ...do.... 

teans per bushel. 

Potatoes, eastern per barrel. 

Onions 

Wool, Ohio and Pennsylvania X (Boston) 

Hides 



Flax 

Hops 

Tobacco, medium (Louisville) 

Cotton seed (Houston) 

Lumber, pine, yellow 

Timber, Eastern spruce 

Timber, hemlock (Pennsylvania) 

Nails wire per keg. 

Tin plates (Pittsburg) 

Cotton sheeting. 

Print cloths 

Steel rails (Pittsburg) per ton. 

Coal, anthracite , 

Coal, bituminous (Chicago) , 

McConnellsville coke 

Phosphate rock (South Carolina) per ton., 

Quinine per ounce.. 



July 1, 1896. 



$0.64% 
.21% 
.30 
.37% 

3.25 

4.65 

4.00 

3.40 
65.00 
.05% 
•03j| 
.05% 
.12% 

8.50 

8.25 

.15 



Jan. 1, 1898. 



.55 

4.25 

5.20 

4.50 

3.50 
80.00 
.07 
.051 

# 

10.50 

8.75 

.05 

.05 



•06% 


.08% 


1.15 


1.40 


.75 


2.00 


1.50 


2.50 


.16 


.27 


.17 


.20 


2.25 


3.25 


.07 


.16 


.11 

.08 


.15% 
.09% 


17.00 


15.75 


15 00 


14.50 


11.00 


11.00 


2.80 


1.75 


3.65 


2.85 


.04% 
.02% 


.04% 
•02% 


28.00 


18.25 


4.25 


4.00 


2.75 


2.75 


2.00 


1.75 


5.25 


5.20 


.30 


.80 



BUILDING RECORDS OF 1897-1898. 

The following from the Construction News of Chicago gives the 

building record of ten of the larger cities of the United States for 
July, 1897, and July, 1898: 

1897. 1898. Inc. 

New York $5,478,419 $7,161,251 $1,682,832 

Chicago 1,570,900 1,803,525 232,625 



1898. 


Inc. 


585,700 


78,875 


543,625 


*86,595 


484,295 


189,147 


481,910 


337,730 


403,000 


82,200 


402,629 


79,154 


104,393 


*20,805 


57,754 


*18,096 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 299 

1897. 

Cleveland 506,825 

St, Louis 630,220 

Buffalo 295,148 

Kansas City 144, ISO 

Detroit 320,800 

Pittsburg 323,475 

Louisville 125,198 

Omaha . 75,850 

A PYRAMID OF CANCELED MORTGAGES. 

One of the sights at the Trans-Mississippi Exposition at Omaha, 
seen by every visitor, is a pyramid of large dimensions, composed 
of canceled mortgages lifted from the homes and farms of the 
people of Kansas and Nebraska, so that happiness and contentment 
abide to-day, where before were calamity and despair. 

TIN PLATE EOR EUROPE— ELWOOD, IND., FACTORY 
RECORDS THE FIRST SHIPMENT ABROAD. 

What protection has done for this industry is shown by the fol- 
lowing Associated Press telegram: 

"Elwood, Ind., August 11, 1897. — The first tin plate manufactured 
in America to be sent to Europe is, according to local manufactu- 
rers, that started to-day by the American Tin Plate Company of 
Elwood on its way to Italy. 

"It was a carload, consisting of 500 boxes of the most expensive 
tin plate made here, and it is said that this will be followed by 
other shipments, because of a growing demand abroad for Ameri- 
can tin plate. The company will to-morrow make a similar ship- 
ment to England." 

After the passage of the McKinley law, which created this in- 
dustry, Democratic stump orators all over the United States de- 
clared it to be a physical impossibility to compete with the tin- 
plate manufacturers of Wales, and denounced Major McKinlej' and 
the Republican party for attempting to develop this industry at 
home. One plea was that this was special legislation, in favor of 
a few producers of tin ore. 

THE SOUTH'S CREDIT— SHOWING HOW RAPIDLY IT HAS 
TENDED UPWARD SINCE 1896. 

[From the Richmond Times.] 
Some of our Southern exchanges are calling attention to the 
improved credit of the Southern States. They note that State and 
city bonds bearing a low rate of interest are now readily taken at 

*,Decrease. 



300 REPUBLICAN' CAMPAIGN TKXT BOOK. 



a good premium. Louisiana bonds bearing 4 per cent were re 
cently sold above par, and Gov. Atkinson, of Georgia, recently bor- 
rowed at the North for the State's account $200,000 at 2% per cent 
interest. 

On Virginia's behalf we may say that her centuries which were 
selling in August, 189G, at 53, are now selling for 72%, and there 
has been an advance for the same period of more than ten points 
in her 3s. 

There has been a corresponding advance in Virginia railroad 
securities. In August, 1896, Chesapeake and Ohio stock sold for 
13; it was quoted yesterday at 23. We call the attention of the 
Staunton Spectator and Vindicator to that fact. In August, 1896, 
Norfolk and Western preferred stock was quoted at 9%; yesterday 
it sold for 54%. On the same date Southern Kailway preferred 
stock was quoted at 18 y 2 and the 5 per cent bonds at 81%. Now 
the stock is worth 32 and the bonds 97%. In August, 1896, Peters- 
burg Railroad stock sold for $111. To-day it held at $150. What 
does all this mean? Why this difference between prices in 1896 and 
1898? The ansjver is simple. Two years ago the country was 
threatened with free silver, and no man knew what State securities 
and railroad stocks would be worth, if free silver should carry. 
But with confidence restored and prosperity coming, investors feel 
sure that the States of the South will redeem their bonds in the 
best money of the world. In spite of the fact that the Southern 
States are all declaring for free silver, financiers know that the 
people of this country will not be so reckless as to destroy the 
excellent credit which the country now enjoys, by declaring that 
all securities shall be paid in depreciated silver. As for the rail- 
roads, with prosperity returning, their earning capacity is con- 
stantly increasing and as a matter of course their securities en- 
hance in value. 

But does any man believe that the South's credit would have been 
so good had the free silver party won in 1896? 

RAILROAD EARNINGS FOR AUGUST. 

Gross receipts for the second week in August: 

1898. 1897. 1896. 

Alabama Great Southern $32,387 $30,737 $27,351 

Det. and Louisville and Nashville 8,880 6,509 

Evansville and Indianapolis 7,997 7,065 7,077 

Evansville and Terre Haute 26,920 25,716 22,185 

Flint and P. M 55,626 54,406 43,487 

Fort Wayne and II. G 5,171 4,589 

Mexican National 111,886 114,336 96,063 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 301 

1898. 1897. 1896. 

Minneapolis and St. Louis 45,114 42,081 35,834 

Pittsburg- and Western 65,791 58,691 54,050 

St. Louis Southwestern 85,553 81,827 71,300 

Southern Railway 442,987 396,346 304,607 

Wisconsin Central 96,744 92,163 90,647 

PROSPERITY AS REFLECTED BY POST-OFFICES. 

The advances of post-offices from fourth-class to third-class 
and those relegated from third to fourth class give perhaps the 
best obtainable index of the condition of business throughout the 
country, inasmuch as the grade depends wholly upon the sales 
of stamps. The number of offices advanced, based on business 
in the last three quarters of the year ended June 30, 1898, was: 
December, 33; March, 23; June, 23. Advances that will be effect- 
ive October 1 to date number 51. The advances for 1893, 
determined by the then marvellously prosperous year 1892, num- 
bered 229, while in the first year of Cleveland's last Administration 
they fell to 117. 

Another excellent test of business is found in the relegation of 
third-class offices to the fourth class. The number for 1894 was 
49. This exceeded that of any other year, the next highest being 
47 in 1897. Relegations for 1898 are only 17, less than half that for 
any previous year. 

The advances of the year are not confined to any one section 
of the country, but are general, being divided among thirty-nine 
States and Territories. 



PROTECTION. 

The Mongrel Kansas Board of Agriculture Cries for it. 
That the sentiment of the majority of the people of Kansas is 
for protection is demonstrated by a resolution adopted by the 
Board of Agriculture, supposed to be nonpartisan. The board 
organized by electing a Democrat president, a Populist vice-presi- 
dent, and a Populist treasurer, and at the same meeting the board 
adopted the following resolution among others: 

"Whereas, the Congress of the United States is now gathering 
information from the productive industries of our country with a 
view of determining the fiscal policy of the Government; and 

"Whereas, this body being representative of the most important 
industry in Kansas, to wit, agriculture; therefore, 

"Be it resolved, That as farmers, and representing farmers and 
their welfare, we earnestly favor such legislative restriction as 
shall most effectually encourage home industry and our own farm 



302 Kll'l HLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK 

product. * * * We ask the restoration of such duties as will 
protect the great native cattle, swine, and horse industry of our 
State from foreign invasion." 
The Dingley bill was passed subsequent to this appeal. 

JEFFERSON ON THE IMPORTANCE OF MANUFACTURING 
INDUSTRIES. 

On this subject Thomas Jefferson said: "Experience has taught 
me that manufacturers are as necessary to our independence as 
to our comfort. The duties we lay on all articles of foreign manu- 
facture which prudence requires us to establish at home, with the 
patriotic determination of every good citizen to use no foreign 
article which can be made at home, secure us against a relapse into 
foreign dependency. My own idea is that we should encourage 
home manufacturers to the extent of our own consumption." 

GENERAL JACKSON DEMANDS A HOME MARKET. 

Following is an extract from a letter of Gen. Jackson to Dr. L. 
H. Coleman, of North Carolina, dated Washington, August 26, 1824; 

* * * "Heaven smiled upon and gave us liberty and in- 
dependence. The same Providence has blessed us with the means 
of national independence and national defense. If we omit or 
refuse to use the gifts which He has extended to us, we deserve not 
the continuance of His blessing. He has filled our mountains and 
our plains with minerals — with lead, iron, and copper — and given 
us a climate and soil for the growing of hemp and wool. These 
being the great materials of our national defense, they ought to 
have extended to them adequate and fair protection, and our manu- 
facturers and laborers may be placed in a fair competition with 
those of Europe, and that we may have within our country a 
supply of these leading and important articles so essential to war. 

"I will ask, what is the real situation of the agriculturist? Where 
has the American farmer a market for his surplus produce? Ex- 
cept for cotton, he has neither a foreign nor a home market. Does 
not this clearly prove, when there is no market at home or abroad 
that there is too much labor employed in agriculture? Common 
sense at once points out the remedy. Take from agriculture in the 
United States six hundred thousand men, women, and children, and 
you will at once give a market for more breadstuffs than all 
Europe now furnishes us with. 

"In short, sir, we have been too long subject to the policy of 
British merchants. It is time we should become a little more 
Americanized, and instead of feeding paupers and laborers of 
England, feed our own; or else, in a short time, by continuing our 
present policy, we shall be paupers ourselves. 

"It is, therefore, my opinion that a careful and judicious tariff 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 303 

is much wanted to pay our national debt, and to afford us the 
means of that defense within ourselves, on which the safety of our 
country and liberties depends; and last, though not least, give a 
proper distribution of our labor, which must prove beneficial to 
the happiness, wealth, and independence of the community. 
"I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"ANDREW JACKSON." 



RAILROADS, 

They Show Greatly Increased Earnings in 1897 over 1896 and 
thus Reflect Prosperity. 

Increase 1897 over 1896, $37,719,119. Such is the statement of 
gross earnings of 133 American railroads for the full year ending 
with the advent of 1898. Their aggregate gross earnings as re- 
ported to the Financial Chronicle, were $002,236,028. 

There are in the United States 1,008 railroads which maintain 
traffic accounts and which make reports of earnings to Federal and 
financial authorities. The 133 roads which report this increase 
of nearly $40,000,000, are the largest in the country. Some 
of the smaller roads may report decreases as compared with the 
previous year, but increases and not decreases were the rule for 
1897. There is every reason to believe therefore, that the figures 
given above will be made larger rather than smaller. 

The tendency toward increase is shown in further reports made 
by the Standard Financial Reporter. Eighty-eight roads for the 
fourth week of December reported gross earnings of $11,650,751, an 
increase of $1,463,481, or 14.37 per cent. For the month of De- 
cember 138 roads report earnings of $52,299,577, an increase of 
$5,757,109. 

The change in the ledger accounts was made during the last 
half of 1897. During the first six months statements uniformly 
showed decreases. Daring the last half business began to boom, 
heavy crops sought the seaboard and country merchants began 
to restock. Such enormous business did the roads do that the 
last six months overbalanced the first six, and the year was closed 
with increases in earnings, that have not been duplicated for a 
decade. 

RAILROAD FREIGHT RATES— THEIR RELATION TO THE 
COST OF FARM PRODUCTS. 

No careful student of economic conditions past and present can 
afford to ignore the relation of railroad freight rates to the mar- 
ket price of farm products and merchandise. According to the 
tables prepared by Mr. John P. Meany, editor of Poor's Railroad 



304 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Manual, there has been a very material reduction in rates since 
"the good old bimetallic times." In those times it cost the farmer 
nearly three times as much to ship a ton of his products to mar- 
ket as it does now. Examine the following table of average re- 
ceipts per ton per mile of leading railroads for the years 1870, 
1SS0, and 1896: 

1870 1880 1896 

Cents. Cents. Cents. 

Lines east of Chicago 1.61 .87 .60 

West and northwest lines 2.61 1.44 .98 

Southwestern lines 2.95 ,1.65 .99 

Southern lines 2.39 1.16 .68 

Transcontinental lines 4.50 2.21 1.07 

Average 1.99 1.17 .78 

In 1872, one year before the demonetization of 'silver, it cost 
an average of 33.5 cents to ship a bushel of wheat from Chicago 
to New York; in 1876 the average rate was 16.5 cents, and in 1897 
it was only 12.32 cents. It cost an average of $1.3512 in 1868 to 
ship a barrel of flour from Chicago ,to New York; in 1874 the 
cost was reduced to 95.45 cents and in 1897 it cost but 41.07 cents, 
or 94.05 cents less than during "the good old bimetallic times." 
In 1876 the rate on a bushel of wheat from St. Louis to New York 
by rail was 39.5 cents; in 1897 it was but 23.64 cents. To ship 
a bushel of wheat from St. Louis to Liverpool in 1883 cost 22.66 
cents and in 1897 the cost was but 12.89 cents. 



RECIPROCITY. 

Negotiations for the Improvement of Our Export Trade Under the 
Dingley Act. 

While no specific information is accessible as this book goes 
to press relative to the result so far accomplished toward estab- 
lishing reciprocal trade relations with foreign countries under the 
reciprocity provisions of the Dingley act, it can be stated author- 
itatively that satisfactory progress is being made. Negotiations 
for the improvement of our export trade have been proceeding 
actively since last November. They have included ten countries 
of Europe and South America and nine colonies. They have also 
been initiated with Canada and a partial arrangement has been 
concluded with France and proclaimed. Others are approaching 
completion. In all these negotiations for reciprocity the farm 
and the work-room are equally remembered. 

That the results are not made public at this time is due to the 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 305 

negotiations being conducted in Washington. Under the provi- 
sions of sections 3 and 4, the reciprocity clause of the Dingley 
act, the President appointed Hon. John A. Kasson minister pleni- 
potentiary to negotiate treaties. On the part of foreign govern- 
ments these negotiations are conducted by their ministers and 
representatives in this country. Much time is required by the 
foreign legations for consulting their distant governments on 
each step which they shall take toward an agreement. THe great 
struggle going on throughout the world for markets for national 
surplus production makes all nations extraordinarily vigilant and 
cautious. The large balance of the world's trade in favor of the 
United States has also awakened foreign jealousy and apprehen- 
sion for the future. 

The situation demands 'moderation and wisdom on the part of 
the United States, and every step is carefully considered, with a 
view to leveling interposing obstacles with the least degree of 
friction to all concerned. 

TEXT OF THE RECIPROCITY SECTIONS OF THE DINGLEY 

BILL. 

Sec. 3. That for the purpose of equalizing the trade of the 
United States with foreign countries, and their colonies, produc- 
ing and exporting to this country the following articles: Argols, 
or crude tartar, or wine lees, crude; brandies, or other spirits 
manufactured or distilled from grain or other materials; cham- 
pagne and all other sparkling wines; still wines, and vermuth; 
paintings and statuary; or any of them, the President be, and 
he is hereby, authorized, as soon as may be after the passage 
of this act, and from time to time thereafter, to enter into nego- 
tiations with the governments of those countries exporting to the 
United States the above-mentioned articles, or any of them, with 
a view to the arrangement of commercial agreements in which 
reciprocal and equivalent concessions may be secured in favor of 
the products and manufactures of the United States; and when- 
ever the government of any country, or colony, producing and 
exporting to the United States the above-mentioned articles, or 
any of them, shall enter into a commercial agreement with the 
United States, or make concessions in favor of the products, or 
manufactures thereof, which, in the judgment of the President, 
shall be reciprocal and equivalent, he shall be, and be is hereby 
authorized and empowered to suspend, during the time of such 
agreement or concession, by proclamation to that effect, the impo- 
sition and collection of the duties mentioned in this act, on such 
article or articles so exported to the United States from such 
country or colony, and thereupon and thereafter the duties levied, 
20 



300 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

collected, and paid upon such article or articles shall be as follows, 
namely: 

Argols, or crude tartar, or wine lees, crude, five per centum ad 
valorem. 

Brandies, or other spirits manufactured or distilled from grain 
or other materials, one dollar and seventy-five cents per proof 
gallon. 

Champagne and all other sparkling wines, in bottles containing 
not more than one quart and more than one pint, six dollars per 
dozen; containing not more than one pint each and more than 
one-half pint, three dollars per dozen; containing one-half pint 
each or less, one dollar and fifty cents per dozen; in bottles or 
other vessels containing more than one quart each, in addition 
to. six dollars per dozen bottles on the quantities in excess of 
one quart, at the rate of one dollar and ninety cents per gallon. 

Still wines, and vermuth, in casks, thirty-five cents per gallon; 
in bottles or jugs, per case of one dozen bottles or jugs containing 
each not more than one quart and more than one pint, or twenty- 
four bottles or jugs containing each not more than one pint, one 
dollar and twenty-five cents per case, and any excess beyond these 
quantities found in such bottles or jugs shall be subject to a duty 
of four cents per pint or fractional part thereof, but no separate 
or additional duty shall be assessed upon the bottles or jugs. 

Paintings in oil or water colors, pastels, pen and ink drawings, 
and statuary, fifteen per "centum ad valorem. 

The President shall have power, and it shall be his duty, when- 
ever he shall be satisfied that any such agreement in this section 
mentioned is not being fully executed by the Government with 
which it shall have been made, to revoke such suspension and 
notify such Government thereof. 

And it is further provided that with a view to secure reciprocal 
trade with countries producing the following articles, whenever 
and so often as the President shall be satisfied that the Govern- 
ment of any country, or colony of such Government, producing 
and exporting directly or indirectly to the United States coffee, 
tea, and tonquin, tonqua, or tonka beans, and vanilla beans, or 
any of such articles, imposes duties or other exactions upon the 
agricultural, manufactured, or other products of the United States, 
which, in view of the introduction of such coffee, tea, and tonquin, 
tonqua, or tonka beans, and vanilla beans, into the United States, 
as in this act hereinbefore provided for, he may deem to be recip- 
rocally unequal and unreasonable, he shall have the power and 
it shall be his duty to suspend, by proclamation to that effect, 
the provisions of this act relating to the free introduction of such 
coffee, tea, and tonquin, tonqua, or tonka beans, and vanilla beans, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 307 

of the products of such country or colony, for such time as he shall 
deem just; and in such case and during- such suspension duties 
shall be levied, collected, and paid upon coffee, tea, and tonquin. 
tonqua, or tonka beans, and vanilla beans, the products or ex- 
ports, direct or indirect, from such designated country, as follows: 

On coffee, three cents per pound. 

On tea, ten cents per pound. 

On tonquin, tonqua, or tonka beans, fifty cents per pound; va- 
nilla beans, two dollars per pound; vanilla beans, commercially 
known as cuts, one dollar per pound. 

Sec. 4. That whenever the President of the United States, by 
and with the advice and consent of the Senate, with a view to 
secure reciprocal trade with foreign countries, shall, within the 
period of two years from and after the passage of this act, enter 
into commercial treaty or treaties with any other country or coun- 
tries concerning the admission into any such country or countries 
of the goods, wares, and merchandise of the United States and 
their use and disposition therein, deemed to be for the interests 
of the United States, and in such treaty or treaties, in considera- 
tion of the advantages accruing to the United States therefrom, 
shall provide for the reduction during a specified period, not ex- 
ceeding five years, of the duties imposed by this act, to the extent 
of not more than twenty per centum thereof, upon such goods, 
wares, or merchandise as may be designated therein of the coun- 
try or countries with which such treaty or treaties shall be made 
as in this section provided for; or shall provide for the transfer 
during such period from the dutiable list of this act to the free list 
thereof of such goods, wares, and merchandise, being the natural 
products of such foreign country or countries and not of the 
United States; or shall provide for the retention upon the free 
list of this act during a specified period, not exceeding five jeajs, 
of such goods, wares, and merchandise now included in said free 
list as may be designated therein; and when any such treaty 
shall have been duly ratified by the Senate and approved hj Con- 
gress, and public proclamation made accordingly, then and there- 
after the duties which shall be collected by the United States 
upon any of the designated goods, wares, and merchandise from 
the foreign country with which such treaty has been made shall, 
during the period provided for, be the duties specified and pro- 
vided for in such treaty, and none other. 

WHAT RECIPROCITY HAS DONE. 

[From the speech of Hon. Albert J. HopkiDS, of Illinois, March 22, 1897.] 
What, however, in my judgment, will prove to be the chief glory 



308 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

was made so prominent a part of the law of 1890. The reciprocity 
portion of this bill is framed on somewhat different lines from 
that of the law of 1890. You will remember that under that law 
the President was authorized to enter into reciprocal agreements 
only when he became satisfied that the government of any coun- 
try or colony producing and exporting to the United States 
certain articles that were then upon the free list imposed duties 
or exactions upon the products of the United States, which, in 
view of such free importations, he deemed to be unreasonable and 
reciprocally unjust. In the present bill the principle of reciproc- 
ity has been enlarged and adapted to our commercial relations 
with France, Germany, Belg-ium, and other European countries, 
as well as Mexico and the Central and South American States. 
It provides that for the purpose of equalizing the trade of the 
United States with foreign countries and their colonies, produc- 
ing and exporting to this country the articles named in the reci- 
procity amendment, that the President be authorized as soon as 
may be after the passage of this act, and from time to time 
thereafter, to enter into negotiations with the governments of 
those countries exporting to the United States the articles men- 
tioned in the reciprocity portion of the bill, or any of them, with 
a view to the arrangement of commercial agreements in which 
reciprocal and equivalent concessions may be secured in favor of 
the products and manufactures of the United States; and it then 
provides that when any such country producing any of the articles 
named shall enter into a commercial agreement which, in the 
opinion of the President, shall be reciprocal and equivalent, he 
shall be authorized to suspend during the time of such agTeement 
or concession, by proclamation to that effect, the imposition and 
collection of the duties mentioned in this act on such articles 
exported to the United States from the country named, and there- 
upon and thereafter the duties levied, collected, and paid upon 
such article or articles shall be as is specified in the reciprocity 
portion of the bill, which is a lower rate than the one fixed as the 
regular duties to be collected. 

We seek in authorizing the President to suspend the rates of 
duty, and that thereupon and thereafter there shall be collected a 
lower duty than the one specified in the bill, to make it an object 
for countries producing the articles named in the first part of this 
reciprocity bill to enter into these reciprocal agreements, or make 
equivalent concessions in favor of the products of our farms and 
factories which enter their markets. 

I can not consume the time of the House by taking up each ol 
these agreements and showing by statistics the exact benefits 
that accrued to the American people from their successful nego- 






REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 309 

tiation. I desire, however, to illustrate this position by consider- 
ing- a few of the more prominent countries. 1 have already re- 
ferred to our important commercial relations with Germany. 
German}* and Austria entered into reciprocal agreements with 
the United States, under which, in consideration of the free ad- 
mission of their beet sugar into this country, the agricultural 
products of the United States were admitted into those countries 
at largely reduced rates of duty. The discrimination.- in favor of 
the United States amounted to 35 per cent on wheat, rye, hops, 
flour, and other mill products; 37y 2 per cent on oats; 33y> per 
cent on game; 20 per cent on corn and lumber; 25 per cent on 
pulse, timber, and fresh meat; 15 per cent on pork and butter, and 
corresponding- rates on other articles. These rates were such as 
to greatly increase our trade with Germany and Austria. The 
restrictions and limitations that had been placed upon our trade, 
especially on our hogs and cattle and other live stock for years 
prior to this agreement, were removed, and the American hog 
took in Germany the proud position that he has maintained so 
long in this country. Our wheat and flour trade increased in a 
corresponding manner. To show you how rapidly our trade with 
Germany improved under these reciprocal agreements, I desire to 
call your attention to the item of flour alone. In 1S91 our ship- 
. ments to Germany of flour aggregated 8,864 barrels. In 1S93 it 
had increased to 209,719 barrels; in 1894, to 286,229 barrels. 

Our flour trade in France shows quite as great an increase. In 
1S92 we exported to France 210,402 barrels of flour, valued at 
$1,1/8,474. 

When the McKinley law was repealed, no provision was made 
by the Democratic party, then in power, to continue these favor- 
able commercial agreements with France and Germany to which 
I have alluded. Mark the result. We sold 30,000 barrels of flour 
less in Germany the first year after this reciprocity feature was 
repealed. American millers say that France, Belgium, and Ger- 
many, since the abrogation of these treaties, have put prohibitory 
duties on American flour. This is quite evident in France, because 
the moment our agreement with France was destroyed by the 
repeal of the McKinley law, our exports in 1895 dropped from 
the figures I have just given to 1,102 barrels, valued at $4,175. 

Our trade with Cuba, under the reciprocal agreement negotiated 
by our minister, Mr. Foster, with Spain, shows a. wonderful in- 
crease. In 1891 we sold Cuba 114,441, barrels of flour; in 1892, 
under this reciprocal agreement I have just mentioned, the trade 
increased to 366,175 barrels; in 1893 it had increased to the enor- 
mous figures of 616,406 barrels, and in 1894 to 662,248 barrels. 
This shows an increase in trade of 480 per cent during the period 



310 RKPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

this reciprocal agreement was in force. Under that agreement 
American Hour entered Cuban ports at a duty of 88 cents per bar- 
rel. The moment the Democratic -party repealed the McKinley 
law and destroyed this commercial agreement with Spain, Spain 
put a duty of $4.16 per barrel on Hour, which in that market is 
practically prohibitive, and the result is that our market there 
has been ruined. 

A reciprocal agreement was negotiated by Mr. Blaine on behalf 
of the Government of the United States with Brazil under author- 
ity contained in the law of 1890. The testimony taken before our 
Committee on Ways and Means shows a marked growth under that 
agreement in our trade with that country. American flour was 
received there under conditions that practically gave the control 
of the markets to Americans, and all other farm produce found a 
ready market there. Both England and France felt the effects of 
our increased trade under this reciprocal agreement. The exports 
of Great Britain to Brazil in .1891 were $41,450,195. In 1894, when 
the reciprocal agreement between the United States and Brazil 
was in operation, the exports of Great Britian to that country 
dropped to $37,629,930. 

The exports from France to Brazil show a more marked decrease 
than those of England. In 1891 French exports to Brazil amounted 
to .102,934,876 francs. In 1894 this trade had dropped to 33,612,072 
francs. Since the repeal of the McKinley law and the abrogation 
of our agreement with Brazil, France and England have regained 
all they lost in the way of exports to that country and the United 
States has lost practically all that was gained during the period 
the reciprocal relations existed between these countries. Enough 
is here shown to demonstrate to every candid mind that the policy 
of this Government hereafter should be to establish with all com- 
mercial countries of the world such reciprocal agreements. 

Reciprocity. — The end we aim at is clear; the means are within our 
reach. A merchant marine which shall revive our early prestige on 
the sea; a navy which shall command respect for the voice of our 
authority; commercial lines which shall run direct to the pivotal 
ports; the Isthmian canal which shall be the focus of continental 
transit and trade; all these we must have and over all the crown- 
ing genius of reciprocity. It was the glory of the McKinley bill 
that it preserved our own domain for our own products and in- 
augurated reciprocal agreements for exchangeable products. 
Under its beneficent policy many treaties of reciprocity were 
negotiated; their quickening impulse was immediately felt in ex- 
panding trade; in defiance of our interests and against the pro- 
tests of those who had plighted faith with us they were wantonly 
overthrown, and in spirit and substance they must be reestab- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 311 

lished. Reciprocity is the polar star of commercial expansion. 
Its logic is not the logic of free trade but the logic of mutual 
concessions and advantageous exchanges. It is not an open door 
and no return, but it is fair play for what others have to sell in 
acknowledgment of fair play for what we have to sell. Its principle 
rightly understood is axiomatic. Brazil grows coffee and makes no 
machinery. We make machinery and grow no coffee. She needs 
the fabrics of our forges and factories and we need the fruit of her 
tropical soil. We agree to concessions for her coffee ana" she agrees 
to concessions for our machinery; that is reciprocity. It is the 
despair of Lord Salisbury, who confessed that England had stripped 
herself of the weapons; it is the proud and enduring distinction of 
a great American statesman; and, joined to correlative measures, 
it is the sure key with which we shall unlock the door of foreign 
trade and complete the preeminence of the Republic. 

Central and South America invite us with„their 70,000,000 people 
and their thousand millions of foreign commerce. We take more 
than a quarter of their exports and furnish only a tenth of their 
imports. We are on the same continent; we belong to the same 
great political system; we are the guardians of American destiny, 
and as our Republic is the acknowledged political primate of the 
Western Hemisphere shall we not also by enlightened and pro- 
gressive statesmanship gain the undisputed primacy in all its 
trade? Nor do we hesitate to knock at the door of Europe. Under 
the McKinley bill we made treaties of reciprocity with France, 
Germany, and Austria. Our market was their necessity, and, 
armed with the weapon of reciprocity, we answered that their 
necessity was our opportunity, and that they could not have ad- 
vantages here unless they gave us advantages in return. The aim 
was sure, and, like Captain Scott's coon, they came down. With 
the great stake? — Charles Emory Smith, at the banquet of the 
American Manufacturers, January 27, 1898. 

Turn the other way and we face the Orient towards which we 
are stretching our hand over the Pacific. Japan and China are the 
surprising and significant revelations of these later days. In one 
form or another they are coming into the momentous drama of 
the hour. There, around the Yellow Q ea and the adjacent waters, 
is a population of 500,000,000 and a potential trade of thousands 
of millions. Why should we not play for our legitimate share of 
the great stake? — (Charles Emory Smith, at the banquet of the 
American Manufacturers, January 27, 1898.) 



31! 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT. BOOK. 



REVENUES. 

Revenues and Expenditures of the United States Government. 

Statement showing the total revenues of the Government, exclusive of postal and pro- 
Is of tales of bonds, and tottl expenditures, exclusive of postal., principal of 
dtbty and premium, for each fiscal year J rom 1875 to 1898, both inclusive. 



Fiscal year end- 
ing June 30— 


Revenues ex- 
clusive of postal 
and proceeds of 
bond sales. 


Expenditures 

exclusive of 

postal, principal 

of debt, and 

premium. 


Excess of reve- 
nues. 


Excess of expen- 
ditures. 


1875 


8288,000.051 10 
287,482,039 16 
269,000,586 62 
257,763,878 70 
273,827,184 46 
333,526.619 98 
360,782,238 57 
403,525,2.''* 28 
398,287,584 95 
348.519,869 92 
323,690,706 38 
336,439,727 06 
371,403,277 66 

379.266.074 76 
3S7,0*0,058 84 
403,080,982 63 
392,912,447 31 
354,937,784 24 
385,819,628 78 
297,722,019 25 

313.390.075 11 
32(5,976,200 38 
347,721,705 16 
339,759,857 94 


8274,623,392 84 
258,459,797 33 
288,890,008 93 
23(5,964 T **t5 80 
2«,947,*88 53 

264.847.687 36 

259.651.688 81 
257,981,489 57 
265,408,117 54 
244,124^44 83 
260,2*5,985 11 
242,483,138 50 
267,932,179 97 
269.668,958 67 
281,996,615 60 
29?,786,486 60 
355,372,684 74 
345,023,880 58 
383,477,954 49 
367,525,279 83 
356,195,298 29 
352,179,446 08 
365,774,159 57 
438,826,018 80 


813,376,958 26 
29,024,241 83 
80,840,677 69 
20,799,651 90 
6,879,800 98 
68,678,973 62 
101,130,653 76 
145,543,810 71 
132,879,444 41 
104,393,625 59 
63,463,771 27 
93,956,588 56 
103,471,097 69 
119,612,116 09 
105,053,443 24 
105,844,496 03 
37,289,762 57 
9,914,453 66 
2,341,674 29 




1876 




1877 




1878 




1879 




1880 




1881 




1882 „ 




1883- 




1884- 




18<<5- 




1886 




1887„ 




1888 




1889 




1890 




1891.... 




1892 




1893 




1894 


869,803,260 58 
42,805,223 18 
25,203,245 70 
18,052,454 41 
99,066,160 86 


1895 




1896 




1897 




1898 









Statement showing the total revenues of the Government, exclusive of postal and pro- 
ceeds of sales of bonds, and total expenditures, exclusive of postal, principal of 
debt, and premium, for each annual period from March 1, 1885 to March 1, 1898. 



Period. 



From 
From 
From 
From 
From 
From 
From 
From 
From 
From 
From 
From 
From 



Mar. 1 , 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 



1885, to 
1886, to 
1887, to 

1888, to 

1889, to 

1890, to 
1891, to 
1892, to 
1893, to 
1891, to 
1895, to 
1890, to 
1897, to 



Mar.l, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar.l, 
Mar.l, 
Mar.l, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar.l, 
Mar.l, 
Mar. 1, 
Mar.l, 
Mar.l, 
Mar. 1, 



1836. 
1887. 
1888. 
1889. 
1890. 
1891. 
1892. 
1893. 
1894. 
1895. 
1806. 
1897. 



Revenues 
exclusive of 

postal and 
proceeds of 
bond sales. 



Expenditures, 
exclusive of 
postal, prin- 
cipal of debt 

and premium. 



8327,039,396 
356,868,395 
384,729,889 
379,275,714 
390,117,206 
420,726,029 
349,829,661 
376,407,262 
323,463,100 
303,725,956 
325,254,584 
308,4*1,047 
354,658,609 



8261,427,084 56 
262,317,897 80 
259,227,214 68 

288,491,889 63 
216,046,916 61 
826.776,190 20 
841,680,561 21 
377,026,993 29 
371,269,676 28 
366,650,441 79 
851,094,307 68 
364,559,067 55 
377,333,830 01 



Excess of rev- 
enues. 



865,612,311 66 

94,550,K8 "" 
125,502,174 45 

90,783,875 42 
104,070,290 37 

93,949,838 84 
8,149,099 88 



Excess of ex- 
penditures. 



#619,730 60 
47,806,476 52 
57,921,485 21 
25,839.743 02 
56,078,019 86 
22,675,220 50 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



313 



As compared with the fiscal year 1897, the receipts for 189S in- 
creased $57,599,630.04,* as follows: 

Increase in receipts for 1898. 



Source. 



Internal revenue 

Sales of public lands 

District of Columbia 

Donations to tbe U. S 

Miscellaneous 

Sales of ordnance material 

Navy pension and Navy hos- 
pital fuuds 

Sales of Government properly. 

Sales of lands and buildings... 

Tax on national banks 

Customs 

Profits on coinage, bullion, 
deposits, etc 

Siuking funds for Pacific 
railways 

Payment of interest by Pa- 
cific railways 

Sales of Indian lands 

Fees— consular, letters patent, 
and land 

Reimbursement for cost of 
water supply, District of 
Columbia 

Depredations on public lands 

Soldiers' Home, permanent 
fund 

Deposits for surveying pub- 
lic lands 

Customs fees, fines, penal- 
ties, etc 

Immigrant fund 

Sale of Union Pacific railroad. 

Sale of Kansas Pacific rail- 
road 



Total. 



Net increase. 



1S97. 



3146,688,574 23 

864,581 41 

3,568,180 29 



913,119 93 
43,368 66 

1,122,883 05 

202,712 43 

81,319 70 

1,972,500 83 

176,554,126 65 

7,239,813 53 

2,277,173 25 

942,148 39 
845,419 03 

2,881,555 12 



321,097 75 
48,478 54 



126,617 94 
128.320 75 



586,827 45 
309,936 17 



347,721,705 16 



1S98. 



3170,900,611 49 
1,2»3,129 42 
3,693,282 98 

102,304 87 

1,007,3*2 96 
94,638 59 

1,146,590 41 

224,381 32 

99,278 95 

1,975,849 28 

149,575,062 35 

4,756,469 71 

781,986 83 

526,286 13 
576,687 41 

2,639,750 54 



29,154 30 

107,612 49 

113,049 08 

576,487 50 

3W,9*2 86 

58,448,223 75 

6,303,000 00 



405,321,335 20 89,778,518 43 



Increase. 



324,212,067 20 

378,548 01 

127,152 69 

102,394 87 

94,283 03 

46,269 93 

23,707 36 

21,618 89 

17,954 25 

3,348 45 



58,448,223 75 
6,303,000 00 



57.599,630 04 



Decrease. 



$26,9W,064 30 

2,483,343 82 

r,495,186 42 

415,862 26 
268,731 62 

241.804 58 

228,010 77 
19,324 24 

19,005 45 

15,271 67 

10,339 95 
2,943 31 



32,178,888 o9 



SEIGNIORAGE. 

As Defined by the Treasury Department. 
This term, as used in the United States, means the profit arising 
from the coinage of bullion. The Government does not purchase 
gold bullion, but coins it on private account. There is no profit 
from the coinage of gold bullion, the face value of gold coins 
being the same as their bullion value; but, at the present ratio 
of 16 to 1, the face value of the silver dollar is greater than its 
bullion value; therefore, when silver bullion is purchased and 
coined into dollars there is a profit arising from such coinage, 
the amount of which depends upon the price paid for the bullion. 



• Postal revenues not yet reported by Post-Office Department. 



314 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

For example, there are 371% grains of pure silver in a dollar, 
and there are 480 grains of pure silver in a tine on nee. The coin- 
age value of a fine ounce is therefore $1.29:29 — . If the fine ounce 
can be purchased for 70 cents, the profit of its coinage (the seig- 
niorage) is $0.5929 — , and the profit on the 371^ grains of pure 
si her in the single dollar is $0.4580 — , which is the difference 
between the actual cost of the bullion in the dollar and the nominal 
value of the coin. 

The silver purchased by the Government is carried on the books 
of the Treasury at its actual cost, and the seigniorage is declared 
on the coinage of each month and paid* into the Treasury. 






STANDARD BULLION. 

Standard bullion contains 900 parts of pure gold or pure silver 
and 100 parts of copper alloy. 

The coining value of an ounce of pure gold is $20.67183, and 
the coining value of an ounce of standard gold is $18.60465. 

The coining value in standard silver dollars of an ounce of pure 
silver is $1.2929, and the coining value of an ounce of standard 
silver is $1.1636. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOR. 315 

SENATORS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

List of United States Senators Whose Terms Expire in 1899. 



Name. 



Aldrich, Nelson W 

Allen, William V 

Bate, William B 

Burrows. Julius C* 

Cannon, Frank J 

Clark, Clarence D 

Coekrell, Francis M 

Daniel, John W 

Davis, Cusliman K 

Faulkuer, Cbarks J 

(lOrraan, Arthur PJ 

Gray, (George 

Hale, Eugene 

Ilanna, Marcus A.t 

Hawley Joseph R 

Lodge," Henry Cabot 

Mantle. Lee 

Mills, Roger Q 

Mitchell. John L 

Money, H. De S.f , 

Murphy, Edward, jr 

Pasco, Samuel 

Proctor, Redlield 

Quay, Matthew S 

Roach, William N 

Smith, James, jr 

Stewart, William M 

Turpie, David 

White, Stephen M 

Wilson, John L 



R 

P 

D 

R 
S. R. 

R 

D 

D 

R 

D 

D 

1) 

D 

R 

R 

R 
S R. 

D 

D 

D 

D 

D 

R 

R 

D 

D 

S 

D 

D 

R 



Residence. 



Providence, R. I 

Madison, Nebr 

Nashville, Tenn 

Kalamazoo, Mich..... 

Ogden, Utah 

Evanston, Wyo 

Warrensburg, Mo 

Lynchburg, Va 

St. Paul, Minn 

Martinsburg, W. Va.. 

Laurel, Md 

Wilmington, Del 

Ellsworth, Me 

Cleveland, Ohio 

Hartford, Conn 

Nahant, Mass 

Butte, Mont 

Corsicana, Tex 

Milwaukee, Wis 

Carrollton, Miss 

Trov,N.Y 

Monticello, Fla , 

Proctor, Vt 

Beaver, Pa 

Larrimore, N. Dak.... 

Newark, N.J 

Virginia City, Nev.... 

Indianapolis, Ind 

Los Angeles, Cal 

Spokane, Wash 



Commence- Termina- 

ment Hon of 

of service. service. 



Oct. 5, 1881 
Mar. 4, 1893 
Mar. 4, 1S87 
Jan. 23, 1895 
Jan. 22, 1896 
Feb. 6,1895 
1875 



Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 



4,1887 
4, 1887 
4, 1887 
4, 1881 



Mar. 19, 1885 



Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Feb. 



4, 1881 
4, 1897 
4, 1881 
4, 1893 
2,1895 
Mar. 30, 1892 
Mar. 4, 1893 
Oct. 8, 1897 
Mar. 4,1893 
Mar. 4,1887 
Nov. 1,1891 



Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 



4, 1887 
4, 1893 
4, 1893 
4, 1887 
4,1887 
4, 1893 



Feb. 19, 1895 



Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
M ar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 
Mar. 



3, 1899 
3,1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
3, 1899 
Ad interim. 
Mar. 3,1899 
Mar. 3, 1899 
Mar. 3, 1899 
Mar. 3, 1899 
Mar. 3,1899 
Ad interim. 
Mar. 3,1899 
Mar. 3,1899 
Mar. 3, 1899 
Mar. 3, 18')9 
Mar. 3,1899 
Mar. 3,1899 
Mar. 3,1899 
Mar. 3,1899 
Mar. 3,1399 
Mar. 3,1899 



* Elected to fill a vacancy. t Re-elected for a term of six years. 

X Hon. L. E. McComas, Republican, elected to succeed Senator Gorman. 



SILVER. 

Silver and Wheat. — Are They Linked Together by Bonds of 
Sympathy? — Bryan's Arguments in the Light of Experience. 

Mr. William J. Bryan and other agitators of free coinage at the 
ratio of 16 to 1 hare based their strongest plea upon the assertion 
that "wheat and silver" are "linked together" by some mysterious 
sympathy that causes the price of wheat to decline in accordance 
with the depression of the price of silver. Mr. Bryan preached 
this theory to the farmers throughout the national campaign of 
1896, when wheat was unusually low, owing to the lessened demand 
for wheat abroad and the lessened demand at home because of 
hard times, the result of four years of Democratic misrule. He 
preached this theory in season and out of season, on the stump 
and in Congress. In the course of his remarks in the House, 



%16 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Wednesday, August 16, 1893, on the bill to repeal the purchasing 

clause of the Sherman act, he said: 

• -U ut. as I said, the producers of wheat and cotton have a special 
grievance, for the prices of those articles are governed largely by 
the prices in Liverpool, and as silver goes down our prices fall. 
* * * If it is possible to do so, it is no more than fair that we 
restore silver to its former place, and thus give hack to the farmer some 
of his lost prosperity:'' 

The Democratic campaign book of 1896, prepared by Hon. Ben- 
ton McMillin, of Tennessee, and circulated by the Democratic 
national committee, elaborated and illustrated this theory by ex- 
tensive quotations and statistics. Thus on page 84, "Decline in 
farm prices:" 

"There is no better illustration of the ruinous consequences 
flowing from the adoption by the United States of the single gold 
standard than a comparison of the prices of agricultural products 
at the date of the demonetization of silver with the price now 
(1890). * * * It will he observed that since the demonetization in 
1873 there has been a decline in every line of farm products. * * * The 
demonetization of silver was a hold stroke in the interest of capital 
that has reduced the value of every product in the world. This is con- 
clusively proven by the fact that just as silver has depreciated, in like 
proportion have all other values fallen in the scale:' (See under 
"Wages.") 

This beguiling argument, which made the judgment of so many 
farmers tremble in the scale, has time and again been proved to be 
the purest fallacy and the most supreme species of hypocrisy on 
the part of Messrs. Bryan, Towne, Jones, and other free-coinage 
leaders; but the vicious error was brought home to every pro- 
ducer of wheat in the United States when, soon after Major Mc- 
Kinley's election, wheat and silver suddenly parted company, and 
while the former went skyward the great white metal took a 
tumble in the markets that knocked all the dignity out of it as 
an inflexible standard of value. 

On September 1, 1896, one bushel of wheat and one ounce of Silver 
were of equal value. On September 1, 1897, one bushel of wheat 
equaled two ounces of silver in value. The table at the top of page 
317 shows the fallacy of the free-silver argument at a glance. 



BEFUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



317 



Date. 



Sept. 1, 1S0G 

Sept. 17, 1S96.... 
Sept. 24, 1896.... 

Oct. 8,1896 

Oct. 15, 1896 

Oct, 24,1896 

Oct. 29,1896 

Not. 5, 1896 

March 11, 1897. 
March IS, 1S97. 
April 15. 1897... 
April 29, 1897..., 
May 6, 1197...... 

Aug. 20, 1897.... 

Aug. 25, 1897.... 

Aug. 27, 1897.... 

Sept. 1,1897 



Wheat 
per 

bushel. 



67.2 
70.6 
76.1 
78.8 
80.1 
82.2 
83.7 
87.1 
92.7 
93.8 
94.2 
96.7 
98.1 
99.0 
100.7 
102.5 
103.2 



Date. 



Sopt. 1.1S96.... 
Sept. 26, 1S9C. 
Oct. 24, 1896.... 
March 6, 1897. 
March 13, 1897 
April 10, 1897. 
May 1, 1S97..... 
Juue 26, 1897... 
July 24, 1897..., 
July 31, 1897... 
Aug. 4,1S97.... 

Aug. 6, 1897 

Aug. 11, 1897... 
Aug. 16, 1897... 
Aug. 17,1897.... 
Aug. 23, 1897... 
Sept. 1, 1897 ... 



Silver 

per 
ouuee. 



67.2 
66.8 
65,6 
61,8 
63.4 
82,4 
61,8 
60.4 
59.7 
58,4 
57,1 
56.4 
55,5 
54.3 
53.1 
52.1 
51.2 



COST OF PRODUCTION OF AN OUNCE OF SILVER— IM- 
MENSE PROFIT OF THE SILVER BARONS. 

It is evident that silver can be produced profitably at prevailing 
market prices, because the production continues. It must follow, 
then, that if we restore silver to $1.29 an ounce, it would mean 
the payment of a bonus to the silver barons of the difference 
between the actual cost of production and the price to which they 
wish silver restored. It is interesting- to review some of the official 
report* made on the cost of the production of silver as long as ten 
years ago, when the average price of silver in London was 99.46 
cents. 

Professor Austen, of the royal mint in London, carefully investi- 
gated the cost of the production of fine silver in this country, and 
he testified to that effect before the royal monetary commission, 
December 9, 1886. 

The testimony of Professor Austen is in the first report of the 
royal commission, pages 62 to 67, and appendix in same volume, 
page 325. From his testimony it appears that the cost of produc- 
tion of silver ten years ago was as follows: 

Cost of production. 

Arizona 83.2 cents per ounce fine 

California 51 cents per ounce fine 

Colorado 60.2 cents per ounce fine 

Montana 43.3 cents per ounce fine 

Utah 47.7 cents per ounce fine 

Average in the United States 51.1 cents per ounce fine 

The cost of production of silver in Mexico, according to the re- 
port of Mr. Stewart Pixley, of the firm of Pixley & Abell in 



318 KEIMBI.ICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

London, in the same document, page 325, averaged for an ounce of 
pure silver, Is, fid. per ounce fine, or 37 cents. 

According to Professor Austen's returns (same report, volume 1, 
page 329), the cost of production of an ounce of fine silver in 
Mexico averaged about 44 3-8 cents, or Is. 8d. per ounce .925 fine, 
English standard. 

In South and Central America, Professor Austen gives the cost 
of production of an ounce of fine silver at Is. 5d., or 34% cents, per 
ounce. — Same report, page 328. 

In Germany, the product of the Mansfeld copper mines, accord- 
ing to Professor Austen (same report, page 328) in 1883, the 
amount of silver produced annually in the treatment of copper 
ores is given as 7,200,000 ounces. Of this quantity, 6,500,000 ounces 
were obtained during the ordinary smelting of copper ores, at a 
cost of 9%d. per ounce, English standard of .925 fine, or 21% cents, 
per ounce fine silver. It also states in the same article that by 
the improved process of Claudet 328,000 ounces were recovered in 
Great Britain from copper ores at 5d. per ounce standard (.925 fine), 
or at 10% cents per ounce fine silver. 

In Australia the cost of production of pure silver is given by 
Professor Austen (same report, volume 1, page 328) as follows: 

The report for the year 1886 of the Broken Hill mine, Barrier 
Eanges, New South Wales, a mine of considerable importance, has 
been published. It states that during the year 1886 the smelting 
of 10,397 tons of ore yielded 1,881 tons of lead and 871,605 ounces 
of fine silver, at a cost, including mining charges, of £4 12s. %d. 
per ton of ore, or at the rate of Is. Id. per ounce of silver 
produced (equal to 28% cents per ounce fine silver) if the lead 
be considered of no value, but the lead sold at £12 per ton 
($58.32 per ton). 

Later reports give the production of the Broken Hill mine for 
1889 at over 10,000,000 ounces of pure silver and the cost of pro- 
duction of not quite 8d. per ounce, or about 16 cents per ounce 
fine. 

For the nine months of 1890 the production of the Broken Hill 
mine was 17,000,000 ounces of pure silver, which, according to the 
bullion cost, at 16 cents, would be about $3,000,000, while, at the 
price we paid for it, it would be over $20,000,000. 

In Director Kimball's report of 1887, page 112, on the cost of pro- 
duction of silver, appears the following statement, showing that 
the Granite Mountain mine, at Granite, Mont., produced in 1886 — 

19,316 tons of silver ore; that the average amount of silver in 
each ton was 150 ounces of pure silver, and that the total amount 
extracted was 2,897,754 ounces of fine silver; that the cost of 
mining was $6.06 per ton, and that the reduction of each ton .post 
$13, or a total of $19.06 per ton as the cost of production. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 319 

This statement was officially furnished by the Granite Mountain 
Mining Company to the Director of the Mint in 18S7, and is no 
doubt correct; and here it is worked out by the Director of the 
Mint: 

19,316 tons of silver, cost of mining-, at $6.06 per ton $117,054 96 

19,316 tons, cost of reduction, at $13 per ton 251,108 00 



Total 368,162 96 

The product of these 19,316 tons of silver ore amounted to 
2,987,754 ounces of fine silver, at a cost of production of $368,162.96, 
equal to 12% cents per ounce. 

Thus in this single case, where the cost of production was a little 
over $368,000, the price that would have been paid for it under free 
coinage at the prevailing market price ten years ago would be over 
three and a half million dollars. 

In the report of this eompanj' itself to the Director of the Mint 
for 1887, they give the sale of their silver bullion at 96 cents per 
ounce. That was the market price per ounce. Upon their own 
shotting the percentage of labor to profit was, for labor 13.28 per cent; 
profit, 86.72 per cent. 

DISCREPANT STATEMENTS OF FREE-SILVER ORATORS. 

If the speeches of the free-silver advocates are examined, it will 
be found that there is a gaping discrepancy between their state- 
ments, shifting their position, as they do, with the unstable atti- 
tude of their article of faith. While the free-silver party is on 
record in favor of "the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and 
silver at the present ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid 
and consent of any other nation," their leading orators are on 
record with statements showing that they have no faith in the 
theory of 16 to 1. Thus William J. Bryan, in his speech in Con- 
gress, Wednesday, August 16, 1893, said: 

"Who doubts that the free coinage of silver by the United States 
would increase the bullion price? The only question is how much? 
It is only a guess, for no one can state with mathematical 'precision 
what the rise would be. * * * Can silver be maintained on a 
parity with gold at the present ratio? It has been shown that if we 
should fail and our effort should result in a single silver standard 
it would be better for us than the adoption of the single gold 
standard. * * * AmoDg those in favor of bimetallism, and in 
favor of independent action on the part of the United States, there 
is, however, an honest difference of opinion as to the particular 
ratio at which the unlimited coinage of gold and silver should be 
undertaken. The principle of bimetallism docs not stand upon any 
certain ratio, and may exist as 1 to 30 as well as 1 to 16." 



320 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

In' these statements Mr. Bryan frankly admits that the theory 
of advancing- silver to a parity with gold is contingent on the 
question "how much?" "It is only a guess," he says, "for no one 
can state with mathematical precision what the rise would be. 
The principle of bimetallism does not stand upon any certain ratio, 
and may exist as 1 to 30 as well as 1 to 16." 

This argument stands in open rebellion to the declaration of 
the Chicago platform, which demands 16 to 1 without qualifica- 
tion, and repudiates the position of Mr. Bryan that any other 
ratio is feasible or possible. Either Mr. Bryan is right and his 
platform wrong, or Mr. Bryan is wrong and his platform is right. 
But his most striking admission is that bimetallism, as he under- 
stands it, may lead to silver monometallism, for he does not say 
that free coinage will insure bimetallism, but frankly concedes the 
possibility of failure: "If we should fail, and our effort result in 
a single silver standard," we would be better off than with the 
single gold standard. He does not say why we would be better 
off with a fluctuating standard than one recognized the world over, 
but allows his statement to stand unsupported as a theory in the 
face of practical experience by all the leading nations of the world. 

Another argument of free-silver orators is that there is not 
sufficient gold in the world to-day to supply the demands of trade. 
They say the annual production of gold is somewhere near 
$200,000,000. We have 70,000,000 people out of about 1,300,000,000 
people in the world. How much of that annual production can we 
expect to get? 

The answer to this question is simple. Of the 1,300,000,000 peo- 
ple in the world, between 600,000,000 and 700,000,000 may be safely 
stricken off the list as such that do not use either silver or gold. 
This leaves about 500,000,000 people of civilized nations who have 
trade and business, and need cash. And for these the supply of 
gold as the basis on which their monetary systems are founded 
is doubtless sufficient. In his speech quoted above, Mr. Bryan 
asked this question. He said: 

"The United States, England, France, and Germany own to-day 
about $2,600,000,000 of the world's supply of gold coin, or about 
five-sevenths of the total amount, and yet these four nations con- 
tain but a small fraction of the inhabitants of the globe. What will 
be the exchangeable value of a gold dollar when India's people, 
outnumbering alone the inhabitants of the four great nations 
named, reach out after their share of gold coin?" 

The distribution of $3,810,500,000 of gold is accounted for by 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 321 

the Director of the Mint in his report for 1897, which shows the 
following: 

United State $696,300,000 

Great Britain 584,000,000 

France 772,000,000 

Germany 654,500,000 

$2,706,800,000 

Add to this — 

Russia $586,900,000 

Australasia 132,100,000 

Egypt 129,300,000 

Austria-Hungary 178.500,000 

Italy 96,900,000 

1,103,700.000 

3,810,500,000 

But the distribution of gold is modified by the fact that gold 
goes where the best and most advantageous use of it is to be 
obtained. 

In the same speech Mr. Bryan showed that he ignored facts 
of history in order to score a point for his cause. He said: 

"He (the silver miner) asks to have given back to him the right 
which he enjoyed from 1792 to 1873. During all those years lie could 
deposit his silver bullion at the mints and receive full legal-tender coins 
at the rate of $1.29 for each ounce of silver." 

And in his speech at Columbus, Ohio, September 1, 1896, he de- 
clared: 

"The advocates of the gold standard have never dared to submit 
the arbitration of the gold standard to the ballot. Every step that 
has been taken has been tctken by stealth and without the approval 
of the American people." 

In the face of this stands the order of President Jefferson of 
May 1, 1806, "that all the silver to be coined at the mint shall 
be of small denominations, so that the value of the largest pieces 
shall not exceed half a dollar." Under this order no silver dollars 
were coined for thirty years, and the remarkable fact remains that 
the excess of silver dollars coined in 1897 over 1896 was greater 
than the total coinage of silver dollars from 1792 to 1873, as shown 
elsewhere. Either Mr. Bryan's statement that the miner enjoyed 
the right to take his silver bullion to the mint and have it coined 
from 1792 to 1873, or the record of Jefferson's Administration as to 
his action in stopping the coinage of silver dollars, is a falsehood. 
There is no "stealth" in the order of Jefferson. 
21 



322 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

HOW SILVER IS MAINTAINED AT A PARITY WITH GOLD. 

It is the permanent policy of this nation that the making of 
coins shall be vested exclusively in the Government. The Govern- 
ment makes the coins out of several metals, each designed to serve 
the people in the special way for which it is best fitted. The 
Government has declared itself in duty bound to preserve the 
parity of its coins. 

How is the parity maintained? The value of the silver in a 
silver dollar is much less than| the value of the gold in a gold 
dollar, yet a silver dollar will buy as much as a gold dollar will 
buy. Why? 

There is a certain amount of money of small denomination ab- 
solutely needed by the people of the country for their ordinary 
retail transactions. Silver serves this purpose admirably. It has 
been found that so long as the limit is not exceeded there is 
comparatively little trouble in maintaining at a parity with gold 
the amount of silver legitimately demanded by business. In order 
that the business demands for silver may be fully met and satis- 
fied, and yet that no more shall be forced into the channels of 
trade than is needed, our Government has adopted the following 
plan: 

1. The coinage of silver is on Government account; that is, the 
Government controls the volume of the silver coinage. 

2. In making payments for materials or services, and in the pay- 
ment of obligations, it pays out as much silver as is desired. It 
also holds itself ready to pay out silver in exchange for other forms 
of money. In these ways it gets silver into circulation, meeting 
in some measure the legitimate demands for such money. 

3. The Government stands ready to receive silver at any time 
as the equivalent of gold in payments due to it. In this way, by 
indirect redemption in gold, the silver is kept in the minds of the 
people as the equivalent of gold, and at the same time a reservoir 
is provided for any surplus which the channels of trade may 
desire to rid themselves of. And, as has more than once been 
announced by the Treasury Department, the Government will, if 
necessary, give gold coin in exchange for silver coin. 

The method by which the Government redeems its pledge to 
maintain the parity of the metals is, then, first, by so regulating 
the volume of silver coin in circulation as to meet as nearly as 
possible the demands of business, which are quite constant; and, 
second, by making silver coin indirectly or directly interchangeable 
with gold at the Treasury. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 323 

UTTERANCES OF SENATORS STEWART AND JONES OF 
NEVADA, A YEAR AFTER "THE CRIME OF '73." 

[From the Congressional Record.] 

"The question never will be settled until you determine the sim- 
ple question whether the laboring man is entitled to a gold dollar 
if he earns it, or whether you are going to cheat him with some- 
thing else."— Senator Stewart, June 12, 1874, page 4909. * * * 
I do not care how much you discuss it or how many resolutions 
you pass, they do not make any difference; you must come to the 
same conclusion that all other people have — that gold is recog- 
nized as the universal standard of value. * * * Do not let us 
try to deceive the American people; do not let us try to make 
them believe by some hocus pocus of legislation, that we can 
give them something of real value, we can give them a measure 
of value that is better than the universal standard of mankind. 
Do not deceive them in that regard; let them know the facts 
now." — Senator Stewart, June 11, 3 874, page 4867. * * * If you 
are going to have gold in this country you must make a demand 
for gold by using it. * * * In every country where gold has 
been treated unkindly, where the government has favored a de- 
preciated currency, gold has left the country. * * * You will 
have all the gold you need as a regulator, as a basis for your cur- 
rency, and it will come very shortly. Then we shall have prosperity 
based upon a certainty." — Senator Stewart, February 20, 1874, 
page 1678. 

"Does this Congress mean to leave entirely out of view, and so 
discard forever a standard of value? Did any country ever accu- 
mulate wealth, achieve greatness, or attain a high civilization with- 
out such a standard? And what but gold can be that standard? 
What other thing on earth possesses the requisite qualities? * * 
So exact a measure is it to human effort, that when it is ex- 
clusively used as money it teaches the very habit of honesty. It 
neither deals in, nor tolerates false pretenses. It can not lie, it 
keeps its promises to rich and poor alike. * * * I hope the Sen- 
ate will decide to stand by the integrity of the country. No gov- 
ernment, no people can be prosperous that ignores the proposition 
that honesty is the best policy; that essays, by any sort of legis- 
lation, to disturb the relationship between debtor and creditor; 
that tells the creditor that the hard day's work he has already 
performed and loaned to the debtor, shall be repaid by half a 
day's work on the part of the latter; that attempts to 'coin money 
in that false crucible, called debt,' and legalizes robbery, by en- 
acting that the base result shall be a legal-tender." — Senator Jones, 
April 1, 1874. 

Senator Jones, of Nevada, who made up the majority of the 



324 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Finance Committee in the Senate which reported in favor of the 
issue of $150,000,000 in greenbaks as a substitute for bonds, showed 
that he has undergone the same change from gold to fiat paper 
money that characterized his change to the free coinage of silver. 
In 1874 Senator Jones said in the Senate: 

"A great war cannot be carried on by pieces of paper payable 
at convenience and bearing no interest. * * * * Its issuance 
was an impeachment of the patriotism of the nation. It was a 
cheat upon the people in teaching them the pernicious idea that 
in carrying on a great civil war economy and industry were not 
necessary." 

And in reply to Mr. Morton, whether he regarded the greenback 
a curse, he said: 

"I do, most undoubtedly, and I further believe that it is the 
duty of men to face that question." 

Yet in 1874, the proposition was to increase the greenback cir- 
culation but $18,000,000. In 1898 Senator Jones proposed to carry 
on a great war "by pieces of paper payable at convenience and 
bearing no interest," and as a starter proposed to issue $150,000,000 
of such worthless paper. 






STANDARD OF VALUE. 

You go into the center of Africa and you find an African tribe 
there. They have a certain rough standard of value among them- 
selves by which they measure their transactions and their services. 
It is not bank credit, it is not gold, it is not silver. It must 
be some very large, more tangible thing for them. And so at 
different times in the Old World there have been these standards 
of value — cattle, tobacco, wampum, and what not — which have 
been the result of concurring habits of men, not the result of 
even a conscious agreement among them, and certainly never 
the result of legislation. 

To-day the fact of civilization is that gold is the standard by 
which the business of the world measures its transactions. It is 
not a question whether it ought to be so or not. It is a question 
of a fact, and a fact that we can not get away from — just as the 
use of steel or the use of electricity is a fact of to-day. You 
might as well legislate that people are to use horses, to use old 
methods, and expect to benefit mankind, as to legislate that they 
shall transfer their property by some other thing than that which 
they choose. What Government should do is either to leave them 
alone altogether or else adopt that which the result of business 
transactions shows to be the fact.— Ex-Secretary of Treasury 
Charles S. Fairchild, before House Committee on Banking and 
Currency. 



. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT HOOK. 325 

SUGAR. 

The Upbuilding of the Beet-Sugar Industry the Antidote for 
Sugar Trusts. 

One of the most important features of the Dingley act is the 
protection which it gives to the producers of beet sugar, which 
includes not only the manufacturer, but every farmer who raises 
sugar beets and sells them to the sugar factory. The United 
States has annually been sending abroad $75,000,000 to pay for 
the sugar we consume, more than all the money we receive in 
normal years for our total wheat exports. The Republican mem- 
bers of Congress who framed the present tariff act believed that 
this money can be kept at home. The claim that the tariff on 
sugar benefits the sugar trust is not a valid argument. 

Certainly nothing can be done to so successfully clip the wings 
of the sugar trust as to develop our beet-sugar industry. Sugar- 
beet factories turn out their product in a refined form, and thus 
become the efficient competitors of other refiners. The successful 
establishment of the sugar-beet industry in even half of the 
twenty-sis States which can and will successfully grow sugar beets 
under the tariff would speedily end any sugar- trust, and would 
at the same time confer immense benefits on our farmers and all 
of our people. 

RECORD OF THE TWO PARTIES ON SUGAR LEGISLATION. 

In his speech on the Dingley bill, Hon. Sereno E. Payne, July 
19, 1897, defining the positions of the Republican party in 1890 
and the Democratic party in 1894 on the subject of the sugar 
schedule in the McT-'inley and Wilson bills, respectively, said: 

"What was the condition that confronted us in 1890? We had 
had a tariff upon sugar for seventy-five years, and we had made 
but small advance in development of the industry. We produced 
only about 10 or 11 per cent of what we consumed in this country 
and the balance came in subject to a duty. I held then that the 
duty was a tax, and every, penny of it came from the consumer 
who bought sugar. Why? Because we did not raise enough in 
this country to create any competition whatever and so reduce 
the price of the commodity a single farthing. 

"The Republican party, in reducing taxation and in reducing 
the revenues of the Government, thought it well to take every 
penny of this tax off sugar, and yet were willing to assist an 
industry in the Southern States that had grown up to its then 
proportions under the fostering influence of a tariff on sugar, in 
justice to the men in Louisiana, voted a bounty running through 
a period of fifteen years They wanted to reduce the price of 



826 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

sugar, and they wanted to reduce the profits of the sugar kings 
in the Hawaiian Islands who were taxing the American people 
four or five millions on their product, equal to the duty and the 
price of the production of their products, the price being increased 
by the tariff to the consumers of the country. We did that. 

"In 1894 conditions were reversed, and you on that side had to 
deal with the tariff question. We had made sugar free. You 
proposed to put a duty upon it — a duty of 40 per cent, and I told 
you then that every penny of that duty would be added to the 
price of the article and come out of the consumer. Why? Be- 
cause you did not foster the industry in the United States. You 
did not put enough duty upon it to enable our people to com- 
pete with foreigners and enable us to produce it here. You did 
not put enough duty upon it to encourage the sugar-beet industry 
and make that a factor in the case, and make that a competitor 
with the Louisiana sugar grower. I said then that that tariff of 
40 per cent was a tax and came out of the consumer. What else 
did you do? You put 40 per cent upon raw sugar, and you put 
40 per cent upon refined sugars. 

"That made a duty then of nearly four-tenths of a cent per pound 
on sugars, on the price of sugars in 1894, and you were not con- 
tent with that. You gentlemen who denounce trusts from morning 
until night; you gentlemen who can find no invective in the vocabu- 
lary of the English language too strong when you talk about the 
sugar trust were not content with that. You added another 
one-eighth of a cent differential, of 12y 2 cents a hundred in favor 
of the sugar refiners, in order to encourage their industry; and so 
you had about half a cent a pound upon differential between the 
raw and the refined sugars." # 

SUGAR PROVISIONS IN THE DINGLEY AND WILSON BILLS. 

Concerning the sugar schedule, Hon. Nelson Dingley, chairman 
of the Committee on Ways and Means, thus defined the matter in 
his great speech on the conference report, in the House, on July 
19, 1897: 

"Inasmuch as it is contended for partisan purposes that the pro- 
posed sugar schedule increases the 'differential;' that is, the dif- 
ference between the duty on sufficient raw sugar below 100 degrees 
test to make 100 pounds of refined sugar and the duty on 100 
pounds refined sugar, above that of the Wilson tariff of 1894, I 
desire to point out the falsity of this claim; and I will select sugars 
of 92 degrees test for this purpose, as that was the average test of 
the importations of raw sugar last year, and is the point chosen 
for assault. 

"Let it be borne in mind, in the first place, that while the initial 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 827 

point for estimating the differential is 100 degrees raw and 100 
degrees renned sugar — where, as I have already stated, this differ- 
ential is 12y 2 cents per hundred pounds, or one-eighth of 1 cent per 
pound, yet in all tariff bills this differential necessarily increases 
as sugars of a less polariscopic test are selected, for the reason 
that the percentage of hard sugar obtainable in the process of re- 
fining diminishes and the percentage of less valuable soft sugars 
and cost of refining increases faster than the polariscopic test goes 
down. But this increase of differential is adjusted to the basis of 
12 y 2 cents per hundred fixed for sugars of 100 degrees test, so that 
in effect the differential is equal to only the 12% cents on such 
basis. 

"Thus, according to the official figures of the Treasury Depart- 
ment, the differential between the duty on refined and the duty on 
107.47 pounds raw sugars of 96 degrees test required by the Treas- 
ury drawback regulations to make 100 pounds refined, is, under the 
present Wilson tariff, 19.82, taking the average of 96-degree sugar 
(2.12), or 21.02 if St. Croix 96-degree sugar (valued at 2.10) is taken 
as the basis, and 13.91 under the proposed schedule. This com- 
pares with German fine; but compared with Dutch refined, which 
is the only sugar imported anywhere near the equal of American 
refined (Dutch costing 13 cents per hundred pounds more than 
German fine), the differential would be 25.2 per hundred under 
the present tariff and only 13.91 under the proposed tariff. 

"It will be seen that the computations vary under the tariff of 
1894 according to the kind of raw sugar and refined sugar selected, 
because the duties under the present law are ad valorem, while 
under the proposed schedule they are fixed. 

"But I started to make the comparison on the basis of 92-degree 
sugar, which gives a larger differential because of the increased 
labor of refining and the lower proportionate yield of hard sugars. 

"The average dutiable value of St. Croix 92-degree sugar, which 
is the medium sugar of 92 degrees, was 1.85 in the first four 
months of the present year. The duty (40 per cent) on 1 pound 
of this sugar is, therefore, .74, and the duty on 114.94 pounds of 
such sugar required, according to the Treasury drawback regula- 
tions, to make 100 pounds refined, is therefore 85 cents. 

"Dutch refined sugar, the quality which comes near our Ameri- 
can renned, was valued at 2.60 in the same period, and German 
fine, which sells for nearly half a cent less in our markets than our 
refined because of its inferior quality, was valued at 2.47. The 
duty (40 per cent plus 12y 2 cents) on 100 pounds Dutch refined 
under the present tariff is, therefore, $1.16%> and on 100 pounds 
German fine $1,113. Deducting 85 cents, and the differential under 
the present tariff as against Dutch refined sugar is 32 cents per 



328 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

hundred pounds, and against German fine 26.24 cents; or if the 
average value of all 96-degree sugar (1.95) imported is taken as 
the basis, then each differential is reduced a little over five-tenths 
of 1 cent. 

"Inasmuch as the duty on 92-degree sugar in the proposed tariff 
is 1.54y 2 per pound, or $1.77% on the 114.94 pounds of 92-degree 
sugar required to make 100 pounds refined, and the duty on both 
Dutch aud German refined $1.95, the differential in the proposed 
tariff is not quite 17y 2 cents on both kinds of refined, which is 
more than 40 per cent less than the differential under the present 
or any prior tariff — a fact which our friends on the other side who 
support the tariff of 1894, and who are denouncing, for partisan 
purposes, the proposed differential on refined sugar as a surrender 
to the sugar trust (which refines 70 per cent of our product as 
against 30 per cent by independent refiners), should keep in mind 
as a check on their new-born zeal against trusts. Let me repeat 
at every point the differential on refined sugar is from 25 to 50 per cent 
less than the differential given by the tariff of 1894- 

"I will print as an appendix to my speech the official comparison 
made by Hon. George G. Tichenor, of the United States Board of 
Appraisers, which puts this point of controversy beyond question. 

"It should be borne in mind that the general increase of duty on 
sugar made in the proposed tariff has been made not only to in- 
crease the revenue, but also to further encourage the production 
of beet sugar in this country and furnish a new crop for our farm- 
ers, who are being sorely pressed as to our large wheat surplus by 
Russian and South American competition. I believe that the time 
has come when the production of our own sugar from the beet 
ought to be and can be successfully entered upon, and thus the 
seventy-five millions — soon to be one hundred millions — sent abroad 
for the purchase of our sugar ultimately distributed here to our 
own farmers." 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Sugar differential under Wilson tariff and Dingley tariff* 
[Prepared by Hon. George E. Tichenor, Board of United States Appraisers.] 



329 



Degrees. 


Average 
entered 
value 100 
pounds. 


Duty on amount neces- 
sary to make 100 
pounds refined. 


Differential per 100 
pounds. 




Wilson, 
tariff. 


Dingley 
tariff. 


Wilson 
tariff. 


Dingley 
tariff 


87 

88... 


Cents. 
153 75 
160 
166.25 
172.5 
178.75 
185 
191.25 
197.5 
203.75 
210 

213.125 
216.125 
219.375 
222.5 


Gents. 
76.43 
78.34 
80.16 
81.88 
83.i2 
85.06 
86.5 
87.55 
89.11 
90.28 
90.02 
89.68 
88.88 
89 


Cents. 
170.25 

171.99 
173 58 
175.04 
176.38 
177.58 
178.65 
179.59 
180.41 
181.09 
181.63 
182.46 
182.35 
182.5 


Cents. 
34.87 
32.96 
31.14 
29.42 
27.78 
26.24 
24.8 
23.45 
22.19 
21.02 
21.28 
22.62 
22.42 
22.3 


Cents. 
24.75 
23.01 


89 

» 

91 

92. 

93 


21.42 
19.96 
18.62 
17.42 
16.35 


94 


15.41 


95.. 


14.59 


96._ 

97 


13.91 
18.37 


98... 


13.54 


99... > 

100 


12.65 
12.5 







AMERICAN SUGAR-BEET CULTURE PRONOUNCED A 
SUCCESS IN GERMANY. 

[Translation of an article from the Leipsic Tagebiait of February 9, 1898.] 
American journals announce that the beet-sugar craze prevails 
throughout, the counties of northern and middle Indiana to a 
degree that recalls to mind the cooperative creamery and milk- 
station fever which raged there several years ago. Numerous and 
largely attended meetings of farmers and capitalists have been 
held to discuss and agree upon plans for mutual operation. The 
former are to raise beets; the latter are to manufacture them into 
sugar. So great is the excitement, that many already cherish 
the dream of seeing Indiana become the center of the American 
beet-sugar industry. 

Last spring, well-chosen and prepared beet fields in many locali- 
ties were planted with beet seeds of the finest quality, which the 
Department of Agriculture had obtained from Europe and distri- 
buted free of cost to the farmers. In the autumn the agricultural 
experiment station understook the task of carefully testing the 
beets which had been so produced. In Stark County, three-eighths 
of an acre yielded grown and topped beets at the rate of 14 tons 

* Based on St. Croix raw sugar, which represents about the medium raw sugars imported 
in the first four months of the present year, and on German fine refined sugar, whose en- 
tered value was 2.47. Duty on 100 pounds German fine under Wilson tariff (40 per cent plus 
12% cents), $1,113; under proposed tariff, 31.95. Dutch refined sugar was valued at 2.6, and 
therefore the differential as against this refined sugar would be 5.2 cents higher per hundred 
pounds under the Wilson tariff than is stated above, and would be the same as stated under 
the proposed tariff. Granulated or hard sugars can not be made of sugars below 87 degrees, 
and therefore the differential on the low grades is immaterial. 



380 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

to the acre. A beet 12.6 ounces in weight was analyzed at the 
experiment station and yielded 22.9 per cent of sugar, with a co- 
efficient of 8.45. This specimen was grown from seed derived from 
Klein Wanzleben (a commune near Magdeburg, in Prussian Sax- 
ony). In the same way, several hundred specimen beets from dif- 
ferent sections of the State were analyzed, and all give promise 
of yielding not less than 12.6 per cent of sugar from juice of 80° 
purity. Many specimens exceeded this yield by from 2 to 8 per 
cent. 

What is here related of Indiana, is also true of other States, par- 
ticularly California, which is especially adapted to sugar-beet cuN 
ture. America imports yearly 2,000,000 tons of sugar, valued at 
400,000,000 marks ($95,200,000), from foreign countries, especially 
from Germany, and has for years been considering ways and means 
to supply this demand with home-grown sugar. Such a result can 
not be reached in a day, but the Secretary of Agriculture has for 
years aided and encouraged beet cultivation by all possible means. 
At present, they are stimulated and .encouraged in such efforts, 
which have so serious a meaning for us, by the foolish action of 
the German Agricultural Bund, which has inspired the unheard-of 
measures against the importation to this country of American 
agricultural products, and has had the audacity to condemn Amer- 
ican meats as unwholesome, thereby greatly embittering the feel- 
ings of American farmers against Germany. 



TELLER RESOLUTION. 

History and Text of the Concurrent Resolution. 

Whereas by the act entitled "An act to strengthen the public 
credit," approved March 18, 1869, it was provided and declared that 
the faith of the United States was thereby solemnly pledged to the 
payment, in coin or its equivalent, of all the interest-bearing obliga- 
tions of the United States, except in cases where the law author- 
ing the issue of such obligations had expressly provided that the 
same might be paid in lawful money or other currency than gold 
and silver; and 

Whereas all the bonds of the United States authorized to be issued 
by the act entitled "An act to authorize the refunding of the 
national debt," approved July 14, 1870, by the terms of said act 
were declared to be redeemable in coin of the then present standard 
value, bearing interest payable semi-annually in such coin; and 

Whereas all bonds of the United States authorized to be issued 
under the act entitled "An act to provide for the resumption of 
specie payments," approved January 14, 1875, are required to be of 
the description of bonds of the United States described in the said 
act of Congress approved July 14, 1870, entitled "An act to authorize 
the refunding of the national debt;" and 

Whereas at the date of the passage of said act of Congress last 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 331 

aforesaid, to wit, the 14th day of July, 1870, the coin of the United 
States of standard value of that date included silver dollars of the 
weight of 412 y 2 grains each, declared by the act approved January 
18, 1837, entitled "An act supplementary to the act entitled 'An act 
establishing- a mint and regulating the coins of the United States,' " 
to be a legal tender of payment, according to their nominal value, 
for any sums whatever: Therefore, 

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring 
therein), That all the bonds of the United States issued, or author- 
ized to be issued, under the said acts of Congress hereinbefore 
recited, are payable, principal and interest, at the option of the 
Government of the United States, in silver dollars, of the coinage 
of the United States, containing 412y 2 grains each of standard 
silver; and that to restore to its coinage such silver coins as a legal 
tender in payment of said bonds, principal and interest, is not in 
violation of the public faith, nor in derogation of the rights of the 
public creditor. 

Offered js a concurrent resolution by Senator Teller of Colo- 
rado, Wednesday, January 5, 1898, and referred to Senate Finance 
Committee. Called up by Senator Vest January 20, by a yea-and- 
nay vote — 41 to 25. Debated in Senate January 20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 
27, and 28. Voted on and agreed to January 28 — yeas, 47; nays, 32. 

Yeas, 47 — Allen, Bacon, Bate, Berry, Butler, Cannon, Carter, 
Chandler, Chilton, Clark, Clay, Cockrell, Daniel, Gray, Harris, Heit- 
feld, Jones (Ark.), Kenney, Kyle, Lindsay, McEnery, McLaurin, 
Mallory, Mantle, Martin, Mills, Mitchell, Money, Morgan, Murphy, 
Pasco, Pettigrew, Pettus, Pritchard, Rawlins, Roach, Shoup, Smith, 
Stewart, Teller, Tillman, Turner, Turpie, Vest, Warren, White, 
Wolcott. 

Nays, 32 — Aldrich, Allison, Baker, Burrows, Caffery, Cullom, Davis, 
Fairbanks, Foraker, Gallinger, Gear, Hale, Hanna, Hansbrough, 
Hawley, Hoar, Lodge, McBride, McMillan, Mason, Morrill, Nelson, 
Penrose, Perkins, Piatt (Conn.), Piatt (N. Y.), Quay, Sewell, Thur- 
ston, Wellington, Wetmore, Wilson. 

Not voting, 10 — Deboe, Elkins, Faulkner, Frye, Gorman, Jones 
(New), Proctor, Spooner, Turley, Walthall. 

In the House. — Referred to the Committee on Ways and Means 
January 29. Taken up, debated, voted on January 31 and rejected — 
yeas, 133; nays, 182. Mr. Linney, of North Carolina (Rep.), 
voted in the affirmative; Mr. White, of North Carolina (Rep., 
colored), answered "present". Two Democrats voted against the 
resolution, Mr. McAleer, of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Elliott, of South 
Carolina. 

Yeas, 133— Allen, Bailey, Baird, Baker (111.), Ball, Barlow, Bart- 
lett, Bell, Benner (Pa.), Benton, Berry, Bland, Bodine, Botkin, 
Brantley, Brenner (Ohio), Brewer, Broussard, Brucker, Brundidge, 
Burke, Castle, Catchings, Clardy, Clark (Mo.), Clayton, Cochran 
(Mo.), Cooney, Cooper (Tex.). Cowherd, Cox, Cranford, Cummings, 
Davis, De Annond, De Graffenreid, De Yries, Dinsmore, Dockery, 



832 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Epes, Ermentrout, Fitzgerald, Fitzpatrick, Fleming-, Fowler (N. C.)» 
Fox, Gaines, Greene, Griggs, Gunn, Handy, Hay, Henry (Miss.), 
Henry (Tex.), Hinrichsen, Howard (Ala.), Howard (Ga.), Hunter, 
Jones (Va.), Jones (Wash.), Kelley, King, Kitchin, Kleberg, 
Knowles, Lamb. Lanham, Lentz, Lester, Lewis (Ga.), Linney, Little, 
Livingston, Lloyd, Love, McClellan, McCormick, McCulloch, Mc- 
Dowell, McRae, Mad&ox, Maguire, Marshall, Martin, Maxwell, Meeki- 
son, Meyer (La.), Miers (Ind.), Moon, Newlands, Norton (Ohio), 
Osborne, Otey, Peters, Pierce (Tenn.), Plowman, Rhea, Richardson, 
Ridgely, Rixey, Robb, Robertson (La.), Robinson (Ind.), Sayers, 
Settle, Shafroth, Shuford, Simpson, Sims, Skinner, Slayden, Smith 
(Ky.), Stallings, Stark, Stephens (Tex.), Strait, Strowd (N. C), Sul- 
livan, Sulzer, Sutherland, Swanson, Talbert, Tate, Taylor (Ala.), 
Terry, Todd, Underwood, Vincent, Wheeler (Ky.), Williams (Miss.), 
Wilson, Young (Va.), Zenor. 

Nays, 182 — Adams, Alexander, Babcock, Baker (Md.), Barber, Bar- 
ham, Barrows, Bartholdt, Beach, Belden, Belford, Belknap, Bennett, 
Bishop, Booze, Boutell (111.), Boutelle (Me.), Brewster, Broderick, 
Bromwell, Brosius, Brown, Brownlow, Brumm, Bull, Burleigh, Bur- 
ton, Butler, Cannon, Capron, Clark (Iowa), Clarke (N. H.), Coch- 
rane (N. Y.), Colson, Connell, Connolly, Cooper (Wis.), Corliss, 
Cousins, Crump, Crumpacker, Curtis (Iowa), Dalzell, Danford, Daven- 
port, Davidson (Wis.), Davison (Ky.), Dayton, Dingley, Dolliver, 
Dorr, Dovener, Eddjr, Elliott, Ellis, Evans, Faris, Fenton, Fischer, 
Fletcher, Foote, Foss, Fowler (N. J.), Gardner, Gibson, Gillet (N. 
Y.), Gillett (Mass.), Graff, Griffin, Grosvenor, Grout, Grow, Hager, 
Hamilton, Harmer, Hawley, Heatwole, Hemenway, Henderson, 
Henry (Conn.), Henry (Ind.), Hepburn, Hilborn, Hill, Hitt, Hooker, 
Hopkins, Howe, Howell, Hull, Hurley, Jenkins, Johnson (Ind.), 
Johnson (N. Dak.), Joy, Kerr, Keteham, Kirkpatrick, Knox, Kulp, 
Lacey, Landis, Lawrence, Littauer, Lorimer, Loud, Loudenslager, 
Lybrand, McAleer, McCall, McCleary, McDonald, Mclntire, Mahany, 
Mahon, Marsh, Mercer, Mesick, Miller, Mills, Minor, Mitchell, 
Moody, Morris, Northway, Odell, Olmsted, Otjen, Packer (Pa.), 
Parker (N. J.), Payne, Pearce (Mo.), Pearson, Perkins, Pitney, 
Powers, Prince, Pugh, Quigg, Ray, Robbins, Royse, Russell, Sauer- 
hering, Shannon, Shattuc, Shelden, Showalter, Simpkins, Smith 
(111.), Smith, Samuel W., Smith, William Alden, Snover, Southard, 
Southwick, Spalding, Sperry, Sprague, Steele, Stewart (N. J.), Stew- 
art (Wis.), Stone, Charles W,, Stone, William A., Strode (Nebr.), 
Sturtevant, Sulloway, Tawney, Tayler (Ohio), Tongue, Updegraff, 
Van Voorhis, Walker (Mass.), Walker (Va.), Wanger, Ward, Warner, 
Weaver, Weymouth, Williams (Pa.), Yost, Young (Pa.), The 
Speaker. 

Answered "present," 4 — Bankhead, Latimer, Wheeler (Ala.), White 
(N.C.). 

Not voting, 38 — Acheson, Adamson, Arnold, Barney, Barrett, Bing- 
ham, Bradley, Campbell, Carmack, Checkering, Codding, Curtis 
(Kans.), Davey, Driggs, Griffith (Ind.), Hartman, Hicks, Jett, Lewis 
(Wash.), Lovering, Low, McEwan, McMillin, Mann, Mudd, Norton 
(S. C.)t Ogden, Overstreet, Reeves, Sherman, Sparkman, Stevens 
(Minn.), Stokes, Vandiver, Vehslage, Wadsworth, White (H4.), 

Wilber. 

The following were paired in favor of the resolution, and would 
have voted yea if present: Bankhead, Latimer, Sparkman, Adamson, 
Campbell, Jett, Stokes, Vehslage (Ala.), MoMillin, Ogden, Lewii 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 333 

(Wash.), Bradley, Driggs, Griffith, Davey, Hartman, Vandiver, Nor- 
ton, and Carmack. 

The following were paired against the resolution, and would have 
voted no if present: Hicks, Overstreet, Barrett, Sherman, Reeves, 
Mann, Codding, McEwan, Lovering, Bingham, Mudd, Wadsworth, 
Low, White (111.), Acheson, Stevens, Chickering, Barney, Curtis 
(Kans.), and Arnold. — Congressional Record, p. 1372. 

Analysis of the Vote in the Senate. — The majority was 15. These 
fifteen Senators, who constituted the free-silver majority in the 
Senate, represent the States of Colorado, Wyoming, Idaho, Montana, 
Washington, South Dakota, Nevada, and Utah. The entire popula- 
tion of these States aggregates only 1,621,311, which is 2,400,000 less 
than the State of Illinois alone, with but two votes in the Senate. 
The Senators who voted against the resolution represented in the 
aggregate 5,000,000 people more than those who favored the resolu- 
tion. It is thus made clear that the action of the Senate can not be 
taken as a fair expression of the sentiment of the people of this 
country on the great question embodied in the resolution. 

STANLEY MATTHEWS RESOLUTION. 

Senator Stanley Matthews, of Ohio, introduced the following 
resolution, declaring them payable in silver, which passed the 
Senate February 18, 1878 — Yeas, 42; nays, 20; passed the House 
January 29, 1878 — Yeas, 189; nays, 79: 

"Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring 
therein), That all the bonds of the United States issued under the 
said acts of Congress hereinbefore recited are payable, principal 
and interest, at the option of the Government of the United States, 
in silver dollars of the coinage of the United States, containing 
412% grains each of standard silver; and that to restore to its 
coinage such silver coins as a legal tender in payment of said 
bonds, principal and interest, is not in violation of the public faith 
nor in derogation of the rights of the public creditor." 

See "Teller Resolution." 



TIN PLATE. 

See also under "Prosperity." 
DECLINE IN IMPORTS SINCE THE McKINLEY ACT. 

The imports of tin plate reached their high-water mark in 1891, 
when the McKinley bill took effect and practically turned the in- 
dustry of tin-plate making over to the American manufacturer. 
From the date of the enactment of this measure the importations 
steadily decreased in proportion as the American manufacturers 
were able to supply the demand. This decrease of imports is 
shown in the following table compiled by the Bureau of Statistics 
of the Treasury Department: 



334 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



189*. 



Quantity. 



Value. 



. Pounds. 




1,036,489,074 


835,746,920 


422,176,202 


12,315,562 


628,425,902 


17,565,640 


454,1 «0,826 


11,969,618 


508,0 8,938 


12,144,080 


385,188,983 


8,950,656 


230,073,083 


5,344,638 



MANUFACTURES OF DOMESTIC TIN. 

The amount of manufactures of domestic tin exported in 1897 
was valued at $284,020 as compared with $268,581 for 1896, an in- 
crease of $15,439. 

See also under "Prosperity". 

BRITISH POINT OF VIEW. 

The following matter is taken from a paper read by Sir John J. 
Jenkins, M. P., before the British Iron Trade Association: 

"The total production of tin plates in this country, including 
black plates, is estimated by Mr. C. B. Brooke at about 450,000 tons 
for the year 1897. This means that, with the loss of the United 
States business, so far as it has gone, the trade has been thrown 
back about ten years. In other words, we stand to-day much 
where we did about ten years ago. We must no doubt look for- 
ward to losing more of the trade of the United States, although we 
may succeed in keeping a share of the trade of the Pacific States 
and of the drawback plates. We may even not fall much farther 
behind than we have already done. On the other hand, it is not to 
be overlooked that the American tin-plate manufacturers are mak- 
ing efforts to capture the South American and Canadian markets. 

"In the United States, the total production of tin plates for the 
year ended June 30, 1897, is computed at about 447,000,000 pounds, 
of which about 88 per cent was of the class weighing lighter than 
63 pounds per 100 square feet. This is an increase of 45 per cent 
on the output of the previous year. During the same period the 
exports were 139,250,000 pounds and the imports about 244,500,000 
pounds. The capacity of the mills completed and in course of con- 
struction at midsummer, 1897, was computed at 650,000,000 pounds. 
The American output of black plates for the year was 436,500,000 
pounds, an increase in twelve months of about 102,500,000 pounds. 

"In speaking of the American market, we are apt to forget that 
it is only of comparatively recent years that it has assumed such 
large dimensions. In 1870, which is only twenty-eight years ago, 
the total quantity of tin plates shipped to the United States — which 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



335 



was practically their whole consumption — amounted to only 75,372 
tons. In that year our total exports of tin plates amounted to only 
100,076 tons, or just 14 per cent more than the increased demand by 
other markets than the United States between 1890 and 1S07. These 
figures do not include black plates, a recently developed branch of 
the trade, which would make them look much more favorable by 
raising our total export in 1897 to 330,632 tons, which is consider- 
ably more than three times our total export in 1870, and 11 per cent 
more than our total export in so recent a year as 18S5. The follow- 
ing table compares the years 1S90 and 1897: 

Exports of tin plates from the Uaited Kingdom in 1890 and 1897. 



Country. 


1890. 


1897. 


Increase. 




Tons. 
22,736 

5,478 
4,414 
5,536 
318,108 
6,117 
16,127 
40,509 


Tons. 
30,924 
11,285 
8.697 
13,896 

8^475 
12,252 
21,863 
87,617 


Tons. 
8,1*8 
5.S07 
4 283 
8,360 


Per cent. 
36 
107 




Holland 




151 








6,135 

5,736 
47,008 


100 
35 

116 


British North America 




Total 


419 025 


271,909 


146,816 








Increase, disregarding the United States 






85,517 


91 




1 





"A similar increase during the next seven years would leave us 
in as good a position as we hold to-day, even if the American 
market were absolutely blotted out. It will probably, however, 
never come to that, mainly because we have the prospect of con- 
tinuing to hold a large share of the trade of the Pacific coast and 
of maintaining a demand on rebate plates and plates of special 
quality. 

"The importation of tin plates into the United States from Great 
Britain has naturally been affected in a measure corresponding to 
the growth of the American industry. A recent, diplomatic report 
has pointed out that during the four years preceding the passage of 
the McKinley act the importation of British plates averaged some 
650,000,000 pounds. In 1891, in prevision of the raised duty under 
the McKinley tariff, it was much in excess of that average, and the 
following year showed a correspondingly large falling off. During 
the four years, however, ending June, 1893 to 1896, the importation 
has rapidly declined, thus: 

Pounds. 

Year ending June, 1893 628,425,902 

Year ending June, 1894 454,160,826 

Year ending June, 1895 508,038,938 

Year ending June, 1896 385,138,983 



336 REPLULICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

TRUSTS. 

What have the Democrats done to put down TrustsP 
In his speech on the Ding-ley bill, March 25, 1897, Hon. Sereno 
Payne of New York challenged the Democrats and Populists, who 
were assailing- the measure on the ground that it favored trusts, to 
show what the Democratic party had done to put down trusts dur- 
ing- the four years that it was in power — absolute power in the 
White House, in Congress, the entire executive and legislative 
branches of the Government. But there was no reply. In the 
course of his remarks he said: 

"I would like to have some gentleman tell me what trust, what 
combination of capital, was interfered with by the Wilson bill. 
Can you think of any? Is there a single one about which you have 
been declaiming for the last ten years that was interfered with by 
the Wilson bill? Oh, you destroyed the business of individuals. 
You sent small corporations into the hands of the receivers by the 
hundreds; but where is there a trust in the United States during 
all these years of depression, of loss, of ruin, that has failed to pay 
its regular dividend on all the watered stock of the corporation? 
[Loud applause.] Was there any sugar trust when your committee 
in 1894 put four-tenths of a cent a pound differential on sugar? 
I know the price of sugar has declined since then, and that for the 
last six months the difference in price on that 100° under No. 16 
Dutch standard and that above is Is. 6d. on the hundredweight (112 
pounds), or about 34 cents a hundred; 40 per cent on this 34 cents 
would equal 13y 2 cents a hundred; this added to your 12% cents 
will make 26 cents a hundred differential duty, or a little over one- 
fourth of a cent a pound for the last six months. 

"Now, if you had started out with one-fourth of a cent a pound, 
you would have not been open to so much criticism. There would 
nave been no concealment." 

ANENT THE SUGAR TRUST. 

Again on July 19, 1897, Mr. Payne took up the subject of trusts in 
connection with the sugar schedule. He said: 

"Men stand up here and seem to think that the way to demolish a 
trust is to start a windmill and interject invectives into this debate. 
[Laughter and applause.] And every name that they can get out 
of their vocabulary, whether in the dictionary or not, is applied to 
the trust. But you will never destroy a trust in that way. Gentle- 
men talk about destroying the trust by taking away the differ- 
ential between the raw and the refined sugar; they say, 'Let them 
all come in on a common plane.' Well, of course, when you do 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT HOOK. 337 

that you break down the line of protection to that beet-sugar in- 
dustry. You not only break down the refineries, you not only send 
their employees to tramp the streets looking after other jobs, but 
you break down the most promising farming industry that has 
been held out to the farmers of this country in the last cerrturj'. 
The remedy is worse than the disease, when you try to eradicate 
the trouble in any such manner as that. 

"What shall be done with the sugar trust? Well, I will tell you 
what in my opinion is the best way of dealing with it. Establish 
a beet-sugar factory in every Congressional district in the United 
States. [Applause on the Republican side.] Give competition, and 
lots of it, everywhere. Put the farmers over against the trust by 
passing this bill, and reduce the price of sugar so that German raw 
sugar can not be brought in to be refined here. Gentlemen on the 
other side, come over and help us, while we help the farmers out. 
[Laughter and applause.] You grangers over there, come and help 
us. You Populists that go up and down the streets day after day 
proclaiming your devotion to the interests of the farmers, help us 
out now when we are trying to help the farmers in this industry 
that we can establish so successfully. In this way you will do 
something toward demolishing the trust. You will accomplish 
more in this way than by mere invective — by running windmills 
and all that. [Laughter and applause.] 

"Why should we not produce all of our sugar in this country? 
Why, it costs us, Mr. Speaker, about one hundred millions. We 
were looking around for proper subjects for taxation. We knew 
that sugar would produce an enormous revenue; and besides all 
that, we knew that an adequate protective tariff would build up 
the industry in this country, and as it was gradually built up the 
revenue from that source will be reduced; by and by the revenue 
will come in more largely from other sources, and when this in- 
dustry is fully established and revenue from sugar ceases, the re- 
duction will keep pace with the increase." 

PROTECTION AND TRUSTS. 

The charge that trusts are fostered by protection can not be 
successfully maintained. The trusts with which we are most 
familiar are not in the protected industries. The Standard Oil 
Company deals in an unprotected article. So does the anthracite 
coal combination. As regards the sugar trust, it seems to make no 
difference to it whether there is a duty on sugar or not, or what 
that duty is. England has no tariff, and yet trusts exist and 
flourish in England — trusts more monstrous than any that we have 
any knowledge of. 

Trusts have long existed in free-trade England, even a coffin 
22 



33S REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

trust forming- one of the features of English manufacturing enter- 
prise not many years ago. A few years ago there was organized a 
steel-rail trust, which embraced the steel-rail manufacturers of 
Great Britain and of several continental countries. On February 
15, 1896, the London Ironmonger announced the organization of 
another steel-rail trust, its operations to be restricted to the steel- 
rail manufacturers of Great Britain, one of its features being that 
"there is to be no underselling." The London Iron and Coal Trades 
Review says that this trust was organized in October, 1895. The 
Ironmonger says that "it is worthy of note that at this juncture 
there are ten home steel works producing rails, as against seven- 
teen or eighteen formerly combining, and it is believed that this 
smaller 'ring' will be more easily managed." In a subsequent issue 
the same authority stated .that "all the principal British concerns 
are in the 'ring,' so that it will not be easy for the smaller mills to 
run against it with good results to themselves." Prices of English 
steel rails were remarkably uniform after October, 1895, and all 
through 1896, averaging above £4 10s. per ton. Early in 1895 the 
Sheffield Telegraph published the draft of a scheme proposing that 
200 iron firms of South Yorkshire, Lancashire, Derbyshire, Stafford- 
shire, Worcester, and Shropshire should form an organization to be 
known as the Midland Iron Trade Association, which would regu- 
late the prices of all classes of manufactured iron. 

Early in 1896 it was announced that twenty-three makers of 
structural iron and steel in France had just completed a "pool," an 
agreement having** been reached by which each of the works repre- 
sented was allotted a specified tonnage, and all sales were to be 
made by a new company, to be styled Le Comptoir General des 
Poutrelles, with headquarters at Paris. Near the close of 1896 it 
was stated by a writer in a French newspaper that the "pool" had 
put up the price of beams and columns "from 12 francs to 17 francs 
50 centimes per double hundredweight if sold for France or the 
French colonies. As, however, the home and colonial consumption 
is not sufficient for all the production, the syndicate sells for 
foreign countries at 12 francs 50 centimes." Early in 1896 it was 
announced that "the syndicate of sheet and plate makers in France 
has been renewed for another period of five years, and its opera- 
tions are to be extended. So far it has controlled the sale of sheets 
and plates in France and the colonies, but henceforth it is to 
regulate prices for export. Its operation has given every satis- 
faction to the members of the syndicate." 

Trusts and syndicates are a common incident of manufacturing 
industries in continental countries, and one of the functions of 
some of these trusts has been the regulation of the prices at which 
surplus stocks should be exported to foreign markets, which, under 
such conditions, have been well named "slaughter markets." 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 339 

A FREE-TRADE ARMOR TRUST. 

[From the Manchester, England, City News, January 2, 1897.] 
Arrangements are being- completed for the amalgamation of the 
great armament-manufacturing firms of Manchester and Newcastle, 
Sir Joseph Whitworth, Limited, and Sir William Armstrong, Lim- 
ited. Of course, until the proposals and their conditions have been 
adopted by the shareholders of both companies, the proposal is 
open to rejection; but it is believed that within a month those 
financially concerned will confirm and complete the steps taken by 
the directors of the Elswick and Manchester concerns. Elswick, 
if the amalgamation is effected, would have at its back the added 
resources of the Manchester works, which, it is expected, would be 
found of the utmost value and importance in case of emergency, 
as giving Sir William Armstrong & Co., Limited, power to fully and 
promptly meet those sudden demands by which the Elswick firm 
have, within recent months, been very much pressed. 

The capital of Sir William Armstrong, Limited, is £ 4,000,000, con- 
sisting of 3,000,000 ordinary shares of £1 each and 200,000 prefer- 
ence shares of £5 each. At the beginning of the present year the 
ordinary share capital of the company was £2,000,000, made up 
of 20,000 shares of £100 each; but a revaluation of the concern took 
place, and showed an increase of £ 1,000,000. The increase was 
presented to the shareholders by the one-hundred-pound shares be- 
ing fixed at £ 150, and the reconstruction of the company immedi- 
ately followed, by which the ordinary share capital was raised to 
3,000,000 one-pound shares. The last annual meeting was held on 
September 24, and the dividend declared was 11% per cent. In the 
year 1874, Sir Joseph W T hitworth & Co., Limited, was formed to 
conduct and carry on the engineering business up to that time 
managed by the firm of that name. The company, however, was 
registered in 1888, with extended powers, as Whitworth & Co. of 
Openshaw, Limited, but the old title was afterwards reverted to. 
All the authorized capital of £ 700,000 in ten-pound shares has been 
subscribed and paid up, and there are also £278,398 of 5 per cent 
debenture stock and £ 17,713 of deposits. In 1889 the company paid 
a dividend of 10 per cent, and in the two following years 15 per 
cent was distributed. In 1892 and 1893 the dividends paid were 
at the rate of 10 per cent, and in 1894 and 1895 the rate was only 5 
per cent, while in 1894, in order to make the distribution, £15,000 
was transferred from reserve. 

It is understood that the Elswick firm will take over the work- 
ing of the Whitworth Company. The effect of the union will be to 
largely destroy competition in the manufacture of quick-firing guns. 
In several departments of the work of the Elswick firm no compe- 



340 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



tition has been felt from the Manchester Company, but both firms 
have been makers of quick-firing guns for the British and foreign 
navies, and the competition in these weapons between the two 
companies will now cease. The Elswick works at present are very 
busy, about 19,000 men being employed. 



WAGES. 

Wages in 1890, Compared with Those during the So-Called 
"Good Old Bimetallic Times. 7 ' 
From the famous Senate report on Wholesale Prices, Transporta- 
tion, and Wages are taken the facts for the following table of wages 
in leading occupations every tenth year for some time before the 
war, when we had our mint "open to the free coinage of both 
metals," in comparison with wages in 1890, a sixth of a century 
after we finally adopted our present system of unlimited coinage of 
gold and limited coinage of silver: 



Occupation (per diem). 



Plasterers 

Blacksmiths 

Blacksmiths' helpers 

Painters.... : ~. 

Wheelwrights 

Carpenters, car and bridge 

Engineers 

Firemen 

Laborers 

Machinists 

Watchmen 

Baggagemen 

Brakemen, freight 

Brakemen, passenger 

Carpenters 

Conductors, freight 

Conductors, passenger 

Engineers, locomotive 

Firemen, locomotive 

Foremen, masons 

Painters, car 

Average, according to importance, for all occupations 
1860 being reckoned as 100 



1840. 



$1.50 
1.50 

.83% 
1.25 
1.25 
1.29 
2.00 
1.25 

.81 
1.45 
1.10 
1.53 
1.00 
1.15 
1.22 
1.66 
2.11 
2.14 
1.06 
2.50 
1.50 



87.7 



1850. 



$1.75 
1.50 
•83% 
1.25 
1.25 
1.41 
2.25 
1.37 
1.04 
1.55 
1.06 
1.53 
1.00 
1.15 
1.33 
1.68 
2.30 
2.15 
1.15 
2.50 
1.43 



1860. 



92.7 



$1.75 
1.50 
.88% 
1.25 
1.25 
1.52 
3.00 
1.44 
.99 
1.76 
1.00 
1.91 
1.16 
1.25 
1.30 
1.61 
3.19 
2.30 
2.00 
2.50 
1.32 



100 



1890. 



$3.50 
3.00 
1.75 
2.50 
2.50 
1.94 
4.25 
1.65 
1.25 
2.19 
1.55 
2.11 
1.85 
2.00 
2.00 
2.57 
3.84 
3.79 
2.00 
4.10 
2.17 



168.6 



There are in almost every community men who worked by the day 
before the war. Any young workingman who is at all taken by the 
glowing promises of the free silverites, would do well to ask one of 
these old gentlemen how much he really was paid in those "bi- 
metallic" days, and how much he could buy with his daily pay in 
the way of necessaries and comforts. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

WAGES AND PRICES. 



341 



Following- is the table of Labor Commissioner Wright of average 
prices oi 246 articles and of wages from 1840 to 1891,' the prices 
of 1860 being represented by the index number, 100 as the basis of 
comparison, and the index number for each year indicating the rise 
or fall from that basis. The London price of silver per ounce for 
each of the years named is added: 



Year. 



1840 
1818 
1816 
1849 
1851 

is^ 

1860 
1866 
1870 
1873 
1879 
1882 
1885 



Average 


Average 


prices. 


wages 


116.8 


87.7 


107.5 


86.6 


106.4 


89.3 


98.7 


92.5 


103.9 


90.4 


113.2 


99.2 


100 


100 


136.3 


1038 


117.3 


133.7 


122 


148.3 


96.6 


139.9 


108.5 


149.9 


93 


150.7 


94.2 


156.7 


92.2 


160.7 



Prices 

silver 
per ounce 



$1.17 

1.30 
L81 

1.31M 
1.34)4 

1!^ 

1.3794 
1.29^1 
1.13 

1.13% 
1.0« 
.93% 

.98% 



WAGES AND PENSIONS— HOW FREE COINAGE WOULD 
AFFECT THEM. 

The Journal of the Knights of Labor, published at Washington, 
on October 15, 1896, during the national campaign, told working- 
men in a half -page article, entitled: "A Eecapitulation — Have the 
Opponents of Mr. Bryan made out a good Case?" that the value of 
all workingmen's deposits in savings banks, the pensions of old sol- 
diers and "money in all forms," would be cut in two by free coin- 
age. The Journal is the official organ of the Knights of Labor and 
advocated free silver and Bryan. The article undertook to answer 
four propositions in behalf of sound money. The editor admitted 
that savings and pensions would be cut in two. 

The paper said on this head: "Third — That the purchasing power 
of pensions and savings bank deposits would be cut in two by 
free coinage. This is the only true contention made by the gold 
men and it is fully agreed to by all candid advocates of an increased 
volume of money. Fixed incomes, bond mortgages, and money in 
all its forms, whether in savings banks or national banks, would 
have much less purchasing power." 

The article was from the pen of Mr. H. B. Martin, the editor of 
the paper, and a member of the general executive board of the 
Ofder, 



342 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



WAGES GO UP AND PRICES GO DOWN. 

As to Senator Turpie's deliberate misstatement regarding the 
advance in cost of the necessities of life, caused by the Protective 
Tariff, careful comparisons show that wages are much higher 
than in 1881 in most of the trades and manufactures. In connection 
with this showing the Massachusetts bureau of statistics has tabu- 
lated statements showing the relative value of commodities, and 
that while wages in nearly every branch of industry are higher 
than in former years, the wages earned now will purchase a much 
larger amount of necessities for the workingmen. The following 
table shows what $1 (gold) would buy in — 



1897. 



Wheat flour, superfine pounds 

Corn meal do... 

Dry codfish do... 

Tea, Oolong do... 

Coffee, Rio, roasted ...do... 

Sugar, granulated do... 

New Orleans molasses gallons 

Beef, roast pounds 

Mutton, leg do... 

Salt pork do... 

Ham do... 

B-ztter do... 

Cheese do... 

Potatoes bushels. 

Milk quarts 

Eggs dozens 

Coal pounds 

Shirting, 4-4, brown yards 

Sheeting, 9-8, brown do..., 

Prints do... 

Tenement, 6 rooms days 

Board, men do... 



1860. 


1872. 


1881. 


25.64 


18.18 


19.76 


45.45 


55.55 


32 


18.87 


12.2 


13.33 


1.83 


1.45 


1.72 


4.36 


2.35 


3.47 


9.7 


8.33 


9.09 


1.97 


1.43 


1.56 


9.18 


5.26 


5.88 


8.07 


5 26 


5.97 


9.09 


9.09 


7.54 


7.75 


7.41 


6.55 


4.58 


2.55 


2.88 


7.52 


5.71 


5.71 


1.67 


.97 


.79 


21.27 


12.56 


16.66 


4.92 


3.33 


3.07 


312.5 


217.3 


255.1 


10.87 


7.69 


11.42 


9.34 


7.14 


9.3 


9.09 


8.55 


12.9 


3.98 


1.87 


2.45 


2.51 


1.24 


1.47 



34.48 
13.89 
2.1(5 
3.57 
17.86 
2 

6.85 

8.55 

10.87 

7.52 

4.13 

7.19 

.99 

17.86 

4.27 

$33.3 

11.76 

11.76 

18.87 

2.62 

. 1.52 



These figures emphatically give the lie to Senator Turpie and 
his platform, and must be convincing to any man who reads them. 

If the Democrats of Indiana, or any other State, can afford to 
go before the people upon the issue of Bryan and free silver, and a 
tariff for revenue only, in face of the benefits that have been 
wrought by the change to a protective tariff, the Republican party 
is not only willing but mightily pleased. — Tacoma Ledger. 



WAR WITH SPAIN. 

History of Events Leading Up to the Conflict between the Two 

Nations. 
The numerous, protracted and sanguinary struggles of the 
Cubans against Spain for the oppressive methods applied by the 
mother country in the government of that colony is the record of 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 343 

many years, during which the United States Government, called 
upon to make heavy sacrifices through the disturbance of com- 
merce, observed the strictest neutrality. President Grant's term in 
office covered in part the period of the historic ten-year revolution, 
which was marked by the massacre of a number of the crew and 
passengers of the Virginius by Spanish soldiers. Part of the men 
aboard the ill-fated craft were snatched from the brink of the 
grave by the energetic action of our Government, and as the Spanish 
Crown disavowed the act and paid an indemnity in partial repara- 
tion of that crime, war was averted, and the revolution was sup- 
pressed. 

Peace prevailed until February, 1895, when the revolution broke 
out anew, and Spain sent an army to Cuba under General Campos 
to suppress the insurgents a third time. The history of that strug- 
gle, including the recall of Campos and the appointment of Weyler, 
the famous concentration order of October, 1896, and the starva- 
tion of the helpless rustic population, forced to leave their homes 
and concentrate within the military zones, is familiar to every 
American. 

Although the war between Spain and the insurgents had been in 
progress two years when President McKinley was inaugurated, the 
Cleveland Administration, beyond a timid representation to the 
Spanish Government which was not heeded, made no efforts to 
check the atrocities of the struggle and paid no attention to the 
action of the Fifty-fourth Congress in recommending intervention 
for the establishment of an independent government. The in- 
famous concentration order went into effect in October, 1S96, prior 
to the election, and the Democratic Administration was in power 
for nearly six months during the enforcement of that cruel policy, 
yet not a hand was uplifted to stay Weyler in his carnival of blood. 

Senator Morgan, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, in 
the Senate, reported a concurrent resolution as a substitute for 
various resolutions on January 29, 1896 (Record, page 1210), and 
on February 5, 1866, he reported a further substitute. These reso- 
lutions were debated in the Senate, beginning February 20, 1896, 
and continuing at intervals until February 28, 1896, when the Senate 
voted on the various propositions pending, and passed the following 
by a vote of 64 yeas to 6 nays: 

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), 
That in the opinion of Congress a condition of public war exists 
between the Government of Spain and the government proclaimed 
and for some time maintained by force of arms by the people of 
Cuba; and that the United States of America should maintain a 
strict neutrality between the contending powers, according to each 
all the rights of belligerents in the ports and territory of the 
United States. 



344 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Resolved, further, That the friendly offices of the United States 
should be offered by the President to the Spanish Government for 
the recognition of the independence of Cuba. 

The Senate concurrent resolution was received in the House the 
same day. 

On February 27, 1896, in the House of Representatives, Mr. Hitt, 
from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported the resolution pre- 
viously presented by him. 

On March 2, 1896, Mr. Hitt, of Illinois, moved that the rules be 
suspended, that the Committee on Foreign Affairs be discharged 
from further consideration of the Senate concurrent resolutions in 
regard to the relations between the United States and Cuba, and 
that the resolution which he sent to the desk be adopted by the 
House as a substitute therefor: 

Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), 
That in the opinion of Congress a state of public war exists in 
Cuba, the parties to which are entitled to belligerent rights, and 
the United States should observe a strict neutrality between the 
belligerents. 

Resolved, That Congress deplores the destruction of life and prop- 
erty caused by the war now raging in that island, and believing 
that the onty permanent solution of the contest equally in the 
interest of Spain, the people of Cuba, and other nations would be 
in the establishment of a government by the choice of the people 
of Cuba, it is the sense of Congress that the Government of the 
United States should use its good offices and friendly influences 
to that end. 

Resolved, That the United States has not intervened in struggles 
between any European governments and their colonies on this 
continent; but from the very close relations between the people 
of the United States and those of Cuba in consequence of its prox- 
imity and the extent of commerce between the two peoples, the 
present war is entailing such losses upon the people of the United 
States that Congress is of the opinion that the Government of the 
United States should be prepared to protect the legitimate interests 
of citizens by intervention if necessary. 

After debate on the same day, the rules were suspended and the 
resolutions agreed to — yeas, 262; nays, 17. • 

The House substitute was transmitted to the Senate, and after 
the correction of some clerical errors, on March 4, 1896, the Senate 
asked for a conference. 

On April 1, in the House, and April 6, 1896, in the Senate, the 
conference report was agreed to, the House having receded. 

The Senate resolutions were thus adopted. 

President Cleveland took no action respecting these resolutions. 

The Republican convention, which met in July following the 
passage of this resolution, took substantially the same view of the 
question. It declared: 

From the hour of achieving their own independence, the people 
of the United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 345 

of other American peoples to free themselves from European domi- 
nation. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic battle 
of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our best 
hopes go out for the full success of their determined contest for 
liberty. 

The Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being 
unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citi- 
zens, or to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the 
Government of the United States should actively use its influence 
and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the 
island. 

The utterly barbarous treatment of thousands of defenseless 
women and children, involving the destruction by slow starvation 
of nearly half of the native population of the island, appealed so 
powerfully to American sentiment, that a spontaneous outburst of 
indignation went up, and the desire became universal to snatch 
these pitiable victims of Spanish cruelty from the grasp of their 
remorseless persecutors. Soon after the inauguration of the Repub- 
lican Administration vigorous diplomatic representations were 
made to the Spanish Crown, and under this pressure the Spanish 
Government reluctantly promised to ameliorate the rigor of its 
policy. Weyler was recalled, but before taking his departure from 
Havana was feted and publicly honored by the Spanish residents of 
that city as a protest against the decision of the Sagasta ministry. 
The recall of Weyler, and the evidences of American diplomatic in- 
terference with the policy of oppression were bitterly resented, and 
while nominally the Spanish Government was putting promised re- 
forms into execution, such as revoking the concentration order, per- 
mitting American supplies for the reconcentrados to be landed, and 
giving Cuba a shadowy form of self-government, the appearance of 
acceding to our suggestions was admittedly on the surface only, 
for the purpose of gaining time and in the hope that the ire 
aroused in this country would gradually die out. Spain, by its 
own admission, wholly misconstruing public sentiment in this 
country, refused to consider war a possibility. 

And but for a series of important side events, it is likely that 
war could have been averted even then. One of these was the 
publication of a letter written by the Spanish minister, which 
grossly reflected upon President McKinley. Further irritation was 
caused by the demand, diplomatically couched, for the recall of 
Consul-General Lee from Havana, which was not acceded to by this 
Government. At the same time every possible obstruction was made 
to the distribution of the food and medicine and clothing sent to 
Cuba by sympathetic Americans in vast stores to relieve the distress 
of the starving reconcentrados. Several American consuls were 
threatened with death for performing this act of Christian charit}-; 



346 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

sailors from the ships landing- supplies were nearly mobbed, and 
compelled to retreat to their vessels for safety. Consul-General Lee 
was believed to be in imminent danger of losing- his life at the 
hands of assassins. 

The American Government carefully avoided giving- offense to 
Spain, despite heavy provocations; and this strengthened Spanish 
jingoism in the belief that fear of a conflict inspired our for- 
bearance^ so that, when this Government announced, early in 1898, 
that it would resume former cordial relations with Spain by send- 
ing a warship on a friendly mission to Havana Harbor, the proud 
nation replied by sending one of her most formidable war crafts, 
the Vizcaya, to New York Harbor in February of this year, osten- 
sibly in response to this friendly act, but in reality to awe and 
impress us with her power. Such was the bitterness of feeling 
against Americans among- the Spanish residents of Havana that 
General Lee felt impelled to inform the State Department that it 
was not safe to send a ship; but, unfortunately, the Maine was 
almost at that hour steaming into Havana port, and there was no 
way of heeding* the advice of the consul-general and to avert the 
frightful consequences of that step. 

In the night of February 15, the Maine, while lying- peacefully 
at anchor in Havana Harbor, was destroyed by an explosion, re- 
sulting- in the death of 260 American seamen. 

A wave of indignation swept over the country. Nothing- re- 
strained the fury of our people but the injunction of Captain Sigs- 
bee, of the Maine, in his telegram to the Navy Department, asking 
that judgment be suspended; for every one felt that this act of a 
secret assassin had taken place in a friendly harbor while the ship 
claimed the protection and hospitality of the Spanish Government, 
and that Spain was directly or indirectly responsible for the out- 
rage. With rare fortitude the American people restrained their 
wrath, and consented to delay until an official investigation into 
the cause of the explosion could be instituted. 

A naval board of inquiry was appointed. Divers were employed, 
and several weeks were spent in investigating the cause of the 
ship's destruction. After an examination of numerous witnesses 
and the taking of a great deal of expert testimony as to the condi- 
tion of the wreck, the board returned its finding, which in sub- 
stance was that the Maine had been blown up from external 
causes. Other evidence went to show, indirectly if not directly, 
that Spanish officers had had cognizance of a plan to blow up the 
ship. 

Long before the report was made known, this verdict was fore- 
shadowed as the probable finding of the board, and the situation 
growing daily more intolerable, with war prospective in the im- 






REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 347 

mediate future, the House on March 8 appropriated $50,000,000 
without a dissenting voice (yeas, 313; najs, 0; absent, 44) "for the 
national defense, and for each and every purpose connected there- 
with, to be expended at the discretion of the President and to re- 
main available until January 1, 1899." The bill (H. R. 8927) was 
passed in the Senate (yeas, 76; nays, 0; absent, 13); and this was 
the only occasion on which Republicans, Democrats and Populists 
voted in harmony on any proposition to appropriate money to place 
the country on a war footing and for the conduct of the war itself. 
This money was expended for the purchase of ships and equip- 
ments for the troops, but in our utter unpreparedness for war, this 
was not a drop in the bucket. The Administration and the well- 
informed knew, if the Democrats and Populists in Congress feigned 
that they did not, that time was necessary to increase the number 
of our auxiliary ships and to raise additional land forces and equip 
them for the campaign. Except as to our naval establishment, the 
country was in no sense fit to engage in a great international 
struggle. 

On March 28 the President sent Congress a message, transmitting 
the finding of the naval board of inquiry into the destruction of 
the Maine. In his message he said that he had acquainted the Span- 
ish Government with the result of the inquiry, and in closing used 
these words: "I do not permit myself to doubt that the sense of 
justice of the Spanish nation will dictate a course of action sug- 
gested by honor and the friendly relations of the two govern- 
ments," which, as they still reflected a desire to avert a conflict, 
were instantly seized upon by the Democrats as indicating vacilla- 
tion and were condemned, with a view to making political capital, 
as a betrayal of trust. The President was gaining time to prepare, 
and the gigantic work of organizing for the inevitable struggle was 
going forward with restless energy though with slight display. 

The message was referred to the Foreign Committees in House 
and Senate, and on March 29 Senator Foraker introduced the follow- 
ing joint resolution in the Senate: 

Be it resolved by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the 
United States of America, That the people of the Island of Cuba 
are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. 

2. That the Government of the United States hereby recognizes 
the Republic of Cuba as the true and lawful government of that 
island. 

3. That the war Spain is waging against Cuba is so destructive 
of the commercial and property interests of the United States, and 
so cruel, barbarous, and inhuman in its character, as to make it 
the duty of the United States to demand, and the Government of 
the United States hereby does demand, that she at once withdraw 
her land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

4. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, 



348 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

authorized, empowered, and directed to use, if necessary, the entire 
land and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions 
into effect. 

The Democrats in the House immediately proceeded to make 
political capital for themselves by seizing- on sensational reports 
that the Administration was considering overtures for the sale of 
Cuba. Their patriotism knew no bounds, but took the peculiar 
form of abusing- the Republicans for not starting- an expedition 
immediately for Havana, careless of where the troops were to come 
from or how they were to be kept in rations, clothing-, and ammuni- 
tion when in the field. 

Senator Allen, of Nebraska, on April 20, delivered a sensational 
speech, printed in the Congressional Record under the head, "Re- 
publican party and sinister financial influence opposed to Cuban 
recognition." Senator Butler, of North Carolina, made an extended 
speech charging that our ships were protected by defective armor 
plate, due to the influence of trusts, and pretended to point out 
the ships, among them the New York, Admiral Sampson's famous 
flagship, that were vulnerable to Spanish shelly. This was on April 
25, when we were already engaged in war with Spain. In House 
and Senate the Republicans were taunted with lack of patriotism, 
although every measure to insure the successful issue of the war 
was pushed forward with the utmost speed consistent with pru- 
dence and national safety. In the House Representative Champ 
Clark, of Missouri, addressing the Republicans, exclaimed: 

"You talk like you brought on this war. This is not a Republican 
war but an American war. My Republican friends, we took you 
by the scruff of the neck and dragged you into it, and that will be 
the verdict of history. We started the fire among the people, and 
they heated you so hot that at last you had to go into it or go out 
of business."— Record 107, p. 5017. 

Despite these delirious ebullitions of excited patriotism, voiced 
by dozens of Democrats and Populists, with Senators Allen and 
Butler and Champ Clark at their head, the Democrats and the Popu- 
lists in Congress voted almost solidly against the measure to raise 
money to carry on the war that they claimed to have kindled, and 
Mr. Clark threatened to read out of the party the solitary group of 
six Democrats who voted for the revenue bill. In fact, Demo- 
crats and Populists were patriotic enough to vote for war and 
for money to be expended, but not for measures to raise money. 
They seized upon the opportunity to regalvanize political issues 
and to compromise the necessities of the Government by motions to 
conduct the war on an issue of fiat money — of greenbacks and the 
coinage of the seigniorage on the uncoined silver bullion in the 
Treasury, and through the reenactment of the income-tax law, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 349 

although decided by the Supreme Court to be unconstitutional. 
The struggle over the passage of the war-revenue bill was marked 
by the most intense partisan bitterness on the part of the Demo- 
crats and Populists combined. 

The succeeding events of moment bearing on the war followed 
each other in rapid order, beginning with April. Both countries, 
though still observing the outward form of cordiality, were actively 
preparing for war; and these events show clearly the energetic 
action of the President in defiance of partisan rancor and denun- 
ciation. 

On April 2 a Spanish flotilla arrived at Puerto Rico. It became 
known that the President was preparing a message of the gravest 
import to Congress, and speculative forecasts of it were sent to 
Madrid. The position of our consuls in Cuba was rapidly becoming 
serious, so that they were given permission to depart if they be- 
lieved themselves in danger. On April 3, Consul Hyatt left Santiago 
de Cuba. Consul-General Lee still remained at his post, in order 
to superintend the departure of American refugees leaving Cuba 
for places of safety. On April 10 he, too, took his departure, arriv- 
ing at Key West the next day, and war was all but an accomplished 
fact. Knowing that the last diplomatic strand would be severed 
when he sent his message to Congress, the President purposely 
delayed its transmission for several days until Lee's safe departure 
from Havana was accomplished. On the 11th of April his message 
was received by the Senate and House. 

In it he reviewed the intolerable condition of the island since 
the outbreak of the revolution, declaring that the war must stop, 
but advising against the recognition of the insurgent government 
as likely to subject us to embarrassing conditions of international 
obligations toward the organization so recognized, and finally re- 
ferring the whole matter to Congress for such action as it saw 
fit to take. 

The complications with Spain having thus virtually been left to 
be settled by the legislative branch of the Government, which 
alone, under the Constitution, has power "to declare war, grant 
letters of marque and reprisal, to raise and support armies, to 
provide and maintain a navy, to provide for calling forth the 
militia," etc., a feverish interest began to be centered on Congress. 

On the 12th of April the Republican members of the Ways and 
Means Committee completed a plan for raising revenue for the 
war. On the same day Consul-General Lee reached Washington and 
was tendered an ovation. 

The question of war or peace was decided the next day. On 
April 13, Senator Davis, chairman of the Committee on Foreign 



350 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Relations, reported from that Committee the following joint reso- 
lution: 

Whereas the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more 
than three years in the Island of Cuba, so near our own borders, 
have shocked the moral sense of the people of the United States, 
have been a disgrace to Christian civilization, culminating, as tney 
have, in the destruction of a United States battle ship, with 266 
of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of 
Havana, and can not longer be endured, as has been set forth by 
the President of the United States in his message to Congress of 
April 11, 1898, upon which the action of Congress was invited: 
Therefore, 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, First. That the people of 
the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and inde- 
pendent. 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and 
the Government of the United States does hereby demand, that 
the Government of Spain at once relinquish, its authority and gov- 
ernment in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval 
forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he 
hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval 
forces of the United States, and to call into the actual service of 
the United States the militia of the several States, to such extent 
as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. 

A minority report was submitted at the same time as follows: 

The undersigned members of said committee cordially concur in 
the report made upon the Cuban resolution, but we favor the imme- 
diate recognition of the Republic of Cuba, as organized in that 
island, as a free, independent, and sovereign power among the 
nations of the world. 

DAVID TURPIE. 

R. Q. MILLS. 

JNO. W. DANIEL. 

J. B. FORAKER. 

The amendment reported by the minority of the committee was 
to amend the first paragraph by inserting after the word "inde- 
pendent," the following: 

And that the Government of the United States hereby recognizes 
the Republic of Cuba as the true and lawful government of that 
island. 

In the House, Mr. Adams, from the Committee on Foreign Af- 
fairs, reported the following: 

Whereas the Government of Spain for three years past has been 
waging war on the Island of Cuba against a revolution by the 
inhabitants thereof, without making any substantial progress to- 
ward the suppression of said revolution, and has conducted the 
warfare in a manner contrary to the laws of nations, by methods 
inhuman and uncivilized, causing the death by starvation of more 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 351 

than 200,000 innocent noncombatants, the victims being for the most 
part helpless women and children, inflicting- intolerable injury to 
the commercial interests of the United States, involving the destruc- 
tion of the lives and property of many of our citizens, entailing 
the expenditure of millions of money in patrolling our coasts and 
policing the high seas in order to maintain our neutrality; and 

Whereas this long series of losses, injuries, and burdens for which 
Spain is responsible has culminated in the destruction of the United 
States battle ship Maine in the harbor of Havana and in the death 
of 260 of our seamen: 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That the President is hereby 
authorized and directed to intervene at once to stop the war in 
Cuba, to the end and with the purpose of securing permanent peace 
and order there and establishing by the free action of the people 
thereof a stable and independent government of their own in the 
Island of Cuba. And the President is hereby authorized and em- 
powered to use the land and naval forces of the United States to 
execute the purpose of this resolution. 

Mr. Berry, one of the Democratic members of the committee, 
made a minority report, signed by four Democrats, one Silverite 
and one Populist, "recognizing the independence of the Kepublic 
of Cuba," directing the President to intervene with the naval and 
land forces and to extend relief to the starving people This was 
offered as a substitute and voted down — 150 yeas, 189 nays, 14 
not voting. 

Mr. Dinsmore moved to recommit the resolution of the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs, which was also voted down — yeas, 145; 
nays, 191. The question then recurred upon the adoption of the 
resolution, resulting in 324 yeas and 19 nays. 

While the Senate had as yet taken no conclusive action, the 
tenor of the debates indicated a like solution of the question of 
war or peace, delay being occasioned only by consideration of 
the policy whether formally to recognize the insurgent govern- 
ment or to relegate the problem of the government of the island 
to a date subsequent to the conclusion of peace, in line with the 
President's message. Senator Davis, however, reported the follow- 
ing amendment as an additional paragraph which was agreed to 
without dissent: 

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition 
or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or/ control over 
said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its de- 
termination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government 
and control of the island to its people. 

Senator Frye moved to strike out parts of the first paragraph, 
as follows: 

"First, That the people of the Island of Cuba of right (are and) 
ought to be free and independent," which was laid on the table — 



352 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

55 to 33. On April 16 the Senate voted to substitute the Senate 
joint resolution for that of the House (H. Res. 233) and conferees 
were appointed. 

Several days were consumed in reaching- an agreement, the 
House insisting- that the words "are, and," in the first line, "That 
the people of the Island of Cuba are, and, of right oug-ht to be 
free and independent" be stricken out; but in the end all points 
of difference were overcome, and late on the evening of April 18, 
the conferees, Messrs. Davis and Foraker, on the part of the Sen- 
ate, and Messrs. Adams and Heatwole, on the part of the House, 
submitted their final report, as follows: 

First. That the people of the Island of Cuba are and of right 
oug-ht to be free and independent. 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, 
and the Government of the United States does hereby demand, 
that the Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and 
government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval 
forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby 
is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces 
of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the 
United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as 
may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. 

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition 
or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over 
said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its de- 
termination when that is accomplished to leave the government 
and control of the island to its people. 

In this form the resolution was adopted. Senate — yeas 42; 
nays 35. 

Yeas, 42 — Aldrich, Allison, Baker, Burrows, Carter, Chandler, 
Clark, Cullom, Davis, Deboe, Elkins, Fairbanks, Faulkner, Foraker, 
Frye, Galling-er, Gear, Gray, Hale, Hanna^ Hansbroug-h, Hawley, 
Kyle, Lodge, McBride, McMillin, Mason, Morgan, Morrill, Nelson, 
Penrose, Perkins, Piatt (Conn.), Pritchard, Proctor, Quay, Sewell, 
Shoup, Spooner, Warren, Wilson, Wolcott. 

Nays, 35 — Allen, Bacon, Bate, Berry, Butler, Caffery, Cannon, Chil- 
ton, Clay, Cockrell, Daniel, Harris, Heitfeld, Jones (Ark.), Jones 
(Nev.), Kenney, Lindsay, McEnery, McLaurin, Mallory, Mantle, 
Martin, Mitchell, Money, Pasco, Pettigrew, Pettus, Eawlins, Roach, 
Stewart, Teller, Turley, Turner, Turpie, White. 

Not voting-, 12 — Gorman, Hoar, Mills, Murphy, Piatt (N. Y.), 
Thurston, Tillman, Vest, Walthall, Wellington, Wetmore. 

House— yeas, 3.11; nays, 6; not voting, 38. 

Yeas, 311 — Acheson, Adams, Adamson, Aldrich, Alexander, Allen, 
Arnold, Babcock, Bailey, Baird, Baker (111.), Baker (Md.), Ball, 
Bankhead, Barber, Barham, Barlow, Barney, Barrows, Bartholdt, 
Bartlett, Beach, Belden, Belford, Belknap, Bell, Benner (Pa.), Ben- 
nett, Benton, Bishop, Bodine, Booze, Botkin, Boutell (111.). Bradley, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 363 

V 

Brantley, Brenner (Ohio), Brewster, Broderick, Broussard, Brown, 
Brownlow, Brucker, Brnmm, Brundidge, Bull, Burke, Burleigh, Bur- 
ton, Butler, Campbell, Cannon, Capron, Carmack, Castle, Chickering, 
Clardy, Clark (Iowa), Clark (Mo.), Clayton, Cochran (Mo.), Coch- 
rane (N. Y.), Codding-, Colson, Connell, Connolly, Cooney, Cooper 
(Tex.), Cooper (Wis.), Corliss, Cousins, Cowherd, Cox, Crump, 
Crumpacker, Cummings, Curtis (Kans.), Dalzell, Danford, Daven- 
port, Davey, Davidson (Wis.), Davis, Dayton, De Armond, De Graf- 
fenreid, De Vries, Dingley, Dinsmore, Dockery, Dolliver, Dorr, 
Dovener, Driggs, Eddy, Ellis, Ermentrout, Evans, Faris, Fischer, 
Fitzgerald, Fitzpatrick, Fleming, Fletcher, Foote, Foss, Fowler 
(X. C.), Fowler (X. J.), Fox, Gaines, Gibson, Gillet (N. Y.), Gillett 
(Mass.), Graff, Greene, Griffin, Griffith, Griggs, Grosvenor, Grow, 
Gunn, Hager, Hamilton, Handy, Harmer, Hartman, Hawley, Hay, 
Heatwole, Hemenway, Henderson, Henry (Conn.), Henry (Ind)., 
Henry (Miss.), Henry (Tex.), Hepburn, Hicks, Hilborn, Hill, Hin- 
richsen, Hooker, Hopkins, Howard (Ga.), Howe, Howell, Hull, 
Hunter, Hurley, Jenkins, Jett, Johnson (X. Dak.), Jones (Va.), Jones 
(Wash.), Kelley, Ketcham, King, Kirkpatrick, Kleberg, Knowles, 
Knox, Kulp, Lacey, Lamb, Land is, Lanham, Latimer, Lawrence, 
Lentz, Lewis (Ga.), Lewis (Wash.), Linney, Littauer, Little, Living-- 
ston, Lloyd, Lorimer, Loudenslager, Love, Lovering", Low, Lybrand, 
McCleary, McClellan, McCormick, McCulloch, McDonald, McDowell, 
McEwan, Mclntire, McMillin, McRae, Maddox, Mag-uire, Mahany, 
Mahon, Mann, Marsh, Marshall, Martin, Maxwell, Meekison, Mer- 
cer, Mesick, Meyer (La.), Miers (Ind.), Mills, Minor, Mitchell, 
Moody, Moon, Morris, Mudd, Xewlands, Xorthway, Norton (Ohio), 
Xorton (S. C), Og-den, Olmsted, Otey, Otjen, Overstreet, Packer 
(Pa.), Parker (X. J.), Payne, Pearce (Mo.), Pearson, Perkins, Peters, 
Pierce (Tenn.), Pitney, Prince, Pugh, Pay, Reeves, Rhea, Richard- 
son, Ridgely, Rixey, Robb, Robbins, Robertson (La.), Robinson 
(Ind.), Royse, Russell, Sayers, Settle, Shafroth, Shannon, Shattuc, 
Shelden, Sherman, Showalter, Shuford, Simpson, Sims, Slayden, 
Smith (111.), Smith (Ky.), Smith, Samuel W., Smith, William Alden, 
Snover, Southard, Southwick, Spalding, Sparkman, Sperry, Sprague, 
Stallings, Stark, Steele, Stephens (Tex.), Stevens (Minn.), Stewart 
(N. J.), Stewart (Wis.), Stokes, Stone, Charles W., Stone, William 
A., Strode (Nebr.), Strowd (N. C), Sullivan, Sulloway, Sulzer, Suth- 
erland, Tate, Tawney, Tayler (Ohio), Taylor (Ala.), Terry, Thorp, 
Todd, Tongue, Underwood, Updegraff, Van Voorhis, Vehslag-e, 
Walker (Mass.), Walker (Va.), Wanger, Ward, Warner, Weaver, 
Weymouth, Wheeler (Ky.), White (111.), Williams (Miss.), Wilson, 
Yost, Young (Pa.), Young (Va.), Zenor, The Speaker. 

Nays, 6 — Boutelle (Me.), Brewer, Gardner, Johnson (Ind.), Loud, 
McCall. 

Answered "Present," 1 — Clarke (N. H.). 

Not voting, 38 — Barrett, Berry, Bingham, Bland, Bromwell, Bro- 
sius, Catchings, Cranford, Curtis (Iowa), Davison (Ky.), Elliott, 
Fenton, Grout, Hitt, Howard (Ala.), Joy, Kerr, Kitchin, Lester, Mc- 
Aleer, Miller, Odell, Osborne, Powers, Quigg, Sauerhering, Skinner, 
Strait, Sturtevant. Swanson, Talbert, Vandiver, Vincent, Wadsworth, 
Wheeler (Ala.), White (X. C), Wilber, Williams (Pa,). 

In the Senate, when it came to the issue that they themselves 
claimed great credit for having evented, the ardor and zeal of the 
erstwhile patriots, who talked of Republicans and sinister finan- 
23 



354 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

cial influence standing- in the way of the independence of Cuba, 
suddenly abated, and among those who voted against the propo- 
sition to free the people of that island and to authorize the Presi- 
dent to use the armed forces of the United States to accomplish 
that object, we iind the names of Senators Allen of Nebraska, 
Butler of North Carolina, Harris of Kansas, and Heitfeld of Idaho, 
Populists, and the rank and file of the Democrats and Silver Re- 
publicans, excepting only Morgan of Alabama, Faulkner of West 
Virginia, Gray of Delaware, and Kyle of South Dakota. The nays 
included the chairman of the Democratic national committee, and 
"White of California, chairman of the Democratic national conven- 
tion; the chairman of the Populist national committee, and Teller 
and Stewart, the heart and soul of the Silver Republicans. In 
the House, Mr. Bailey, the leader of the Democrats, endeavored 
to delay action at the last moment by precipitating a debate, but 
the threatened torrent of speech was fortunately averted by the 
careful and impartial ruling of Speaker Reed. (Record 94, vol. 
31, p. 4421). In both Houses, of course, the minority reports were 
voted down. 

The day following these proceedings, April 19, Polo y Bernabe, 
the Spanish minister, suddenly left Washington, but not before 
'the Administration had handed him the ultimatum of this Gov- 
ernment under the terms of the Congressional resolution. In 
Madrid the next day Minister Woodford was handed his papers 
before he could formally lay the ultimatum before the Spanish 
Government. Diplomatic relations having thus been severed, war 
was a matter merely of hours. 

On the 21st of April, the United States squadron under Rear 
Admiral Sampson was ordered to Havana, and the President issued 
a proclamation blockading that and other ports on the north and 
south coasts of Cuba. 

On the 23d of April the President issued a call for 125,000 vol- 
unteers. The next day the Buena Ventura and two other mer- 
chant ships, flying the Spanish flag, were captured by the Nash- 
ville and other American ships. On April 25 the President sent 
the following message to Congress: 

To the Senate and House of Representatives 

of the' United States of America: 
I transmit to the Congress, for its consideration and appropriate 
action, copies of correspondence recently had with the representa- 
tive of Spain in the United States, with the United States minister 
at Madrid, and through the latter with the Government of Spain, 
showing the action taken under the joint resolution approved April 
20, 1898, "for the recognition of the independence of the people of 
Cuba, demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its 
authority and government in the Island of Cuba, and to withdraw 
its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and direct- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 355 

ing the President of the United State® to use the land and naval 
forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into effect." 

Upon communicating - to the Spanish minister in Washing-ton the 
demand which it became the duty of the Executive to address to the 
Government of Spain in obedience to said resolution, the minister 
asked for his passports and withdrew. The United States minister 
at Madrid was in turn notified by the Spanish Minister for Foreign 
Affairs that the withdrawal of the Spanish representative from the 
United States had terminated diplomatic relations between the two 
countries, and that all official communications between their re- 
spective representatives ceased therewith. 

I commend to your special attention the note addressed to the 
United States minister at Madrid by the Spanish Minister for Foreign 
Affairs on the 21st instant, whereby the foregoing- notification was 
convened. It will be perceived therefrom that the Government of 
Spain, having cognizance of the joint resolution of the United 
States Congress, and in view of the things which the President is 
thereby required and authorized to do, responds by treating the 
reasonable demands of this Government as measures of hostility, 
following with that instant and complete severance of relations by 
its action which, by the usage of nations^ accompanies an existent 
state of war between sovereign powers. 

The position of Spain being thus made known and the demands 
of the United States being denied with a complete rupture of inter- 
course by the act of Spain, I have been constrained, in exercise of 
the power and authority conferred upon me by the joint resolution 
aforesaid, to proclaim under date of April 22, 1898, a blockade of 
certain ports of the north coast of Cuba lying between Cardenas 
and Bahia Honda and of the port of Cienfuegos on the south coast 
of Cuba; and further, in exercise of my constitutional powers and 
using the authority conferred upon me by the act of Congress ap- 
proved April 22, 1S98, to issue my proclamation dated April 23, 1898, 
calling forth volunteers in order to carry into effect the said reso- 
lution of April 20, 1898. Copies of these proclamations are hereto 
appended. 

In view of the measures so taken, and with a view to the adoption 
of such other measures as may be necessary to enable me to carry 
out the expressed will of the Congress of the United States in the 
premises, I now recommend to your honorable body the adoption 
of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists between 
the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain, and I 
urge speedy action thereon, to the end that the definition of the 
international status of the United States as a belligerent power 
may be made known, and the assertion of all its rights and the 
maintenance of all its duties in the conduct of a public war may 
be assured. 

William Mckinley. 

Executive Mansion, 

^Yashington, April 25, 1898. 

In the House Mr. Adams, of Pennsylvania, reported the follow- 
ing bill from the Committtee on Foreign Affairs; which was 
passed without a division, and was agreed to in the Senate: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, First. That war be, 
and the same is hereby declared to exist, and that war has existed 



356 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

since the 21st day of April, A. D. 1898, including- said day, between 
the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain. 

Second. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby 
is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces 
of the United States, and to call into the actual, service of the 
United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as 
may be necessary to carry this act into effect. 

April 26 Chairman Dingley reported back from his Committee 
to the House the bill to provide waj r s and means for war expen- 
ditures (see elsewhere for detailed history of measure), while all 
over the country began the movement of volunteer troops. The 
regular army had previously been set in motion, and was hurry- 
ing- to Chickamauga and other southern rendezvous since the 19th. 
On the 28th came the announcement that an American squadron 
under Commodore Dewey had sailed from Hongkong under orders 
to capture or destroy the Spanish fleet at Manila, capital of the 
Philippine Islands, off the coast of China; but the first shot was 
fired in Cuban waters on the 27th, when the ships of Admiral 
Sampson bombarded the forts of Matanzas, followed on the 29th 
by a bombardment of Fort Cabanas. 

On the 1st day of May Commodore Dewey sailed, into the harbor 
of Manila and there wrought one of the most famous victories in 
the rich annals of American naval exploits, by destroying the 
entire Spanish squadron under Admiral Montejo, practically re- 
ducing the fortifications of Cavite and investing the citadel of 
the Philippines ' in conjunction with the insurgents under Agui- 
naldo. This great victory, which resulted in the annihilation of 
all the Spanish ships in those waters and the death of hundreds 
of Spanish sailors, was gained without the loss of a man on our 
side from Spanish fire. 

Early in the month it became known that another Spanish 
squadron, under Admiral Cervera, had sailed from the Canary 
Islands with the supposed purpose of succoring Havana. Its move- 
ments were so well concealed that for nearly ten days it puzzled 
Sampson, who, anticipating its objective point to be Puerto Kico, 
vigorously assaulted the defenses of San Juan on the 12th, but 
without effect. The Spanish fleet was reported the next day at 
Martinique and again disappeared. 

On the 11th a part of our blockading fleet attacked Cardenas, 
and the torpedo boat Winslqw was bat'tered by a storm of lead 
from the Spanish defenses and Ensign Bagley killed by a shell. 

The news of Cervera's presence at Martinique hastened the de- 
parture of the Norfolk squadron under Admiral Schley to join 
Sampson. Schley sailed around the north point of Cuba on re- 
ceiving news that Cervera htfd been hailed off the Island of Cur- 
acao, in the Caribbean Sea, and looked for him in the harbor of 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEX? S66K. S$? 

Cienfuegos; but on learning- that the Spaniard had made a short 
cut to Santiago de Cuba, Schley made sure that the Spanish squad- 
ron had safely entered that port May 19, then blockaded it, May 
29. The succeeding events can be told in short order: 

May 25 — The Charleston leaves San Francisco with troops for 
Manila, 115 officers and 2,386 men, General Anderson commanding. 
This first expedition was followed June 15 by 158 officers and 
3,428 men under General Greene, and June 27 by 197 officers and 
4,650 men under General McArthur; a total of 470 officers and 
10,464 men. 

May 25- — The President calls for 75,000 additional volunteers. 

May 26 — Arrival of the battleship Oregon at Key West from 
San Francisco, after much anxiety as to its safety. 

May 29 — General Shaffer ordered to embark for Cuba with an 
army of invasion, about 17,000 men. 

May 30 — Schley bombards the fortifications at the entrance of 
the harbor of Santiag-o de Cuba. His squadron is merged into 
the fleet of Admiral Sampson upon the latter's return from Porto 
Rico. 

June 3 — Naval Constructor Hobson sinks the collier Merrimac 
at the mouth of Santiago Harbor with heroic disregard of life, and 
he and his volunteer crew of six men are taken prisoners by 
Cervera. 

June 4 — Death of Capt. Charles V. Gridley, of the Olympia, at 
Kobe, Japan. 

June 11 — Landing of marines at Guantanamo, Cuba. 

June 12 — Skirmish of Guantanamo. 

June 14 — Army of invasion sails from Key West under General 
-Shaffer. 

June 20 — Army in transports arrive off Santiago de Cuba. 

June 21 — Guantanamo in telegraphic communication with the 
War Department. 

June 22 — Landing- of Shaffer's troops begins at Baiquiri. 

June 24 — Sharp battle within five miles of Santiago. 

June 28 — Proclamation by the President blockading- additional 
ports on Cuban coast line. 

July 1 — First day of the battle before Santiago. 

July 2 — General Shaffer captures San Juan, a suburb of San- 
tiago, with an American loss of about 1.000 men. 

July 3 — Dewey's victory duplicated by the annihilation of the 
Spanish squadron and capture of Admiral Cervera with 1,600 men 
by Commodore Schley. Gen. Shaffer demands surrender of San- 
tiago but surrender is refused, and Spaniards are reinforced. 
Upon request of foreign consuls permission granted to noncom- 
batants to leave the city, and bombardment delayed pending the 
arrival of reinforcements for Shafter's army. 



858 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

July 3 — General Shafter demanded the surrender of Santiago. 
The seizure of Guam, in the Ladrone Islands, by the Charleston 
was reported. 

July 7 — President McKinley signed resolutions passed by the 
Senate annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States, and 
the Philadelphia was ordered to Honolulu to raise the American 
flag 

July 17 — General Toral, in command of the Spanish troops at 
Santiago, General Linares being wounded, surrendered his forces 
and the eastern portion of the province of Santiago de Cuba to 
General Shafter. 

July 20 — General Leonard R. Wood, formerly colonel of the 1st 
Volunteer Cavalry, was appointed military governor of Santiago. 

July 25 — United States troops, under General Nelson A. Miles, 
landed at Guanica, Puerto Rico, the town having surrendered to the 
Gloucester after a few shots. 

July 26 — Through the French ambassador, the Government of 
Spain asked President McKinley upon what terms he would con- 
sent to peace. 

July 28 — Ponce, the second largest city in Puerto Rico, surren- 
dered to General Miles, and he was received by the residents with 
joyful acclamations. Capture of several other towns, with little 
or no righting, followed. 

July 30 — President McKinley's statement of the terms on which 
he would agree to end the war was given to the French ambas- 
sador. The President demanded the independence of Cuba, ces- 
sion of Puerto Rico, and one of the Ladrones to the United States 
and the retention of Manila by the United States pending the final 
disposition of the Philippines by a joint commission. 

July 31 — United States troops engaged the Spaniards at Malate, 
near Manila, in the Philippines, and repulsed them, with some loss 
on both sides. 

August 9 — The French ambassador presented to President Mc- 
Kinley Spain's reply accepting his terms of peace. 

August 12 — Protocols agreeing as to the preliminaries for a 
treaty of peace were signed by Secretary Day and the French 
ambassador. United States military and naval commanders were 
ordered to cease hostilities. The blockades of Cuba, Puerto Rico, 
and Manila were lifted, and the war was ended. 

August 13 — Manila surrenders to the combined American forces 
under General Merritt and Admiral Dewey after a short bombard- 
ment. Gov. General Augusti makes his escape by the Kaiserin 
Augusti, a German war ship, and is landed at Hong Kong. 

This ended the war and both governments through the French 
minister agreed upon a protocol outlining the terms of permanent 
peace. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 359 

TEXT OF THE PROTOCOL. 

The text of the protocol signed between Spain and the United 
States is as follows: 

His excellency, M. Cambon, Ambassador Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the French Republic at Washington, and 
Mr. *William Day, Secretary of State of the United States, having 
received respectively to that effect plenary powers from the Span- 
ish Government and the Government of the United States, have 
established and signed the following articles, which define the 
terms on which the two governments have agreed with regard to 
the questions enumerated below, and of which the object is the 
establishment of peace between the two countries, namely: 

Article 1. Spain will renounce all claim to all sovereignty over 
and all her rights in the Island of Cuba, 

Article 2. Spain will cede to the United States the Island of 
Puerto Rico and the other islands which are at present under the 
sovereignty of Spain in the Antilles, as well as an island in La- 
drona archipelago, to be chosen by the United States. 

Article 3. The United States will occupy and retain the city and 
bay of Manila and the port of Manila, pending the conclusion of a 
treaty of peace, which shall determine the control and form of 
government of the Philippines. 

Article 4. Spain will immediately evacuate Cuba, Puerto Rico 
and the other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the An- 
tilles. To this effect each of the two governments will appoint 
commissioners within ten days after the signing of this protocol, 
and these commissioners shall meet at Havana within thirty days 
after the signing of this protocol,* with the object of coming to an 
agreement regarding the carrying out of the details of the afore- 
said evacuation of Cuba and other adjacent Spanish islands; and 
each of the two governments shall likewise appoint within ten 
days after the signature of this protocol other commissioners 
who shall meet at San Juan de Puerto Rico within thirty days after 
the signature of this protocol, to agree upon the details of the 
evacuation of Puerto Rico and other islands now under Spanish 
sovereignty in the Antilles. 

Article 5. Spain and the United States shall appoint to treat 
for peace five commissioners at the most for either country. The 
commissioners shall meet in Paris on October 1 at the latest, to 
proceed to negotiations and to the conclusion of a treaty of peace. 
This treaty shall be ratified in conformity with the constitutional 
laws of each of the two countries. 

Article 6. Once this protocol is concluded and signed, hostili- 
ty shall be supended, and to that effect in the two countries or- 
ders shall be given by either government to the commanders of its 
land and sea forces as speedily as possible. 



860 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Done in duplicate at Washing-ton, read in French and in Eng- 
lish by the undersigned, who affix at the foot of the document 
their signatures and seals, August 12, 1898. 

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE OF APRIL 11, 1898, ON INTERVEN- 
TION IN CUBAN AFFAIRS. 

On April 11, 1898, President McKinley sent to Congress the im- 
portant message which appears below. This message preceded 
the declaration of war, and was purposely delaj'ed several days in 
order to give Consul-General Lee and American citizens in Cuba 
time to leave the island. General Lee left Havana on the 10th, 
and having arrived at Key West April 11, the President that day 
transmitted the message to the Senate and House. 

To the Congress of the United States: 

Obedient to that precept of the Constitution which commands 
the President to give from time to time to the Congress informa- 
tion of the State of the Union and to recommend to their consid- 
eration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, 
it becomes my duty to now address your body with regard to the 
gra\e crisis that has arisen in the relations of the United States 
to Spain by reason of the warfare that for more than three years 
has raged in the neighboring Island of Cuba. 

I do so because of the intimate connection of the Cuban ques- 
tion with the state of our own Union and the grave relation the 
course which it is now incumbent upon the nation to adopt must 
needs bear to the traditional policy of our Government if it is to 
accord with the precepts laid down by the founders of the Re- 
public and religiously observed' by succeeding Administrations 
to the present day. 

The present revolution is but the successor of other similar in- 
surrections which have occurred in Cuba against the dominion of 
Spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century, each of 
which, during its progress, has subjected the United States to 
great effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality laws, caused 
enormous losses to American trade and commerce, caused irrita- 
tion, annoyance, and disturbance among our citizens, and, by the 
exercise of cruel, barbarous, and uncivilized practices of warfare, 
shocked the sensibilities and offended the humane sympathies of 
our people. 

Since the present revolution began, in February, 1895, this coun- 
try has seen the fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by fire 
and sword in the course of a struggle unequaled in the history of 
the island and rarely paralleled as to the numbers of the com- 
batants and the bitterness of the contest by any reyoJutioTrof 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 361 

modern times where a dependent people striving to be free have 
been opposed by the power of the sovereign suite. 

Our people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced 
to comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed, 
its exceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid waste, its 
mills in ruins, and its people perishing by tens of thousands from 
hunger and destitution. YYe have found ourselves constrained, 
in the observance of that strict neutrality which our laws enjoin, 
and which the law of nations commands, to police our own waters 
and watch our own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in 
aid of the Cubans. 

Our trade has suffered; the capital invested by our citizens in 
Cuba has been largely lost, and the temper and forbearance of 
our people have been so sorely tried as to beget a perilous unrest 
among our own citizens which has inevitably found its expres- 
sion from time to time in the National Legislature, so that issues 
wholly external to our own body politic engross attention and 
stand in the way of that close devotion to domestic advancement 
that becomes a self-contained commonwealth whose primal maxim 
has been the avoidance of all foreign entanglements. All this 
must needs awaken, and has, indeed, aroused the utmost concern 
on the part of this Government, as well during my predecessor's 
te,rm as in my own. 

In April, 1S96, the evils from which our country suffered through 
the Cuban war became so onerous that my predecessor made an 
effort to bring about a peace through the mediation of this Gov- 
ernment in any way that might tend to an honorable adjustment 
of the contest between Spain and her revolted colony, on the basis 
of some effective scheme of self-government for Cuba under the 
flag and sovereignty of Spain. It failed through the refusal of 
the Spanish Government then in power to consider any form of 
mediation or, indeed, any plan of settlement which did not begin 
with the actual submission of the insurgents to the mother coun- 
try, and then only on such terms as Spain herself might see fit 
to grant. The war continued unabated. The resistance of the 
insurgents was in no wise diminished. 

The efforts of Spain were increased, both by the dispatch of fresh 
levies to Cuba and by the addition to the horrors of a strife of a 
new and inhuman phase happily unprecedented in the modern his- 
tory of civilized Christian peoples. The policy of devastation and 
concentration, inaugurated by the captain-general's bando of Oc- 
tober 21, 1896, in the Province of Pinar del Rio was thence extended 
to embrace all of the island to which the power of the Spanish 
arms was able to reach by occupation or by military operations. 
The peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural in- 



362 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

terior, were driven into the garrison towns or isolated places held 
by the troops. 

The raising- and movement of provision of all kinds were inter- 
dicted. The fields were laid waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, 
mills destroyed, and, in short, everything that could desolate the 
land and render it unfit for human habitation or support was com- 
manded by one or the other of the contending parties and executed 
by all the powers at their disposal. 

By the time the present Administration took office a year ago, 
reconcentration, so-called, had. been made effective over the bet- 
ter part of the four central and western provinces — Santa Clara, 
Matanzas, Havana, and Pinar del Rio. 

The agricultural population to' the estimated number of 300,000 
or more was herded within the towns and their immediate vicin- 
age, deprived of the means of support, rendered destitute of shel- 
ter, left poorly clad, and exposed to the most unsanitary condi- 
tions. As the scarcity of food increased with the devastation of 
the depopulated areas of production, destitution and want became 
misery and starvation. Month by month the death rate increased 
in an alarming ratio. By March, 1897, according to conservative 
estimates from official Spanish sources, the mortality among the 
reconcentrados, from starvation and the diseases thereto incident, 
exceeded 50 per cent of their total number. 

No practical relief was accorded to the destitute. The over- 
burdened towns, already suffering from the general dearth, could 
give no aid. So-called "zones of cultivation" established within 
the immediate areas of effective military control about the cities 
and fortified camps proved illusory as a remedy for the suffering. 
The unfortunates, being for the most part women and children, 
with aged and helpless men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, 
could not have tilled the soil without tools, seed, or shelter for 
their own support or for the supply of the city. Reconcentration, 
adopted avowedly as a war measure in order to cut off the re- 
sources of the insurgents, worked its predestined result. As I 
said in my message of last December, it was not civilized warfare; 
it was extermination. The only peace it could beget was that of 
the wilderness and the grave. 

Meanwhile the military situation in the island had undergone a 
noticeable change. The extraordinary activity that characterized 
the second year of the war, when the insurgents invaded even the 
thitherto unharmed fields of Pinar del Rio and carried havoc and 
destruction up to the walls of the city of Havana Kself, had re- 
lapsed into a dogged struggle in the central and eastern provinces. 
The Spanish arms regained a measure of control in Pinar del Rio 
and parts of Havana, but, under the existing conditions of the 



KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 363 

rural country, without immediate improvement of their productive 
situation. Even thus partially restricted, the revolutionists held 
their own ,and their conquest and submission, put forward by 
Spain as the essential and sole basis of peace, seemed as far dis- 
tant as at the outset. 

In this state of affairs my Administration found itself con- 
fronted with the grave problem of its duty. My message of last 
December reviewed the situation and narrated the steps taken 
with a view to relieving its acuteness and opening the way to some 
form of honorable settlement. The assassination of the prime 
minister, Canovas, led to a change of government in Spain. The 
former Administration pledged to subjugation without concession, 
gave place to that of a more liberal party, committed long in ad- 
vance to a policy of reform involving the wider principle of home 
rule for Cuba and Puerto Rico. 

The overtures of this Government, made through its new envoy, 
General Woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective 
amelioration of the condition of the island, although not accepted 
to the extent of admitted mediation in any shape, were met by 
assurances that home rule in an advanced phase would be forth- 
with offered to Cuba, without waiting for the war to end, and 
that more humane methods should thenceforth prevail in the 
conduct of hostilities. Coincidentally with these declarations the 
new Government of Spain continued and completed the policy 
already begun by its predecessor, of testifying friendly regard for 
this nation by releasing American citizens held under one charge 
or another connected with the insurrection, so that by the end of 
November not a single person entitled in any way to our national 
protection remained in a Spanish prison. 

While these negotiations were in progress the increasing desti- 
tution of the unfortunate reconcentrados and the alarming mor- 
tality among them claimed earnest attention. The success which 
had attended the limited measure of relief extended to the suffer- 
ing American citizens among them by the judicious expenditure 
through the consular agencies of the money appropriated expressly 
for their succor by the joint resolution approved May 24, 1897, 
prompted the humane extension of a similar scheme of aid to the 
great body of sufferers. A suggestion to this end was acquiesced 
in by the Spanish authorities. On the 24th of December last I 
caused to be issued an appeal to the American people inviting 
contributions in money or in kind for the succor of the starving 
sufferers in Cuba, following this on the 8th of January by a simi- 
lar public announcement of the formation of a central Cuban re- 
lief committee, with headquarters in New York City, composed 
of three members representing the American National Red Cross 
and the religious and business elements of the community. 



364 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

The efforts of that committee have been untiring and have ac- 
complished much. Arrangements for free transportation to Cuba 
have greatly aided the charitable work. The president of the 
American Red Cross and representatives of other contributory 
organizations have generously visited Cuba and cooperated with 
the consul-general and the local authorities to make effective dis- 
tribution of the relief collected through the efforts of the central 
committee. Nearly $200,000 in money and supplies has already 
reached the sufferers and more is forthcoming. The supplies are 
admitted duty free, and transportation to the interior has been 
arranged, so that the relief, at first necessarily confined to Havana 
and the larger cities, is now extended through most, if not all, of 
the towns where suffering exists. 

Thousands of lives have already been saved. The necessity for 
a change in the condition of the reconcentrados is recognized by 
the Spanish Government. Within a few days past the orders of 
General Weyler have been revoked; the reconcentrados, it is said, 
are to be permitted to return to their homes and aided to resume 
the self-supporting pursuits of peace. Public works have been 
ordered to give them employment, and a sum of $600,000 has been 
appropriated for their relief. 

The war in Cuba is of such a nature that short of subjugation 
or extermination a final military victory for either side seems im- 
practicable. The alternative lies in the physical exhaustion of 
the one or the other party, or perhaps of both — a condition which 
in effect ended the ten years' war by the truce of Zanjon. The 
prospect of such a protraction and conclusion of the present strife 
is a contingency hardly to be contemplated with equanimity by 
the civilized world, and least of all by the United States, affected 
and injured as we are, deeply and intimately, by its very exist- 
ence. 

Realizing this, it appeared to be my duty, in a spirit of true 
friendliness, no less to Spain than to the Cubans, who have so 
much to lose by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring 
about an immediate termination of the war. To this end I sub- 
mitted, on the 27th ultimo, as a result of much representation and 
correspondence, through the United States minister at Madrid, 
propositions to the Spanish Government looking to an armistice 
until October 1 for the negotiation of peace with the good offices 
of the President. 

In addition, I asked the immediate revocation of the order of 
reconcentration, so as to permit the people to return to their farms 
and the needy to be relieved with provisions and supplies from the 
United States, cooperating with the Spanish authorities, so as to 
afford full relief. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 365 

The reply of the Spanish cabinet was received on the night of 
the 31st ultimo. It offered, as the means to bring about peace in 
Cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular parlia- 
ment, inasmuch as the concurrence of that body would be neces- 
sary to reach a final result, it being, however, understood that 
the powers reserved by the constitution to the Central Govern- 
ment are not lessened or diminished. As the Cuban parliament 
does not meet until the 4th of May next, the Spanish Government 
would not object, for its part, to accept at once a suspension of 
hostilities if asked for by the insurgents from the general in chief, 
to whom it would pertain, in such case, to determine the dura- 
tion and conditions of the armistice. 

The propositions submitted by General Woodford and the reply 
of the Spanish Government were both in the form of brief memo- 
randa, the texts of which are before me, and are substantially in 
the language above given. The function of the Cuban parliament 
in the matter of "preparing" peace and the manner of its doing 
so are not expressed in the Spanish memorandum; but from Gen- 
eral Woodford's explanatory reports of preliminary discussions 
preceding the final conference it is understood that the Spanish 
Government stands ready to give the insular congress full pojvers 
to settle the terms of peace with the insurgents — w T hether by 
direct negotiation or indirectly by means of legislation does not 
appear. 

With this last overture in the direction of immediate peace, and 
its disappointing reception by Spain, the Executive is brought to 
the end of his effort. 

In my annual message of December last I said: 

Of the untried measures there remain only: Recognition of the 
insurgents as belligerents; recognition of the independence of 
Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational 
compromise between the contestants, and intervention in favor 
of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for 
that can not be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would 
be criminal aggression. 

Thereupon I reviewed these alternatives, in the light of Presi- 
dent Grant's measured words, uttered in 1875, when after seven 
years of sanguinary, destructive, and cruel hostilities in Cuba he 
reached the conclusion that the recognition of the independence 
of Cuba was impracticable and indefensible; and that the recog- 
nition of belligerence was not warranted by the facts according 
to the tests of public law. I commented especially upon the lat- 
ter aspect of the question, pointing out the inconveniences and 
positive dangers of a recognition of a belligerence which, while 
adding to the already onerous burdens of neutrality within our 



366 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

own jurisdiction, could not in any way extend our influence or 
effective offices in the territory of hostilities. 

Nothing has since occurred to change my view in this regard; 
and I recognize as fully now as then that the issuance of a procla- 
mation of neutrality, by which process the so-called recognition 
of belligerents is published, could, of itself and unattended by 
other action, accomplish nothing toward the one end for which 
we labor — the instant pacification of Cuba and the cessation of 
the misery that afflicts the island. 

Turning to the question of recognizing at this time the independ- 
ence of the present insurgent government in Cuba, we find safe 
precedents in our history from an early day. They are well 
summed up in President Jackson's message to Congress, Decem- 
ber 21, 1836, on the subject of the recognition of the independence 
of Texas. He said: 

In all the contests that have arisen out of the revolutions of 
France, out of the disputes relating to the crowns of Portugal and 
opain, out of the separation of the American possessions of both 
from the European governments, and out of the numerous and 
constantly occurring struggles for dominion in Spanish America, 
so wisely consistent with our just principles has been the action of 
our Government that we have, under the most critical circum- 
stances, avoided all censure, and encountered no other evil than 
that produced by a transient estrangement of good will in those 
against whom we have been by force of evidence compelled to 
decide. 

It has thus made known to the world that the uniform policy 
and practice of the United States is to avoid all interference in 
disputes which merely relate to the internal government of other 
nations, and eventually to recognize the authority of the prevailing 
party without reference to our particular interests and views or to 
the merits of the original controversy. 

* * * But on this, as on every other trying occasion, safety is 
to be found in a rigid adherence to principle. 

In the contest between Spain and the revolted colonies we stood 
aloof, and waited not only until the ability of the new States to 
protect themselves was fully established, but until the danger of 
their being again subjugated had entirely passed awaj r . Then, and 
not until then, were they recognized. 

Such was our course in regard to Mexico herself. * * * It is 
true that with regard to Texas the civil authority of Mexico has 
been expelled, its invading army defeated, the chief of the Republic 
himself captured, and all present power to control the newly-organ- 
ized government of Texas annihilated within its confines; but, on 
the other hand, there is, in appearance at least, an immense dis- 
parity of physical force on the side of Texas. The Mexican Re- 
public, under another Executive, is rallying its forces under a new 
leader and menacing a fresh invasion to recover its lost dominion. 

Upon the issue of this threatened invasion the independence"" of 
Texas may be considered as suspended; and were there nothing 
peculiar in the relative situation of the United States and Texas, our 
acknowledgment of its independence at such a crisis could scarcely 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 367 

be regarded as consistent -with that prudent reserve with which we 
have hitherto held ourselves bound to treat all similiar questions. 

Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that 
there might be imputed to the United States motives of selfish in- 
terest in view of the former claim on our part to the territory of 
Texas, and of the avowed purpose of the Texans in seeking recog- 
nition of independence as an incident to the incorporation of 
Texas in the Union, concluding thus: 

Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still stand 
aloof and maintain our present attitude, if not until Mexico itself 
or one of the great foreign powers shall recognize the independence 
of the new government, at least until the lapse of time or the 
course of events shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute the 
ability of the peoi)le of that country to maintain their separate 
sovereignty and to uphold the government constituted by them. 
Neither of the contending parties can justly complain of this 
course. By pursuing it we are but carrying out the long-estab- 
lished policy of our Government, a policy which has secured to 
us respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence at home. 

These are the words of the resolute and patriotic Jackson. 
They are evidence that the United States, in addition to the test 
imposed by public law as the condition of the recognition of inde- 
pendence by a neutral state (to wit, that the revolted state shall 
"constitute in fact a body politic, having a government in sub- 
stance as well as in name, possessed of the elements of stability," 
and forming de facto, "if left to itself, a state among the nations, 
reasonably capable of discharging the duties of a state"), has im- 
posed for its own governance in dealing with cases like these the 
further condition that recognition of independent statehood is not 
due to a revolted dependency until the danger of its being again 
subjugated by the parent state has entirely passed away. 

This extreme test was, in fact, applied in the case of Texas. 
The Congress to whom President Jackson referred the question as 
one "probably leading to war," and therefore a proper subject 
for "a previous understanding with that body by whom war can 
alone be declared and by whom all the provisions for sustaining 
its perils must be furnished," left the matter of the recognition of 
Texas to the discretion of the Executive, providing merely for 
the sending of a diplomatic agent when the President should be 
satisfied that the Republic of Texas had become "an independent 
State." It was so recognized by President Van Buren, who com- 
missioned a charge d'affaires March 7, 18.37, after Mexico had aban- 
doned an attempt to reconquer the Texan territory, and when 
there was at the time no bona fide contest going on between 
the insurgent province and its former sovereign. 

I said in my message of December last, "It is to be seriously 



368 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond dis- 
pute the attributes of statehood which alone can demand the 
recognition of belligerency in its favor." The same requirement 
must certainly be no less seriously considered when the graver 
issue of recognizing independence is in question, for no less posi- 
tive test can be applied to the greater act than to the lesser; while, 
on the other hand, the influences and consequences of the struggle 
upon the internal policy of the recognizing state, which form 
important factors when the recognition of belligerency is con- 
cerned, are secondary, if not rightly eliminable, factors when the 
real question is whether the community claiming recognition is 
or is not independent beyond peradventure. 

Nor from the standpoint of expediency do I think it would be 
wise or prudent for this Government to recognize at the present 
time the independence of the so-called Cuban Kepublic. Such 
recognition is not necessary in order to enable the United States 
to intervene and pacify the island. To commit this country now 
to the recognition of any particular government in Cuba might 
subject us to embarrassing conditions of international obligation 
toward the organization so recognized. In case of intervention 
our conduct would be subject to the approval or disapproval of 
such government. We would be required to submit to its direc- 
tion and to assume to it the mere relation of a friendly ally. 

When it shall appear hereafter that there is within the island a 
government capable of performing the duties and discharging the 
functions of a separate nation, and having, as a matter of fact, 
the proper forms and attributes of nationality, such government 
can be promptly and readily recognized and the relations and in- 
terests of the United States with such nation adjusted. 

There remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the 
war, either as an impartial neutral by imposing a rational com- 
promise between the contestants or as the active ally of the one 
party or the other. 

As to the first, is it not to be forgotten that during the last few 
months the relation of the United States has virtually been one of 
friendly intervention in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, 
but all tending to the exertion of a potential influence toward an 
ultimate pacific result just and honorable to all interests con- 
cerned. The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, 
unselfish desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba untarnished by 
differences between us and Spain and unstained by the blood of 
American citizens. 

The forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral to 
stop the war, according to the large dictates of humanity and fol- 
lowing many historical precedents where neighboring states have 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 369 

interfered to check the hopeless sacrifices of life by internecine 
conflicts beyond their borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. 
It involves, however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to 
the contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual 
settlement. 

The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized 
as follows: 

First. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the bar- 
barities, bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now exist- 
ing there, and which the parties to the conflict are either unable 
or unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is all 
in another country, belonging to another nation, and is therefore 
none of our business. It is specially our duty, for it is right at 
our door. 

Second. We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that 
protection and indemnity for life and property which no govern- 
ment there can or will afford, and to that end to terminate the 
conditions that deprive them of legal protection. 

Third. The right to intervene may be justified by the very seri- 
ous injury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people 
and by the wanton destruction of property and devastation of the 
island. 

Fourth, and which is of the utmost importance. The present 
condition of affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace, 
and entails upon this Government an enormous expense. With 
such a conflict waged for years in an island so near us and with 
which our people have such trade and business relations — when 
the lives and liberty of our citizens are in constant danger and 
their property destroyed and themselves ruined — where our trad- 
ing vessels are liable to seizure and are seized at our very door by 
war ships of a foreign nation, the expeditions of filibustering that 
we are powerless to prevent altogether, and the irritating ques- 
tions and entanglements thus arising — all these and others that 1 
need not mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a con- 
stant menace to our peace, and compel us to keep on a semiwar 
footing with a nation with which we are at peace. 

These elements of danger and disorder already pointed out have 
been strikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has deeply and 
justly moved the American people. I have already transmitted to 
Congress the report of the naval court of inquiry on the destruction 
of the battle ship Maine in the harbor of Havana during the night 
of the 15th of February. The destruction of that noble vessel has 
filled the national heart with inexpressible horror. Two hundred 
and fifty-eight brave sailors and marines and two officers of our 
Navy, reposing in the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have 
24 



870 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

been hurled to death, grief and want brought to their homes and 
sorrow to the nation. 

The naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to say, com- 
mands the unqualified confidence of the Government, was unani- 
mous in its conclusion that the destruction of the Maine was caused 
by an exterior explosion, that of a submarine mine. It did not 
assume to place the responsibility. That remains to be fixed. 

In any event the destruction of the Maine, by whatever exterior 
cause, is a patent and impressive proof of a state of things in Cuba 
that is intolerable. That condition is thus shown to be such that 
the Spanish Government can not assure safety and security to a 
vessel of the American Navy in the harbor of Havana on a mission 
of peace, and rightfully there. 

Further referring in this connection to recent diplomatic corre- 
spondence, a dispatch from our minister to Spain, of the 26th 
ultimo, contained the statement that the Spanish minister for for- 
eign affairs assured him positively that Spain will do all that the 
highest honor and justice require in the matter of the Maine. The 
reply above referred to of the 31st ultimo also contained an ex- 
pression of the readiness of Spain to submit to an arbitration all 
the differences which can arise in this matter, which is subse- 
quently explained by the note of the Spanish minister at Wash- 
ington of the 10th instant, as follows: 

As to the question of fact which springs from the diversity of 
views between the reports of the American and Spanish boards, 
Spain proposes that the facts be ascertained by an impartial investi- 
gation by experts, whose decision Spain accepts in advance. 

To this I have made no reply. 

President Grant, in 1875, after discussing the phases of the con- 
test as it then appeared, and its hopeless and apparent indefinite 
prolongation, said: 

In such event, I am of opinion that other nations will be com- 
pelled to assume the responsibility which devolves upon them, and 
to seriously consider the only remaining measures possible — media- 
tion and intervention. Owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of 
water separating the island from the Peninsula, * * * the con- 
tending parties appear to have within themselves no depository of 
common confidence, to suggest wisdom when passion and excite- 
ment have their sway, and to assume the part of peacemaker. 

In this view in the earlier days of the contest the good offices 
of the United States as a mediator were tendered in good faith, 
without any selfish purpose, in the interest of humanity and in 
sincere friendship for both parties, but were at the time declined 
by Spain, with the declaration, nevertheless, that at a future time 
they would be indispensable. No intimation has been received that 
in the opinion of Spain that time has been reached. And yet the 
strife continues with all its dread horrors and all its injuries to 
the interests of the United States and of other nations. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK.- 371 

Each party seems quite capable of working- great injury and 
damage to the other, as well as to all the relations and interests 
dependent on the existence of peace in the island; but they seem 
incapable of reaching any adjustment, and both have thus far 
failed of achieving any success whereby one party shall possess 
and control the island to the exclusion of the other. Under these 
circumstances, the agency of others, either by mediation or by 
intervention, seems to be the only alternative which must sooner 
or later be invoked for the termination of the strife. 

In the last annual message of my immediate predecessor, during 
the pending struggle, it was said: 

When the inability of Spain to deal successfully with the insur- 
rection has become manifest, and it is demonstrated that her sover- 
eignty is extinct in Cuba for all purposes of its rightful existence, 
and when a hopeless struggle for its reestablishment has degen- 
erated into a strife which means nothing more than the useless 
sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of the very subject- 
matter of the conflict, a situation will be presented in which our 
obligations to the sovereignty of Spain % will be superseded by 
higher obligations which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and 
discharge. 

In my annual message to Congress, December last, speaking to 
this question, I said: 

The near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable con- 
dition of a righteous peace, just alike to the Cubans and to Spain, 
as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in 
the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency 
of further and other action by the United States will remain to be 
taken. When that time comes that action will be determined in the 
line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without mis- 
giving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this Government 
owes to itself, to the people who have confided to it the protection 
of their interests and honor, and to humanity. 

Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated 
only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by 
passion nor selfishness, the Government will continue its watchful 
care over the rights and property of American citizens and will 
abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a 
peace which shall be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter 
appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to 
civilization and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be with- 
out fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action 
will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the 
civilized world. 

The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has 
waged the war can not be attained. The fire of insurrection may 
flame or may smolder with varying seasons, but it has not been 
and it is plain that it can not be extinguished by present methods. 
The only hope of relief and repose from a condition which can no 
longer be endured is the enforced pacification of Cuba. In the 



372 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

name of human \iy, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endan- 
gered American interests which give us the right and the duty to 
speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. 

In view of these facts and of these considerations, I ask the Con- 
gress to authorize and empower the President to take measures to 
secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the Gov- 
ernment of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the 
island the establishment of a stable government, capable of main- 
taining order and observing its international obligations, insuring 
peace and tranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as 
our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the United 
States as may be necessary for these purposes. 

And in the interest of humanity and to aid in preserving the 
lives of the starving people of the island I recommend that the 
distribution of food, and supplies be continued, and that an ap- 
propriation be made out of the public Treasury to supplement 
the charity of our citizens. 

The issue is now with the Congress. It is a solemn responsi- 
bility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the intolerable 
condition of affairs which is at our doors. Prepared to execute 
every obligation imposed upon me by the Constitution and the law, 
I await your action. 

Yesterday, and since the preparation of the foregoing message, 
official information was received by me that the latest decree of 
the Queen Eegent of Spain directs General Blanco, in order to 
prepare and facilitate peace, to proclaim a suspension of hostili- 
ties, the duration and details of which have not yet been commu- 
nicated to me. 

This fact with every other pertinent consideration will, I am 
sure, have your just and careful attention in the solemn delibera- 
tions upon which you are about to enter. If this measure attains 
a successful result, then our aspirations as a Christian, peace-loving 
people will be realized. If it fails, it will be only another justifi- 
cation for our contemplated action. 

william Mckinley. 

Executive Mansion, April 11, 1S98. 



REPUBLICAN CAMrAIGN TEXT BOOK. . ._ 373 

WAR-REVENUE LAW OF 1898. 

History of Its Passage in the House and Senate. 

The bill (H. R. 10100), "An act to provide ways and means to 
meet war expenditures, and for other purposes," better known as 
the war-revenue act of 1898, was reported to the House of Repre- 
sentatives from the Ways and Means Committee by Chairman Ding- 
ley on April 26. It was taken up for consideration the next day 
and discussed during- Tuesday and Wednesdajr, April 26 and 27, and 
passed. It was reported to the Senate and referred to the Com- 
mittee on Finance. Senator Allison reported it back to the Senate 
on May 12 with amendments. He stated that a minority of the 
Committee dissented from the amendments inserted by a ^combl- 
nation of Democrats and Silver Republicans, known as excise taxes 
upon business firms and corporations, and others relating to the 
bond section. The Senate adjourned until the following Monday 
to afford time for the printing of the bill as amended, and it was 
taken up for discussion on May 16. It was debated twenty days, 
passed the Senate June 4 and was reported back to the House, with 
a request for a conference on the various amendments. Both 
Houses appointed conferees. 

The conference report passed the House June 9. The vote on the 
passage of the bill as reported by the conferees was 154 yeas, 107 
na3's, answered "present" 6, not voting 87, as follows: 

Yeas, 154 — Alexander, Babcock, Barham, Barney, Barrows, Bar- 
tholdt, Belford, Bishop, Booze, Boutelle (Me.), Broderick, Bromwell, 
Brown, Brownlow, Brumm, Bull, Burleigh, Burton, Butler, Cannon, 
Capron, Clark (Iowa), Clarke (N. H.), Cochrane (N. Y.), Connell, 
Connolly, Cooper (Wis.), Cousins, Crump, Crum packer, Cummings, 
Curtis (Iowa), Curtis (Kans.), Dalzell, Danford, Davenport, David- 
son (Wis.), Davison (Ky.), Dayton, Dingley, Dolliver, Driggs, Eddy, 
Ellis, Fenton, Fitzgerald, Fletcher, Foote, Gardner, Gibson, Gillet 
(N. Y.), Gillett (Mass.), Graff, Griffin, Grosvenor, Grout, Grow, 
Hager, Hamilton, Harmer, Hawley, Heatwole, Hemenway, Hender- 
son, Henry (Ind.), Hepburn, Hicks, Hilborn, Hitt, Hopkins, Howell, 
Hull, Jenkins, Johnson (Ind.), Johnson (N. Dak.), Ketcham, Kirk- 
patrick, Knox, Lacey, Landis, Lawrence, Linney, Loudenslager, Low, 
Lybrand, McAlecr, McCall, McCleary, McClellan, McEwan, Mahany, 
Mahon, Mann, Marsh, Mercer, Mesick, Miller, Mills, Minor, Moody, 
Morris, Mudd, Northway, Olmsted, Otjen, Packer (Pa.), Parker (N. 
J.), Payne, Pearce (Mo.), Pearson, Perkins, Pitney, Powers, Prince, 
Pugh, Ray, Reeves, Robbins, Russell, Shelden, Showalter, Smith 
(111.), Smith, William Alden, Snover, Southwick, Spalding, Sperry, 
Steele, Stevens (Minn.), Stewart (N. J.), Stewart (Wis.), Stone, 
Charles W., Sulloway, Tawney, Tayler (Ohio), Thorp, Tongue, Upde- 
graff, Van Voorhis, Wadsworth, Walker (Mass.), Walker (Va.), 
Wanger, Warner, Weaver, Weymonth, White (111.), White (N. C.), 
Wilber, Williams (Pa.), Wise, Yost, Young. 

Isays, 107 — Adamson, Bailey, Baker (111.), Ball, Bankhead, Barlow, 



374 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Bartlett, Bell, Berry, Bland, Botkin, Brantley, Brenner (Ohio), 
Brewer, Brewster, Broussard, Brucker, Brundidge, Burke, Carmack, 
Castle, Clardy, Clark (Mo.), Clayton, Cochran (Mo.), Cowherd, De 
Armond, De Graffenreid, De Vries, Dinsmore, Dockery, Elliott, 
Fleming-, Gaines, Greene, Griffith, Griggs, Gunn, Handy, Hartman, 
Hay, Henry (Conn.), Henry (Miss.), Henry (Tex.), Hill, Hinrichsen, 
Howard (Ga.), Hunter, Jones (Va.), Jones (Wash.), Kelley, King, 
Kitchin, Kleberg, Knowles, Lamb, Lanham, Lester, Lewis (Wash.), 
Littauer, Little, Lloyd, Love, McCormick, McCulloch, Mclntire, Mc- 
Millin, McRae, Maddox, Maxwell, Meekison, Moon, Newlands, Nor- 
ton (S. C), Osborne, Otey, Peters, Pierce (Tenn.), Rhea, Richard- 
son, Ridgely, Rixey, Robb, Robertson (La.), Robinson (Ind.), Sayers, 
Shafroth, Simpson, Sims, Skinner, Smith (Ky.), Stallings, Stark, 
Stephens (Tex.), Stokes, Strowd (N. C), Sulzer, Sutherland, Swan. 
son, Talbert, Terry, Todd, Vandiver, Vincent, Wheeler (Ky.), Wil- 
liams (Miss.), Wilson. 

Answered "present," 6 — Bennett, Settle, Sherman, Slayden, Smith, 
Samuel W., Zenor. 

Not voting, 87 — Acheson, Adams, Aldrich, Allen, Arnold, Baird, 
Baker (Md.), Barber, Barrett, Beach, Belden, Belknap, Benner (Pa.), 
Benton, Bingham, Bodine, Boutell (111.), Bradley, Brosius, Campbell, 
Catchings, Chickering, Codding, Colson, Cooney, Cooper (Tex.), Cor- 
liss, Cox, Cranford, Davey, Davis, Dorr, Dovener, Ermentrout, Evans, 
Faris, Fischer, Fitzpatrick, Foss, Fowler (N. C), Fowler (N. J.), Fox, 
Hooker, Howard (Ala.), Howe, Hurley, Jett, Joy, Kerr, Kulp, Lati- 
mer, Lentz, Lewis (Ga.), Livingston, Lorimer, Lovering, McDonald, 
McDowell, Maguire, Marshall, Martin, Meyer (La.), Miers (Ind.), 
Mitchell, Norton (Ohio), Odell, Ogden, Overstreet, Quigg, Royse, 
Sau^rhering, Shannon, Shattuc, Shuford, Southard, Sparkman, 
Sprague, Stone, William A., Strait, Strode (Nebr.), Sturtevant, Tate, 
Taylor (Ala.), Underwood, Vehslage, Ward, Wheeler (Ala.). 

Democrats voting "yea" in italics. , 

Those recorded as "not voting," but who were paired in favor 
of the conference report and who voted for the House bill 
on its original passage, were Messrs. Acheson, Adams, Aldrich, 
Baker (Md.), Beach, Belden, Belknap, Bingham, Boutell (111.), 
Chickering, Corliss, Dorr, Dovener, Evans, Faris, Fischer, Foss, 
Fowler (N. J.), Hooker, Howe, Joy, Kerr, Kulp, Lovering, Mc- 
Donald, Mitchell, Overstreet, Royse, Sauerhering, Shannon, Shattuc, 
Southard, Sprague, William A. Stone, Strode (Nebr.), Sturtevant, 
Ward, Wheeler (Ala.). 

Those "not voting" and who voted against the House bill, were 
Messrs. Benner (Pa.), Benton, Bodine, Bradley, Cooney, Cooper 
(Tex.), Cox, Davey, Davis, Fitzpatrick, Fowler (N. C), Fox, Howard 
(Ala.), Latimer, Lentz, Lewis (Ga.), Livingston, McDonald, Maguire, 
Martin, Meyer (La.), Miers (Ind.), Norton (Ohio), Ogden, Shuford, 
Sparkman, Taylor (Ala.), Underwood, Vehslage. 

Against the bill — Democrats, 78; Populists, 13; Fnsionists, 8; 
Republicans, 5; Silver Republicans, 1; Silverites, 2; total, 107. 

The five Democrats voting in the affirmative were Cummings, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 375 

McClellan, and Driggs of New York, Fitzgerald of Massachusetts, 
and McAleer of Pennsylvania. 

The conference report passed the Senate June 10, by 43 yeas to 
22 nays, 24 not voting. Every Kepublican voted for the measure, 
and their votes were supplemented by those of 8 Democrats, 1 
Silver Republican (Mantle) and 1 Independent (Kyle). In detail 
the vote was as follows: 

Yeas, 43 — Aldrich, Allison, Baker, Burrows, Caffery, Carter, Chand- 
ler, Clark, Cullom, Deboe, Elkins, Fairbanks, Foraker, Frye, Gal- 
linger, Gear, Gorman, Hanna, Hansbrough, Hawley, Hoar, Kyle, 
Lindsay, McBride, McEnery, Mantle, Mason, Mitchell, Morgan, Mor- 
rill, Murphy, Nelson, Penrose, Perkins, Piatt (Conn.), Pritchard, 
Quay, Shoup, Turpie, Warren, Wellington, Wilson, Wolcott. 

Nays, 22 — Bacon, Bate, Butler, Cannon, Chilton, Clay, Cockrell, 
Daniel, Heitfeld, Jones (Ark.), Jones (Nev.), McLaurin, Martin, 
Mills, Money, Pasco, Pettigrew, Pettus, Eawlins, Roach, Sullivan, 
Teller. 

Not voting, 24 — Allen, Berry, Davis, Faulkner, Gray, Hale, Harris, 
Kenney, Lodge, McMillan, Mallory, Piatt (N. Y.), Proctor, Sewell, 
Smith, Spooner, Stewart, Thurston, Tillman, Turley, Turner, Vest, 
Wetmore, White. 

Democrats voting "yea" in italics; Independent (1) in small caps. 

The Silver Republicans, except Mantle, voted solidly against the 
measure. They were Senators Cannon of Utah, Jones of Nevada, 
Pettigrew of South Dakota, Rawlins of Utah, Teller of Colorado, 
while Senator Stewart, who voted against the bill as reported from 
the Senate Committee, is recorded as not voting on its final passage. 

The bill was signed by the President and became a law June 13. 
Altogether the measure consumed forty-eight days, including Sun- 
days and holidays, from the day Chairman Dingley reported it to 
the House until it became a law. 

The bill was prepared only because the Government was involved 
in a war with a foreign country. If there were no war there would 
be no necessity for the bill, and therefore it may be truly called 
what it is denominated, a war measure. As reported from the 
House and the Senate committee it was an internal-revenue bill. 
There were no provisions in it affecting the importation of articles, 
except that provision which makes the imported article pay the 
internal-revenue tax levied upon the like domestic article. The tax 
on tea was adopted on motion of Senator Tillman, of South Car- 
olina, and received the vote of 27 Democrats, Populists, and Silver 
Republicans in the Senate, among the 32 voting against it being 
Senators Allison, Baker, Burrows, Clark, Cullom, Davis, Deboe, 
Fairbanks, Frye, Gallinger, Hanna, Hansbrough, Hawley, Hoar, 
Lodge, McMillan, Morrill, Nelson, Piatt (Conn.), Piatt (N. Y.), Quay, 
Shoup, Spooner, and Wellington. 



876 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

The estimated revenue that will be produced by the war-revenue 
act in the next fiscal year is from $138,000,000 to $150,000,000, dis- 
tributed as follows: 

Tax on — 

Fermented liquors $58,906,120 

Tobacco and snuff 43,840,560 

Cigars and cigarettes 17,340,382 

Manufacturers and dealers in tobacco 307,102 

Bankers 2,394,600 

Brokers, money and pawn 1,500,400 

Brokers, commercial 213,094 

Theaters, circuses, and other exhibitions 1,820,447 

Bowling alleys and billiard tables 166,967 

Stamp taxes: 

Sales of stocks, bonds, merchandise, etc 10,000,000 

Bank checks 5,000,000 

Bills of exchange (inland), promissory notes, etc 1,500,000 

Bills of exchange (foreign), letters of credit, etc 500,000 

Express and freight, covering all bills of lading 10,000,000 

Life insurance 1,226,323 

Mortgages 2,041,599 

All other in Schedule B, say 18,000,000 

Proprietary preparations and perfumery 15,000,000 

Chewing gum 1,000,000 

Legacies and successions . 9,275,475 

Total 200,033,069 

Add to the above the revenue from taxes unchanged on 
the basis of receipts for year 1897: 

Spirits 82,008,542 

Brewers (special tax) 160,927 

Ketail dealers in malt liquors 191,071 

Wholesale dealers in malt liquors 278,801 

Oleomargarine 1,034,029 

Filled cheese 18,992 

Bank circulation 85 

Miscellaneous receipts 375,383 

Total estimated revenues 284,100,899 

Less revenues for 1897 146,619,593 

Provided by the war-revenue act 138,481,306 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 377 

On a number of amendments proposed by the majority there was 
a disagreement among the Committee members. Among the princi- 
pal subjects of dissension were the proposition to innate the cur- 
rency by an issue of $150,000,000 greenbacks, with the same attri- 
butes and functions as the present greenbacks, and an issue of $42,- 
000,000 in silver certificates against the seigniorage on the silver in 
the Treasury that had not been coined. 

On the part of the Republican minority the proposition was made 
to borrow $300,000,000 as the money was needed and only to be had 
when needed for the purpose of carrying on the war, and also to 
authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow another hundred 
million dollars, from time to time, as the exigencies might arise, . 
to meet public expenditures, on certificates bearing 3 per cent in- 
terest. So one plan proposed by the bill was, first to raise $150,000,- 
000 by taxation and so much of $300,000,000 as might be necessary, 
from time ^o time, by borrowing money. The other plan — pro- 
posed by Democrats and Silver Eepublicans — was to raise over $200,- 
000,000 by taxation, or $50,000,000 more than proposed by the Ee- 
publicans, and to issue greenbacks and silver certificates against 
the seigniorage on the uncoined silver in the Treasury for the j 
remainder. Another important amendment proposed by the ma- { 
jority was to tax all corporations, large or small, which would » 
exempt a business house not incorporated, and tax perhaps a 
smaller house, across the street, because it was incorporated. This 
proposition was strongly combatted by a number of prominent 
Democrats in the Senate, led by Senator Lindsay, of Kentucky. 
As shown by the result, the opposition to the issue of greenbacks, 
the unjust discrimination in the matter of taxation proposed by the 
majority .of the Senate Finance Committee prevailed, though a 
number of amendments like the tax on tea and the coinage of the 
silver in the Treasury somewhat changed the complexion of the 
report as it came from the minority members of the Senate Com- 
mittee. ^^ \ 

A number of attempts were made to burden the bill with'.fPopu- \ 
listic and obsolete measures, and to embarrass the friends of the 
bill in their efforts to bring it to a speedy vote in recognition of the 
emergency which called for it. _ — 

Senator Pettigrew offered his anti-trust amendment, which was 
defeated by the co-operation of Senators Bacon, Caffery, Gorman, 
Democrats; Jones (Xev.), Kyle, Stewart, and Tillman, all of these 
voting nay. Senator Morgan offered t hjg_jncome-tax. amendment, 
while Senator Mills proposed a horizontal reduction of the duties 
levied by the Dingley bill to 75 per cent. Mr. Pettigrew offered an 
amendment to take away from the Secretary of the Treasury the 



378 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



power to issue bonds under the act of 1875, while Senator Allen pro- 
posed an amendment that bonds shall not be used as a basis for 
bank circulation, and Senator Jones, of Arkansas, offered an amend- 
ment striking- out the ten-j r ear redemption clause in the bond meas- 
ure and another limiting the bonds to three years. Senator 
Stewart proposed an issue of Treasury notes payable in one year 
and drawing interest at 3 per cent, and Senator Turpie offered to 
amend the bill to provide for 2 per cent Treasury emergency notes 
to the amount of $150,000,000, and another limiting the terms of 
certificates. Each of these propositions was voted upon and 
rejected. 

The amendment to coin not less than $1,500,000 per month of the 
silver bullion in the Treasury was offered by Senator Wolcott, of 
Colorado, and was adopted by a vote of 48 to 31, as follows: 

Yeas, 48 — Allen, Bacon, Bate, Berry, Butler, Cannon, Carter, 
Chandler, Chilton, Clark, Cockrell, Daniel, Faulkner, Gray, Hans- 
brough, Harris, Heitfeld, Jones (Ark.), Jones (Nev.), Kyle, Lind- 
say, McEnery, McLaurin, Mallory, Mantle, Martin, Mills, Mitchell, 
Money, Morgan, Pasco, Perkins, Pettigrew, Pettus, Pritchard, Raw- 
lins, Roach, Shoup, Stewart, Teller, Thurston, Tillman, Turley, Tur- 
pie, Vest, Warren, White, Wolcott. 

Nays, 31 — Aldrich, Allison, Baker, Burrows, Caffery, Cullom, Davfs, 
Deboe, Fairbanks, Foraker, Frye, Gallinger Gear, Gorman, Hale, 
Hanna, Hawley, Hoar, Lodge, McBride, McMillan, Mason, Morrill, 
Murphy, Nelson, Piatt (Conn.), Piatt (N. Y.), Proctor, Sewell, 
Spooner, Wetmore. 

Not voting, 10 — Clay, Elkins, Kenney, Penrose, Quay, Smith, Sulli- 
van, Turner, Wellington, Wilson. 

TAXES IMPOSED UNDER REVENUE ACT APPROVED 
JUNE 13, 1898. 





Rates. 


£az on fermented liquors— To take effect from date of Act. 
Beer,^ftr beer, ale, porter, and other similar fermented liquor, 


$2. 

$50. 

$2. 


( 7 % pe f cent discount on all sales of stamps.) 

Annual special taxes— To take effect July 1, 189S. 
Bankers using a capital (including surplus) not exceeding $25,000... 
For every additional $l,000in excess of $25,000 




$50. 




$20. 




$20. 




$10. 


Proprietors of theaters, museums, and concert halls in cities of 
more than 25,000 population, as shown by last preceding United 


$100. 




$100. 




$10. 


Proprietors of bowling alleys and billiard rooms, for each alley or 
table , 


$5, 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



379 



Tobacco, cigars, cigarettes, and snuff". 

Tobacco and snuff, manufactured 

Cigars and cigarettes : 

Cigars weighing more than 3 pounds per 1,000 , 

Cigars weighing not more than 3 pounds per 1,000 

Cigarettes weighing more than 3 pounds per 1,000 

Cigarettes weighing not more than 3 pounds per 1,000 

Dealers in leaf tobacco and manufacturers of tobacco : 

When annual sales do not exceed 50,000 pounds 

When annual sales exceed 50,000 and do not exceed 100,u00 
pounds 

When annual sales exceed 100,000 pounds 

Dealers in tobacco whose annual sales exceed 50,000 pounds 

Manufacturers of cigars: 

When annual sales do not exceed 100,000 cigars 

When annual sales exceed 100,000 and do not exceed 200,000 

When annual sales exceed 200,000 M 



Stamp taxes— To take effect July 1, 1898. 
Bonds, debentures, or certificates of stock and indebtedness issued 

after July 1, 1S98, on each 8100 of face value 

Certificates of stock, original issues of, on organization or reorgani- 
zation, on each $100 of face value or fraction thereof. , 

Sale, or agreement to iell stock in any association, company, or 

corporation, on each $100 of face value or fraction thereof 

Sale, or agreement to sell any products of merchandise at any 
exchange board of trade, or similar place: 

For each 8100 in value 

For each additional $100 or fraction thereof. 

Bank check, draft, or certificate of deposit not drawing interest, or 



money order at sight. 
" iTa 



Bill of exchange (inland) draft certificate of deposit drawing inter- 
est, or money order other than at sight or on demand, or 
promissory note (except bank notes) and original domestic 
money orders issued by the United States after July 1, 1898 : 

For a sum not exceeding SHO , 

For each additional 8100 or fraction thereof. 

Bill of exchange (foreign) or letter of credit (iucluding orders by 
telegraph, or otherwise, for the payment of money issued by 
express, or other companies, or any person), drawn in, but 
payable out of, the United States: 
If drawn singly or otherwise than in a set of three or more— 

Not exceeding $100 

lor each additional $100 or part thereof. 

If drawn in sets of two or more— 

For every bill of each set not exceeding $100....^. 

For each additional $100 or part thereof. 

Bill of lading or receipt (other than charter party) for merchandise 

lor export- 

Bill of lading, manifest, or receipt, and each duplicate thereof, 

express and freight. _ 

Telephone messages costing 15 cents or over 

Bonds of indemnity 

Certificates of profit and transfers thereof, on each $100 or part of... 

Certificates issued by port warden or surveyor 

Certificates, all other, required by law, not elsewhere specified 

Charter contracts or agreements, or renewals or transfers of: 

For vessels not exceeding 300 tons 

For vessels exceeding 300 and not exceeding 600 tons 

For vessels exceeding 600 tons 

Broker's note or memorandum of Bale 

Conveyance deed or instrument or writing transferring realty : 

When value exceeds $100 and does not exceed $500 

For each additional $500 or fraction thereof. 

Telegraphic dispatch 

Custom-house entry of merchandise : 

Not exceeding $100 in value 

Exceeding $100 and not exceeding $500 

Exceeding $500 ~..~~..~ „ _ 



Rates. 



12 cents per pound. 

83.60 per M. 
$1 per M. 
$3.60 per M. 
$1.50 per M. 

86. 

812. 

$24. 
$12. 

$6. 

$12. 

$24. 



5 cents. 
5 cents. 
2 cents. 



1 cent. 
1 cent. 



2 cents. 



2 cents. 
2 cents. 



4 cents. 
4 cents. 

2 cents. 
2 cents. 

10 cents. 

1 cent. 

1 cent each. 
50 cents. 

2 cents. 
25 cents. 
10 cents. 

$3. 

$5. 
$10. 
10 cents. 

50 cents. 
50 cents. 
1 cent. 

25 cents. 
50 cents, 
$L 



380 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Entry for withdrawal of merchandise from customs bonded ware- 
house , 

Life insurance policies (except any fraternal beneficiary society or 
order, er farmers' purely local cooperative company or associa- 
tion, or employees' relief associations operated on the lodge 
system or local co-operation plan, organized and conducted 
solely by the members thereof for the exclusive benefit of its 
members and not for profit.) : 

For each $100 or fractional part of 

On policies issued on weekly-payment plan , 

Insurance policies (marine, inland, fire), except purely co-opera- 
tive or mutual, on each dollar of the amount of premium., 

Insurance policies (casualty, fidelity, and guarantee), on each 

dollar of amount of premium , 

Lease, agreement, or contract for rent : 

Not exceeding one year 

Exceeding one year and not exceeding three years 

Exceeding three years , 

Manifest for entry or clearance of vessel for foreign port: 

When registered tonnage does not exceed 300 tons 

When registered tonnage exceeds 300 tons and does not exceed 
500 tons 

When registered tonnage exceeds 600 tons 

Mortgage or pledge of lands, estate, or property, real or personal, 
or assignment, transfer, or renewal of: 

Exceeding $l,0n0 and not exceeding $1,500 , 

On each $500, or fractional part of, in excess of $1,500 

Passage tickets from United States to foreign ports : 

Costing not over $3U 

Costing more than $30 and not over $60 

Costing more than $60 , 

Power of attorney, or proxy for voting at any election of officers 
of any incorporated company or association, except religious, 
charitable, or literary, or public cemeteries 

Power of attorney, other , 

Protests of notes, etc 

Warehouse receipt 

Medicinal proprietary articles and preparations (on every packet, 
box, bottle, pot, phial, or other inclosure) : 

On retail value not exceeding 5 cents 

Exceeding 5 cents and not exceeding 10 cents : 

Exceeding 10 cents and not exceeding 15 cents 

Exceeding 15 cents and not exceeding 25 cents 

Each additional 25 cents of retail priceor fractional part thereof 
Perfumery, cosmetics, and other similar articles (on every packet, 
box, bottle, etc.) : 

On retail value not exceeding 5 cents 

Exceeding 5 cents and not exceeding 10 cents 

Exceeding 10 cents and not exceeding 15 cents 

Exceeding 15 cents and not exceeding 25 cents 

Each additional 25 cents or part of. 

Sparkling or other wines, bottled : 

Each bottle containing 1 pint or less 

Each bottle containing more than 1 pint 

Chewing gum, or substitutes: 

On each jar, box, or other package, of nqt more than $1 retail 
value 

On each additional $1 or part thereof. 

Excise taxes. 

Corporation, company, person, or firm refining petroleum or sugar, 
or owning or controlling any pipe line for transporting oil or 
other products where gross annual receipts exceed $250,000— 
on gross amount of receipts in excess of $250,000 

On every seat sold in a palace or parlor car, and on every berth 
■old in a sleeping car M 



Rates. 



50 cents. 



8 cents. 

40 per cent on amount 
of first weekly pre- 
mium. 

% of 1 cent. 

% of 1 cent. 

25 cents. 
50 cents. 
II. 



25 cents. 
25 cents. 

SI. 

$3. 
$5. 



10 cents. 
25 cents. 
25 cents. 
25 cents. 



% of 1 cent. 
H of 1 cent. 
% of 1 cent. 
% of 1 cent. 
% of 1 cent. 



% of 1 cent. 
| of 1 cent. 
" ' of 1 cent, 
of 1 cent. 
£ of 1 cent. 

1 cent. 

2 cents. 



4 cents. 
4 cents. 



14 of I per cent. 
1 cent. 



*fW 



BLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



381 



Legacies and distributive shares of personal property - 
on date of Aci. 



■To lake effect 



Rates. 



1. Where the person or persons entitled to beneficial interest shall 

be the lineal issue or lineal ancestor, brother, or sister of 

deceased : 
When the whole amount exceeds $10,000 and does not exceed 

525,000 - 

When the whole amount exceeds 525,000 and does not exceed 

$100,000 

When the whole amount exceeds $100,000 and does not exceed 

$500,000 

When the whole amount exceeds $500,000 and does not exceed 

$1,000.000 

When the whole amount exceeds 51,006,000 

2. Where the person or persons entitled to beneficial interest shall 

be the descendant of a brother or sister : 
When the whole amount exceeds $10,000 and does not exceed 

525,000 

When the whole amount exceeds 525,000 and does not exceed 

5100,000 

When the whole amount exceeds 5100,000 and does not exced 

$500,000 

When the whole amount exceeds 5500,000 and does not exceed 

51,000,000 

When the whole amount exceeds 51,000,000 

3. Where the person or persons entitled to any beneficial interest 

shall he the brother or sister of the father or mother or a 

descendant of a brother or sister of the father or mother : 
When the whole amount exceeds 510,000 and does not exceed 

525,000 _ 

When the whole amount exceeds 525,000 and does not exceed | 

$100,000 

When the whole amount exceeds 5100,000 and does not exceed i 

$500,000 | 

When the whole amount exceeds $500,000 and does not exceed ! 

$1,000.000 

When the whole amount exceeds 51,000,000 

4. Where the person or persons entitled to beneficial interest shall 

be tne brother or sister of the grandfather or grandmother 

or a descendant of the brother or sister of the grandfather 

or grandmother : 
When the whole amount exceeds $10,000 and does not exceed 

525,000 

When the whole amount exceeds $25,000 ana does not exceed 

$100,000 

When the whole amount exceeds 5100,000 and does not exceed 

$500,000 

When the whole amount exceeds 5500,000 and does not exceed 

$1,000.000 

When the whole amount exceeds 51,000,000 

5. Where the person or persons entitled to beneficial interest shall 

be a person of any other degree of collateral consanguinity, 

or a stranger in blood, or a body politic or corporation : 
When the whole amount exceeds $10,000 and does not exceed 

$25,000 

When the whole amount exceeds $25,000 and does not exceed 

$100,000 

When the whole amount exceeds $100,000 and does not exceed 

$500,000 

When the whole amount exceeds 5500,000 and does not exceed 

$1,000,000 

Wnen the whole amount exceeds $1,000,000 _ 



Mixed flour — To take effect 60 days after passage of Art. 

Person, firm, or corporation making, packing, or repacking 

On each barrel containing more than 98 pounds and not more than 

1% pounds 

On each % barrel or package containing more than 49 pounds and 

not more than 98 pounds 

On each % barrel or package containing more than 24% pounds 

and not more than 49 pounds. „ .. 

On each % barrel or package containing 24% pounds or less 

Customs duties. 
Tea imported from foreign countries 



75 cents on each $100. 

$1,125 on each $100. 

$1.50 on each $100, 

S1.S75 on each $100. 
$2.25 on each $100. 

$1.50 on each $100. 

$2.25 on each $100. 

S3 on each 5100. 

$3.75 on each 51 n 0. 
54.50 on each Sluj. 



S3 on each 5100. 

$4.50 on each $100. 

$6 on each 5100. 

57.50 on each 5100. 
$9 on each $100. 



$4 on each $100. 

$6 on each $100. 

S8 on each $100. 

510 on each $1^0. 
512 on each $100. 



$5 on each $100. 

$7.50 on each $1'0. 

$10 on each $100. 

512.50 on each flOO. 
$15 on each $100. 

$12 per annum. 

4 cents per barrel. 

2 cents per barrel. 

1 cent per barrel. 
% cent per barrel. 



10 



cents per pound. 



382 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

WISDOM OF NOT RECOGNIZING CUBAN INDEPENDENCE. 

From the inauguration of President McKinley March 4, 1897, 
until the 11th day of April, 1898, the press of the country had been 
constantly outlining a policy of intervention on the part of the 
United States, either advocating" the recognition of belligerent 
rights or proposing the independence of the island. The Congress 
which met December 6, 1897, was slow to discuss the proposition, 
rather awaiting some recommendation from the President of the 
United States. The message of the President delivered to Con- 
gress on the 11th of April contained this paragraph: 

Nor from the standpoint of expediency do I think it would be 
wise or prudent for this Government to recognize at the present 
time the independence of the so-called Cuban Republic. Such recog- 
nition is not necessary in order to enable the United States to 
intervene and pacify the island. To commit this country now to 
the recognition of any particular government in Cuba might sub- 
ject us to embarrassing conditions of international obligation 
toward the organization so recognized. In case of intervention our 
conduct would be subject to the approval or disapproval of such 
government. We would be required to submit to its direction and 
to assume to it the mere relation of a friendly ally. 

When it shall appear hereafter that there is within the island 
a government capable of performing the duties and discharging 
the functions of a separate nation, and having, as a mater of fact, 
the proper forms and attributes of nationality, such government 
can be promptly and readily recognized and the relations and 
interests of the United States with such nation adjusted. 

Upon this suggestion Congress was called to act. Party lines 
were not strictly adhered to, but the Democrats in the Senate and 
the House were almost solidly opposed to the recommendation of 
the President and in favor of the immediate recognition of the 
independence of Cuba. 

On April 13 the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the House re- 
ported the following resolution: 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That the President is hereby 
authorized and directed to intervene at once to stop the war in 
Cuba, to the end and with the purpose of securing permanent peace 
and order there and establishing by the free action of the people 
thereof a stable and independent government of their own in the 
Island of Cuba. And the President is hereby authorized and em- 
powered to use the land and naval forces of the United States to 
execute the purpose of this resolution. 

Such resolution passed the same day. 

On April 14 the Senate reported the joint resolution of the House 
with a substitute therefor in the following words: 

First. That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right 
ought to be, free and independent, and that the Government of 
the United States hereby recognizes the Republic of Cuba as the 
true and lawful government of that island. 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 3S3 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and 
the Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the 
Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and govern- 
ment in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces 
from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby 
is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces 
of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the 
United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as 
may be necessarj' to carry these resolutions into effect. 

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition 
or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over 
said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its de- 
termination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government 
and control of the island to its people. 

On April 18 the report of the committee on conference was agreed 
to, the following being the text: 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, First. That the people of the 
Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and 
the Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the 
Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and govern- 
ment in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces 
from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby 
is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces 
of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the 
United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as 
may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. 

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition 
or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over 
said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its de- 
termination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government 
and control of the island to its people.- 

The wisdom of the foregoing resolution and recommendation of 
the President of the United States was never more forcibly illus- 
trated than in the case of Cuba. Ever since the declaration of war 
it has more and more become apparent that the so-called insur- 
gent government in Cuba was without stability either in form or 
purpose, and that the insurgent forces were acting more as inde- 
pendent semi-military organizations, being responsible to no dis- 
tinctive authority. If we had recognized the independence of Cuba 
we would have been compelled to become an allied force to the 
insurgents, and to have followed their orders in the direction of 
the campaign. 

It is a well-known fact that President McKinley sounded the 
keynote of the policy to be followed if war should be declared 
when he recommended to Congress that Spain's sovereignty must 
first end in Cuba and a stable government be provided afterwards. 



384 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

If the resolution introduced by Mr. Bailey or reported by the 
minority of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House had 
prevailed, the complications growing out of Cuban affairs would 
have exceeded any entangled situation known in the last century. 
The people of this country will certainly trust to the wisdom of 
President McKinley and the leaders of Congress who so wisely pro- 
vided for the emergency which we have just passed in solving the 
problems of the future in the settlement of the complicated ques» 
tions growing out of the war. 

DIFFICULTIES IN PROSECUTING THE WAR. 

Ignoring the rapidity of movements which marked the conduct 
of the war on the part of the navy and land forces, the success 
of every military operation, the wholly disproportionate damage 
done by the American forces to that of the Spaniards, and the 
fact that the United States in short order dislodged Spain from her 
bases of supply in three distinct places with an incredibly small loss 
of life, it remains for some self-delegated critics to find fault with 
the conduct of the war. 

History furnishes no parallel to the results, when account is 
taken of the condition of the United States at the beginning of 
hostilities and the lack of preparations to meet an emergency like 
this. With a small Navy and a standing Army of but 25,000 men, 
the American fighting forces stood face to face with an enemy, 
their equal in naval armament and their superior in land troops, the 
product of long military training an* with the advantage of inure* 
ment to peculiar climatic conditions and veteran experience, ob- 
tained from a three-year contest with the insurgents. In spite of 
these advantages, it required but 113 days on the part of the 
United States to bring the war to a successful close. 

Few have any true conception of the responsibility that devolved 
upon the President and his advisers in preparing the Army and 
Navy for war, considering the means which Congress had placed at 
their command. It is true there was no party division over the 
appropriation of $50,000,000 just before the war began, but with 
this exception the Democrats in Congress antagonized every meas- 
ure proposed to place our military forces on a war footing. In 
other words, they voted regularly for every measure calculated 
to hasten us into a struggle with Spain, but refused to vote for 
measures which increased appropriations to defray the cost of 
the war. The $50,000,000 was spent mainly in foreign countries to 
purchase ships and munitions of war, because the time was too 
short to build ships and manufacture guns and war material at 
home. Thanks to the opposition of the Democrats and their allies 
in Congress, this money that should have passed into the hands 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 385 

of American mechanics had to be sent abroad to pay ^.'ore'gn ship- 
builders and manufacturers. Meanwhile the President was con- 
fronted with conditions of war whose extent nobody could foresee, 
with material for its conduct only half adequate and conditions 
presenting embarrassing obstacles at every corner. 

The following interview copied from the Washington Star (Inde- 
pendent) of the latter part of August presents the situation in a 
few words: 

"In all the criticism about our lack of supplies for the proper 
equipment and sustenance of our forces during the war just clos- 
ing," said an old officer, now retired, who served many years as 
a quartermaster, "I have not yet seen the proper reason assigned 
for the cause of the conditions. The whole trouble can be found 
in a single word — economy — which was the tocsin of the recent 
Democratic Administration's affairs in all the branches of the mili- 
tary service. I don't mean this for criticism of a political sort, 
but simply as the statement of fact. The heads of the Depart- 
ments under the recent regime were simply pessimists. This was 
especially true, for instance, of Secretary Herbert. Estimates made 
by men of experience and knowledge were cut down ruthlessly, 
and Congress in its zeal for economy cut them down still further, 
and the result which was inevitable was reached when the recent 
crisis confronted us. 

"I can relate one or two incidents regarding the branches of the 
service with which I am most familiar," he continued. "It had 
been the custom for quartermasters to endeavor to keep on hand 
supplies of clothing, equipment, and so forth, to last at least a 
year. The estimates for the appropriation for supplies for the 
Marine Corps, to use a specific case, were placed one year while 
Secretary Herbert was in office at $90,000. 

"The Secretary called for a statement of the supplies on hand 
and found they amounted to $120,000. Asking for an explanation, 
he was informed that it was customary to keep such an amount 
ahead. He declared it to be extravagance, and further said, as 
an additional instance of extravagance, that he had found jiiere 
was enough canvas in possession of the Navy Department to fit 
out every ship in the British navy with three sets of sails. The 
estimates for the Marine Corps were cut down to $50,000. The 
next year they were the same. Then it became necessary to raise 
again to $90,000. When the Marine Corps was raised from 2,700 
to 4,500 men there was not clothing or equipment sufficient, and 
when the battalion went to Cuba it wore winter flannels and ker- 
seys when it should have had canvas uniforms. 

"It will be remembered," continued the officer, "that a board 
was appointed by Secretary Herbert, headed by Admiral Dick 
Meade, of which Paymaster Carmody of this city was a member, 
to visit every navy yard in the country and report on the supplies. 
The board found in the engineering department a great deal of 
waste and belting; it found in the equipment department the same 
things. Separately, these articles were not great in amount, but 
taken together they made considerable. The result was that a new 
bureau — the Bureau of Supplies — was created, and the supplies cut 
down. The same policy ruled in the War Department. Conse- 
quently, when it became necessary to suddenly equip a large addi- 
25 



186 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

tional force in all branches of the service the error of the economi- 
ral and niggardly course persistently pursued in the directions 
noted became apparent. I have no doubt that the severe lesson 
taught by recent developments will be well remembered hereafter 
by those whose duty it is to look ahead and not behind." 

As a summary of the work of the War Department in the 
prosecution of the war, the following list partially indicates the 
many difficulties that had to be contended with: 

The work of the Adjutant-General's Department has been to 
muster and order to their station, to be precise, 216,400 volunteers 
and 24,900 for the Regular Army. This with a reduced force, is 
many staff officers from all of the departments had been promoted 
and ordered to the field. 

The Chief of Engineers reports an expenditure of $5,830,000 for 
harbor defenses, building emplacements of heavy guns, mortar bat- 
teries, and mines. 

The Surgeon-General has had the enormous work of fitting up 
hospitals and organizing the medical corps, employing male and 
female nurses, contract surgeons, being surgeons who are employed 
from civil life, besides those commissioned as corps, division, and 
brigade surgeons, furnishing medical supplies and answering the 
demands from all over the country and from camps at Santiago, 
Puerto Rico, and Manila. The work done in this line is almost 
beyond comprehension. 

The Commissary-General had purchased and distributed, up to 
A,ugust 1, 110,907,235 pounds of rations, which have been trans- 
ported and distributed to all armies in the field here and at San- 
tiago, Puerto Rico, and Manila, besides the large quantity distrib- 
uted among the destitute Cubans. 

The Quartermaster-General's report is too long to give even an 
approximate idea of his work. In the way of transportation to 
Honolulu, Manila, Santiago, and Puerto Rico and return home there 
were sent 82,638 men, with artillery equipment and supplies. By 
rail in this country there were transported 9,700 officers, 233,962 
enlisted men, also 40,582 animals, besides thousands of wagons, 
artillery, and other quartermaster, commissary, ordnance, medical, 
and signal service stores. 

The total number of articles of clothing and camp equipage dis^ 
tributed to the Army by the Quartermaster's Department has been 
6,274,483, of which only a few articles can be mentioned, as fol- 
lows: Blankets, 288,739; blouses, 283,762; trousers, 596,423; hats, 
334,106; canvas field uniforms, 83,200; shoes, pairs, 511,378; under- 
shirts, 736,965; tents, 179,142, etc. 

The total weight of food and forage distributed daily to the Army 
is approximately 900 tons. 



BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 387 

Added to this is the large fleet of transports chartered and pur- 
chased, the management of the same in conveying- troops, supplies,, 
and ammunition. 

The paymaster promptly paid the Army, and is deserving of 
very great credit for his work. 

The Signal Corps provided most efficient service, furnishing cable,, 
telegraph, telephone, and signal services to the different commands 
in the field. 

WHAT WE HAVE GAINED BY THE WAR. 

In answer to a query from a Chicago newspaper Senator C. K. 
Davis, of Minnesota, thus briefly summarizes what the United 
States has gained by the war with Spain: 

"The war with Spain has taught the American people their own 
strength; has raised them to a higher plane of patriotism; has 
appeased their discontent at and distrust of their own Govern- 
ment; has consolidated the North and South; has settled and made 
obsolete many financial heresies; has made the United States an 
actual naval and military power; has demonstrated the necessity 
of securing our share of the enormous markets of the Orient, and 
has enforced from foreign nations a respect for this Government 
not heretofore shown by them." 

DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION TO WAR MEASURES. 

[Editorial in the Washington Times, organ of the Bryan Democracy, June 22, 1898.] 

Sinoe the outbreak of the Spanish war they have committed 
(that is, the Democrats in the House), about every error 
possible. Giving a grudging support to the various imper- 
ative measures which f jllowed the original appropriation of 
$50,000,000 for the national defense, they lined themselves 
up almost solidly against the war-revenue bill, and capped 
the climax last "Wednesday by casting the bulk of their vote 
in opposition to the annexation of Hawaii, a consummation 
devoutly desired by a two-thirds majority in both Houses of 
Congress and four-fifths of the American people without 
regard to party. 

The result is plain. What was intended to be, and what 
was originally a purely American war has degenerated in the 
eyes of the country into a Republican war with all that that 
implies. 

The Republican President stands before the world to-day as 
one pursuing a patriotic policy in the teeth of unreasoning 
Democratic opposition. "When victory comes to him, and 
Spain is humbled in the dust; when America's possessions 
are enriched by the addition of Hawaii, the Philippines, Puerto 
Rico, and perhaps the Canaries, Mr. McKinley can rise and 
truthfully say: 



388 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

"This is my work— mine and the Republican party's. As 
we saved the Union in 1861, so now do we glorify it with 
victory. Ours the triumph, ours the spoils, including a ma- 
jority of the new House of Representatives. 

"And the people on the 8th of November will cry 'Amen.' " 

A VIRGINIA DEMOCRAT ON DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION TO 

THE WAR. 

[From the remarks of Representative Hay, Democrat, of Virginia, in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, May 18, 1898.] 

"It does seem to me to be a curious fact that no bill can be 
reported here which looks to the real defense of the country and 
to the real purpose of defeating the foe with whom we are con- 
tending, without adverse criticisms being- made, and in my humble 
judgment, that sort of criticism which ought to have no weight 
with the members of the House." — Congressional Record, p. 5611, 
May 18, 1898. 

MR. BAILEY SAYS DEMOCRATS WERE "COMPELLED" TO 
VOTE MONEY. 

Mr. Bailey, Democrat, of Texas. — "I simply desire to call the 
attention of the House to the fact that on several occasions within 
the last thirty days this House has been called upon to vote ap- 
propriations and permission to meet extraordinary cases, and yet 
this House is not in the possession of any fact which warrants 
it in supposing the Executive Department believes that any ex- 
traordinary emergency is upon the country. 

"ONLY A SHORT TIME AGO WE WERE COMPELLED TO 
VOTE TO PLACE $50,000,000 UNDER THE ABSOLUTE DIREC- 
TION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.— 
Congressional Record, p. 3897, April 4, 1898. 

THE MASK FALLS OFF. 

The mask behind which some of the Democratic leaders in Con- 
gress posed for a short time in order to give themselves the ap- 
pearance o£ being heartily animated by a desire to support the 
Administration in its anti-Spanish policy during the Cuban crisis, 
completely dropped from their faces when it came to supplement- 
ing the appropriation of $50,000,000 for an immediate war fund 
with other equally important acts of legislation. 

Mr. Cannon, chairman of the Committee on Appropriations in 
the House, on April 4, reported the Senate joint resolution rela- 
tive to the suspension of part of section 355 of the Revised Statutes, 
authorizing the President, in case of emergency, to have tempo- 
rary forts or fortifications constructed upon private lands upon 
the written consent of the owner of such lands, instead of waiting 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 389 

from six months to five years to obtain title through. State legis- 
lation and other formal provisions. After reporting the same 
Mr. Cannon asked that it be adopted by unanimous consent of 
the House, but Mr. Bailey, of Texas, the Democratic leader in 
the House, immediately objected. Under the force of this objec- 
tion the resolution would have gone on the Calendar to take its 
chance with hundreds of other measures enjoying precedence of 
this important emergency war measure. Mr. Cannon, however, 
asked for the suspension of the rules, and the resolution was 
adopted after an unusually heated debate. Messrs. Bailey, Mc- 
Millin, Maguire, and other leading Democrats harping on the ob- 
jection that the resolution granted too much discretionary power 
to the President. 

Stating his objection in detail, Mr. Bailey made a speech, in 
which he commented on the support given the $50,000,000 appro- 
priation by the Democrats. He declared that if his party had 
been in power in the House this appropriation would not have 
been passed until Congress had seen the President's estimates 
and that body could have taken a careful inventory of those es- 
timates. 

"I do not hesitate to declare,'* Mr. Bailey exclaimed, as reported 
in the Congressional Record, No. 84, vol. 31, p. 3897, "that if a 
Democratic President had asked a Democratic House for the abso- 
lute control of $50,000,000 I would have denied it. I would have 
said to him, 'send in your estimates, and let Congress judge 
whether that money of the people ought to be expended or not.' " 

Mr. Maguire, of California, demanded that the powers given the 
President under the resolution should be limited so as to apply 
only in times of actual war. This was two days before the Presi- 
dent sent his message to Congress, when hostilities seemed in- 
evitable. To the question of Mr. Hopkins, of Illinois, whether it 
were seemly for the President, as commander in chief of the Army 
and Navy, to point out in advance what he is going to do before 
any hostilities occur, or whether it was not better to make prepara- 
tions for these fortifications, without doing it with brass bands, 
the reply made by the California member was that "in times of 
peace — and we are assured by our Chief Executive that these are 
times of peace — he should not be made a dictator and should not 
be given power independently of Congress, to do that which the 
Constitution expressly commits to Congress." 

Mr. Lenta, a Democratic member from Ohio, endeavored to 
hamper the passage of the measure by handicapping it with an 
amendment recognizing the independence of Cuba, without wait- 
ing for the President's message, announced for the following day. 



190 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



Mr. Cannon and others explained the urgency of the resolution 
by pointing' out that the War Department is prevented by law 
from erecting fortifications on any land without a previous grant 
of jurisdiction to the General Government by the legislature of 
the State in which the site is located and until the title has been 
approved by the Department of Justice. It was shown that this 
consumed too much time to be available in such an emergency 
as presented by the Cuban situation at that date. Notwithstand- 
ing these arguments Messrs. Bailey, McMillin, Maguire, Lentz, and 
other Democrats to the last objected to the measure, which, how- 
ever, was adopted by a two-thirds majority, made up of Repub- 
licans and a scattering of patriotic Democrats. 



WHEAT.— 1897. 

Acreage, yield per acre, total production, value per bushel, and total value of the 
wheat *rop of 1897, by States and Territories. 



Slates and Territories. 



Maine 

New Hampshire. 

Vermont 

Connecticut 

New York 

New Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North Carolina.... 
South Carolina... 

Georgia 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

Texas 

Arkansas 

Tennessee. 
West Virginia ... 

Kentucky 

Ohio 

Michigan 

Indiana 

Illinois 

Wisconsiu 

Minnesota 

Iowa 

Missouri 

Kansas 

Nebraska 

South Dakota 

North Dakota 

Montana 

Wyoming 

Colorado 

New Mexico 

Arizona 

Utah 

Nevada 

Idaho 

Washington 

Oregon 

California 

Oklahoma 



Acreage. 


Yield 
per acre. 


Production. 


Price 
per 

bushel. 


Value. 


Acres. 


Bushels. 


Bushels. 


Cents. 




1,494 


16.5 


24,651 


106 


826,130 


511 


16 


8,176 


110 


8,994 


3,518 


17 


59,806 


104 


62,198 


150 


20 


3,000 


100 


3,000 


344,608 


21.4 


7,374,611 


90 


6,637,150 


116,464 


18.5 


2,154,584 


93 


2,003,763 


1,434,498 


19.7 


28,259,611 


91 


25,716,246 


57,187 


21.5 


1,229,520 


94 


1,155,749 


639,430 


19.2 


12,277,056 


93 


11,417,662 


704,322 


12 


8,451,864 


92 


7,775,715 


521/210 


8 


4,169,680 


94 


3,919,499 


87,095 


8.7 


757,726 


118 


894,117 


173,824 


9.4 


1,633,946 


103 


1,682,964 


30,286 


10 


302,860 


101 


305,889 


1,237 


10 


12,870 


99 


12,246 


444,826 


15.8 


7,028,251 


89 


6,255,143 


169,821 


10.5 


1,783,120 


84 


1,497,821 


897,540 


11.2 


10,052,448 


95 


9,549,826 


439,062 


13.4 


5,883,431 


89 


5,236,254 


903.187 


13.6 


12,283,343 


89 


10,932,175 


2,251,428 


16.9 


38,049,133 


88 


33,483,237 


1,519,240 


15.6 


23,700,144 


87 


20,619,125 


2,513,477 


13 


32,675,201 


89 


29,080,929 


1,465,570 


7.9 


11,578,003 


89 


10,304,423 


615,262 


12.5 


7,690,775 


84 


6,460,251 


4,607,008 


13 


59,891,104 


77 


46,116,150 


1,011,778 


13 


13,153,114 


75 


9,864,836 


1,567,162 


9 


14.104,458 


85 


11,988,789 


3,096,655 


15.5 


47,998,152 


74 


35,518,632 


1,893,286 


14.5 


27,452,647 


69 


18,942,326 


2,680,156 


8 


21,441,248 


69 


14,794,461 


2,752,772 


10.3 


28,353,552 


74 


20,981,628 


69,792 


32.5 


2,268,240 


68 


1,542,403 


19,083 


25 


477,075 


70 


333,952 


213,231 


24 


5,117,544 


70 


3,582,281 


178,452 


24 


4,282,848 


75 


3,212,136 


20,599 


18 


370,782 


74 


274,379 


151,940 


21 


3,190,740 


68 


2,169,703 


34,298 


24.3 


833,441 


90 


750,097 


123,076 


22 


2,707,672 


70 


1,895,370 


856,368 


23.5 


20,124,648 


68 


13,684,761 


1,067,943 


17 


18,155,031 


72 


13,071,622 


3,239,402 


10 


82,394,020 


83 


26,887,037 


546,818 


19 


10,389,542 


76 


7,896,052 


39,465,006 


13.4 


530,149,168 


| 80.8 


428,547,121 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 



391 



RUSSIAN WHEAT. 

A statement of the movements of wheat from Russia during the 
two years 1889 and 1890, with the ports and countries of destination, 
the total quantity received by those countries from all sources, 
and the percentage from Russia, will give a correct idea of the posi- 
tion which Russian wheat occupies in the economy of the world, 
and enable us to estimate the probable effect of opening up a new 
market for this product. 

Importation of wheat by the continental countries and the percentage from Russia 



Country. 



Great Britain. 

France 

Germany. ....... 

Holland'™ 

Belgium 

Italy 



Total con- 
sumed. 



Bushels. 
109,353,116 
48,037,100 
18,957,750 
24,795,533 
28,165,800 
32,017,533 



Imported from 
Russia. 



Bushels. 
89,781,183 
13,902,350 
11,013,550 
9,569,150 
3,972,100 
23,230,766 



Percent. 
36.4 
33.1 
54.9 
34.6 
14.2 
72.6 



1890. 



Total con- 
sumed. 



Bushels. 
112,843,915 
38,758,066 
24,675,166 
26,179,750 
32,920,283 
23,652,050 



Imported from 
Russia. 



Bushels. 
36,170,166 
10,909,850 
1^,601,433 
10,833,000 
3 490,633 
16,971,700 



Per cent, 
32.1 
28.2 
55.9 
41.3 
10.7 
71.8 



Twenty years ago the figures stood about as follows: 

Russian wheat export twenty years ago. Bushels. 

Baltic Sea 4,393,383 

Germany 2,648,066 

Austria 842,566 

Roumania 300,916 

Black Sea 16,670,783 

Azof 26,781,583 



WILSON BILL. 

Loss under that Measure more than $16 per Family. 

The placing of wool on the free list by the Wilson bill cost 
the woolgrowers of the United States $84,000,000 in revenue and 
$120,000,000 in reduction of the price of wool in the four years 
of its operations. This loss of $124,000,000 equals a loss of $8 to 
each and every family, without a single benefit. If we add to 
the foregoing the whole deficiency, or increase of the public debt 
during this same period, the amount apportioned to each family 
will be more than doubled, amounting to $16 per family. To this 
must be added the loss to the American farmer of a market for 
80,000,000 pounds of wool in a single year, which the foreign wool- 
growers have secured in our country, without contributing in 
any way, by taxes or otherwise. 



392 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

Summing- up the cost of four years of Democratic blunders, the 
giving- away of the American markets to foreign producers de- 
prived our own Government of more than $203,000,000 of revenues 
which would otherwise have been collected in our custom-houses, 
and the present outstanding debt would have never existed. 

DEFICIENCY UNDER WILSON BILL FOR THE FOUR YEARS 
OF ITS OPERATION. 

Deficiency for the fiscal year ended June 30 — 

1894 $69,803,260 

1895 42,805,223 

1896 25,203,246 

1897 18,052,454 

Total deficiency : 155,864,183 

The excess of expenditures over revenues thus existing was sup- 
plied from cash in the Treasury, as follows: 

1894 $70,024,847 

1895 . . . . 43,941,589 

1896 :.*.... 30,536,595 

1S97 18,304,546 

Total 162,807,577 



WOOL. 

Decrease in Imports under the Dingley Act. 
Following is the record of raw wool imported during the fiscal 
year ended June 30 — 

Pounds. 

1890 105,431,285 

1891 129,303,648 

1892 148,670,652 

1893 172,433,838 

1894 55,152,585 

1895 206,033,906 

1896 230,911,473 

1897 350,852,026 

1898 130,083,012 

This table shows at a glance the enormous increase of wool 
imports during the Democratic Administration and the decline 
since the passage of the Dingley act. While the Democratic Ad- 
ministration was in power in 1894, the small imports of wool for 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 393 

that year are accounted for by the fact that importers were 
holding" back in anticipation of the reduced duties under the Wil- 
son bill, which took effect August 24, 1894. 

Taking the three-3 r ear periods of wool imports under the Mc- 
Kinley and Wilson acts, the following result is obtained: 

1891,1893, inclusive, McKinley act 450,408,138 

1895-1897, inclusive, Wilson act 787,797,405 

Under the Wilson act the woolgrowers of this country lost by 
the equivalent of the amount of wool produced in foreign coun- 
tries and imported into the United States the value of 337,389,267 
pounds in three years as compared with imports under the Mc- 
Kinley act. In other words, the percentage of consumption of. 
foreign wool in this country was: 

Per cent. 

1891-1893 99.6- 

1895-1897 146.7 

or only 33.2 per cent per annum for the first period to 48.9 for 
the second. 

The returns for 189S show a reduction in imports of 220,779,014 
pounds from those of 1897. 

WOOL AND THE TARIFF. 

[From the American Economist.] 

No friend of protection can seriously consider the effect upon the 
American wool industry of the free wool provision of the Wilson 
tariff without expressions of the most profound indignation. There 
was really not the slightest excuse for such a complete reversal 
of revenue policy. It was simply brutal, and it had the appearance 
of vindictiveness on the part of its authors. It was un-American in 
the extreme. 

The free-wool provision of the Wilson tariff resulted in the almost 
entire destruction of an industry amounting in value to more than 
$100,000,000, which industry had not only been making steady 
gTowth, but which, under continued favorable conditions, would 
doubtless have increased in importance year by year. 

Through the operation of the Wilson tariff the value of the 
domestic wool clip of the country, comparing the fiscal year 1890-91 
with that of 1895-96, was reduced more than one-half. The free- 
wool measure was not demanded by any important interest, and it 
seems to have been urg-ed by a desire to overthrow or, at least, to 
counteract the prosperous business conditions which had followed 
the inauguration and successful operations of the McKinley tariff. 

The effect upon the sheep industry of the free-wool provisions 
of the Wilson tariff is indicated by the statistics of some of the 



391 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

principal sheep growing- States of the Northwest. In 1882 the value 
of sheep in Wisconsin was $3,518,287. By 1897, under the influence 
of the Wilson tariff, this value had been reduced to $708,722. In 
Minnesota the value of sheep fell from $1,447,829 in 1893 to $844,- 
290 in 1896. In North Dakota the value of sheep declined from 
$1,173,699 in 1893 to $616,701 in 1895, while in South Dakota the fall 
was equally great. In Michigan sheep values were reduced from 
$S,512,679 in 1893 to $2,843,189 in 1896, and in Colorado from $4,263,- 
673 in 1892 to $1,984,058 in 1895. 

What is true of these States is also true of every wool-growing 
State in the Union. Influenced by foreign competition of free wool 
the growing of the staple became so unprofitable that whole herds 
of sheep were sold at the lowest prices ever recorded. In Ohio, 
where fine blooded sheep were raised, the value fell from $2 to $3.50 
to 40 to 70 cents. Necessarily farmers who devoted their attention 
to this industry sustained heavy loss. In the fiscal year -1893-94, 
under the McKinley tariff, the consumption of wool iiuthe United 
States was 346,654,904 pounds, of which only 55,152,558 pounds, or 
15.6 per cent was imported. In the next fiscal year, under the 
Wilson tariff, consumption was 509,411,416 pounds, of which 39.8 
per cent was imported, and in the following fiscal year this per- 
centage of imported wool increased to 45.4 per cent; and, moreover, 
the imports of wool were, for the first time in nearly thirty years, 
in excess of the domestic production. 

These figures clearly show that foreign importers were, as the 
framers of the law probably intended they should be, directly 
benefited by the free-wool provision of the Wilson tariff. 

With free wool came depression in American wool manufacturing 
industries. Manufacturers who had been encouraged by the 
McKinley tariff to improve the class of goods, so as successfully to 
compete with foreign manufacturers, were discouraged, mills were 
closed, operatives lost their employment and distress prevailed. 
Foreign fabrics flooded the markets of the country to the exclusion 
of nearly all others, and those manufacturers who had been by 
voice and influence, seeking to secure cheaper raw material, through 
free wool, found that they were undersold and that they had 
greatly miscalculated the extent of European competition. 

Manifestly, therefore, Europeans benefited, not only through free 
raw material, but through the broader market they obtained for 
foreign-made fabrics. 

No sooner did a change in Administration indicate that there 
would be a speedy revision of the tariff than the European wool 
interests prepared to flood this country with their product, hoping 
thereby to continue in the enjoyment of this market at least until 
the American wool industry should naturally revive under the in- 



REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 395 

fluence of a protective tariff. The supplies of wool imported during 
the last half of the fiscal year 1896-97 were enormous. The largest 
importation was 95,559,933 pounds in April, 1S97, nearly one-half of 
which came from Australia. Warehouses were filled to repletion, 
repositories for the staple were sought in every principal city, and 
extraordinary inducements were offered American consumers to 
purchase in advance foreign made goods. 

The American woolen manufacturing industry, however, 
promptly revived under the influence of the Dingley tariff, there 
was a marked increase in the number of mills opened all over the 
^country, and consumption of raw wool was rapid. This con- 
sumptive demand has since continued good, as is indicated by the 
firmness with which prices are maintained. The baneful effects of- 
the Wilson tariff are, happily, now gradually disappearing. 

The statistical position of wool in Europe and in this' country 
is such as to make it highly probable that, the Dingley tariff will 
hereafter operate to prevent important foreign competition with 
the principal grades of wool grown in this country. The American 
wool industry will, therefore, be stimulated and it is believed that 
long before the close of this year all traces of the effects of the 
iniquitous free-wool provision of the Wilson tariff will have been 
entirely obliterated. 

TARIFF AND PRICE OF WOOL. 

Under free wool the price dropped to 12 cents per pound. The 
present price of wool is due to the protection afforded by the 
Dingley tariff bill. The market has now nearly reached the point 
at which wool can be imported under the new tariff. When our 
unwashed wool has reached the price of about 22 cents per pound 
the full protection afforded by the Dingley tariff will have been 
reached. Under the McKinley tariff of 1889-90 the price of wool 
was 22 to 24 cents per pound, which is the highest point it has 
reached in 12 years. Following this, for a period of two years under 
Grover Cleveland and no tariff, the price was about 13 cents per 
pound for unwashed wool. 

Owing to the Dingley protective tariff the price to-day for un- 
washed wool is 20 cents per pound, and with the return of pros- 
perous times and the consumption of the enormous amount of 
foreign wool brought in under free duty during the first half of the 
year 1897 we shall have reached the point where the wool will 
receive the full benefit of the tariff which will advance the price of 
unwashed wool from 2 to 4 cents above the present price. This 
will again revive the wool industry in this country and greatly in- 
crease the next year's clip. — Meadville (Pa.) Republican. 



896 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK. 

MONTANA'S SHEEP, WOOL AND CATTLE. 

[From the American Economist.] 

The extent to which Montana has been benefited by the Dingley 
tariff is shown in the annual report of the State Commissioner of 
Labor, Agriculture, and Industry. Tor the year 1897 there were 
owned in Montana 3,095,192 sheep, with a wool production of 
24,012,498 pounds. The average selling price for the year was 11.58 
cents per pound, against 8.01 cents per pound in 1896, and the 
values of the clips for the two years were, respectively, $2,780,647 
and $1,745,402, a gain of more than $1,000,000 in favor of the clip j 
of 1897. 

In the abstract of the commissioner's report which has reached 
us no mention is made of the comparative market value of the 
sheep for the two years, but it is safe to conclude that Montana is 
no exception to the general rule of heavy increase in sheep values 
as the result of the Dingley tariff, and that at the rate of an in- 
crease of $1 per head the sheep owners of that State are more than 
$3,000,000 richer than they were a year ago. 

Cattle in Montana have advanced in value $4 a head, and the 
shipments for 1897 amounted to $7,109,994, against $6,430,512 in 1896. 

It is, therefore, evident that^ in the three items of sheep, wool 
and cattle Montana's gain as the result of six months of protection 
has been about $5,000,000. This is a goodly sum, but it is only a. 
fraction of the gross sum of the benefits which that State has- 
realized from the reinauguration of the American policy. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



The general subjects treated in this volume run in alphabetical 
order under bold captions, related subjects being- indexed under 
the general headings in smaller type. Considerable matter relating 
to coinage which does not appear under its appropriate caption 

should be looked for under "Free Coinage," "Silver," and "Gold and 
Silver." 

Page. 

Acts. Important, relating to coinage 61 

Advalorem vs. specific duties 3 

America's commanding position 3 

Annexation. See under "Hawaii" 184 

Appropriations 9 

Fifty-fifth Congress 9 

Fifty-first to Fifty-fourth Congresses 9 

To meet expenses incident to the Avar 7 

For the Xavy since 1882 237 

Banks. National-bank currency 10 

Authorizing acts 10 

Profits on circulation 11 

Profits on capital invested 11 

National bank circulation ' 11 

Condition of the national banks 1897-98 12 

Items of national-bank statements 14 

Bank checks and bank notes 15 

Clearances since 1892 15 

Clearances 1898 * 16 

Savings banks and deposits 18 

Bank's part in farming 18 

Importance of branch banks 19 

Government and banks 19 

Redemption of notes 20 

Exports of gold 1879-97 20 

Barley 20 

Blaine. On free coinage 20 

On cheap money 40 

Bland-Allison act, text of C3 

Bland bill fixed the gold clause 184 

Bonds. History of their issues and amounts 2:J 

Issue of 1898 to defray war expenses 29 

Refunding 25 

Issues under the Cleveland Administration 27 

Republican economy demonstrated 28 

Greenbacks or bonds ? 

Hon. Amos J. Cummings on 35 

Popular loan and the Government 35 

Tammany for gold bonds 35 



ii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Bryan. New York Journal's relations to 36 

Opposes an effective navy 37 

Vote on English language in the public schools 37 

Is he a Populist? 39 

On increase in circulation 40 

Buchanan ' 39, 78 

Building record, 1897-98 298 

Canada. Articles from tariff 42 

(heap money. James G. Blaine on 40 

Civil Service. President McKinley on 40 

Circulation 40 

Annual increase in 40 

Of the United States, 1896-98 41 

Paper currency outstanding ; 42 

Per capita 42 

Metallic and paper, 1898 41 

Of national banks 11 

Cleveland's do-nothing policy and its results 97 

Coin 45 

As used in redemption 45 

Values of foreign 47 

General Grant said "coin" means "gold" 48 

Weight and fineness of 49 

Coinage 51 

Silver dollars coined before and since 1873 51 

Of the United States 52 

Of silver coins, 1792-1898 53 

Of nations 54 

At United States mints, fiscal year 1898 55 

Pure silver in a silver dollar 55 

Bullion value of 3711 grains silver 56 

Average price of silver since 1837 56 

Coinage value in gold per ounce fine silver 56 

Of the mints, from 1792 to June 30, 1898 57 

Of the mints of the world, 1873-1896 58 

Purpose of 58 

Of gold and silver 59 

Jefferson suspends coinage of silver dollars 60 

Acts of 1853 and 1873 61 

Bland-Allison act 63 

Sherman act 64 

Effect of free coinage on savings, etc 65 

"The crime of '73" 67 

Standard dollar falls to 39.66 cents 69 

Test of coined money 70 

On private and on Government accounts 70 

Commerce 71 

French estimate of the world's 71 

Internal commerce 72 

With Hawaiian Islands 199 

All business rests upon the law of average 74 

Finance and, 1873 and 1897 173 

Consumption, per capita, 1869-97 75 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. iij 

Page. 

Congress. Appropriations of the Fifty-fifth 7 

Important measures of the Fifty-fifth 170 

Action of, on war with Spain 343, 344, 347, 349, 351, 352, 355 

On Monroe doctrine 236- 

Pensions in Fifty-fifth 244 

Populists in 288 

Action on Teller resolution 330 

Cotton, 1897 76 

Industry, growth of Southern 76- 

Crittenden, consul-general, on Mexican conditions 216 

Cuba ' 77 

Our trade with, 1887-1897 77 

Cummings, Hon. Amos J., on bond issue 35 

Currency 78 

Double standard 7.9- 

Metallic and paper circulation, 1898 79 

Per capita wealth 81 

Of national banks 10 

Paper, outstanding 42 

Currency reform 81 

Indianapolis convention 81 

President McKinley's message on 87 

Commercial expansion 87 

Davis, Jeff. Was he a tool of Wall Street? 90 

Debt of the United States 91 

Deficiency 94 

Democratic party 94 

Position on silver in 1876 95 

Cleveland's do-nothing policy and its results 97 

Silver question in platforms 1894-95 267 

National platform 1896 271 

Opposition to war measures 387 

Dingley bill 99 

Legislative history of 99 

Revenues under, compared with Wilson act 101 

War-revenue act 79 

Double standard 79 

Duties, ad valorem vs. specific 3 

Election returns, 1896, 1897, 1898 108 

Oregon election of June 6, 1898 ID- 
Statistics of illiteracy, etc., of the gold and silver States 150 

Exports and Imports. Increase of our trade for 1898 155. 

Tables of imports, 1896-98 159 

Exports of breadstuffs twelve months 159 

Export of cotton, 1897-98 100 

Export of cattle and hogs 160 

Export of provisions, twelve months 160 

Export of domestic products, 1895-98 100 

Total exports, twelve months 161 

Export of mechanical inventions 161 

Export under Republican and Democratic Administrations 161 

Domestic exports, calendar years 1896-97 162 

Export of farm products and implements 164 

Imports, agricultural, etc 165 

Export of gold from 1879 to 1898 227 

With Puerto Pvico 291, 295 



IV TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Failures in the United States, 1897 166 

Farm Products and Prices 167, 297 

Value of farm animals, 1889-1897 168 

Farmer and Finance 168 

Bank's part in farming 18 

Fifty-fifth Congress. Important measures 170 

Extra session of 173 

Action on pensions 244 

Action on war with Spain 343, 344, 347, 349, 351, 352, 355 

Finance and Commerce, 1873 and 1897 173 

Fleets of the world 238 

Free coinage. Effect on savings deposits, etc 65 

Blaine on 20 

Senator Mills, of Texas, on 69 

Mine owners could demand gold for bullion 175 

Silver lobby in Washington 177 

Cold. Exports, 1879-97 20 

Redemption of notes in 20 

Coinage of 59 

Value of legal-tender notes, 1862-1879 227 

•Gold and Silver. Product in the world, 1860-95 180 

Product of mines in the United States 181 

Product of, in the United States, 1792 to 1844 and annually since. . 182 

World's stock of gold and silver coin, 1873 and 1896 183 

Commercial ratio silver to gold since 1687 183 

The supply of gold 183 

Bland bill fixed the gold clause 184 

History of coinage of 218 

Grant, General, on "coin" and "gold" 48 

Greenbacks or bonds ? 31 

Hawaii 184 

Legislative history of the annexation measure 184 

Previous offers of annexation — Events under Cleveland Admin- 
istration 188 

Our commerce with Hawaiian islands 199 

Shipping of Hawaiian islands t 200 

President McKinley on absorption of 201 

Illiteracy, etc., of gold and silver States 59 

Immigration 203 

President McKinley on 203 

Statistics of, with tables of illiteracy, etc 203 

Foreigners in our military institutions 205 

Imports. See "Exports and Imports" 155 

Import duties 205 

Ad valorem and specific, defined 205 

Amount collected per capita, 1791 to 1897 206 

Jefferson. Suspends coinage of silver dollars 60 

Notes on monetary unit 225 

On the importance of manufacturing industries 302 

Kansas. "What is the matter with ?" 207 

And the new bonds 207 

Legal-tender notes, gold value of, 1862-1879 227 

Labor Jaws of the United States 209 

Who enacted them? 209 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. y 

i'age. 

Lobby, silver, in Washington 177 

Matthews, Stanley, resolution 333 

McKinley, President 209 

"The Hour and the .Man" 209 

"The Hand upon the Helm" 210 

London Times recognizes a statesman 211 

And the colored people 212 

On civil service 40 

On obsorption of Hawaii 201 

On immigration 203 

On Nicaragua Canal 238 

Message on intervention in Cuban affairs 3C0 

Merchant marine 213 

Mexico 214 

Industrial conditions 214 

Consul-General Crittenden on conditions in 216 

Mills. Senator, on free coinage at 16 to 1 69 

Money 218 

History of gold and silver coinage and paper issues 218 

United States notes, history of 219 

Gold certificates, history of 220 

Silver certificates, history of 221 

Treasury notes, act of July 14, 1890 221 

Monetary system of the L T nited States 222 

Monetary unit 224 

Facts from official sources respecting its adoption 224 

Jefferson's notes on 225 

Gold value of legal-tender notes, 1862-1879 227 

Redemption of notes in gold and export of gold 227 

Summary of monetary events since 1786 228 

Monetary systems and per capita money in the world 233 

Its use as a standard and as a currency 235 

Monroe doctrine. Action in Congress 236 

National Banks. Statistics, etc 10 

Naval appropriations since 1882 237 

Navy. Bryan opposed to an effective 37 

Nicaragua Canal, from President's message 238 

Oats. Production of, etc 238 

Oregon. Election of June 6, 1898 147 

Pacific Railroads. History of sale of, etc 239 

Paper Money. History of issue 219 

Pensions 242 

Record under President McKinley 242 

In the Fifty-fifth Congress 244 

Per capita money 41, 233 

Philippine Islands. Commerce, area, etc 255 

Platforms of political parties 267 

Silver question in Democratic platforms, 1894-95 267 

Platform Democratic party, 1896 271 

Platform Peoples party, 1896 276 

Platform Republican party, 1896 279 

Platform Silver party 284 

Democratic platforms, 1892 and 1896, on silver 287 

Populists in Congress 288 

What Populism stands for 290 



h TABLE OP CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Puerto Rico 291 

Exports and imports, and o\ir trade with 291, 295 

Trade of, by countries 292 

Prosperity 297 

Price farm products, July 1, 1896-98 297 

Building record, 1897-98 298 

Pyramid of canceled mortgages 299 

Tin plate for Europe 299 

The South's credit since 1896 299 

Railroad earnings for August 1896-97-C8 "300 

As reflected by post-office changes 301 

Protection 301 

Kansas mongrel band of agriculture cries for it 301 

Jefferson on the importance of manufacturing industries 302 

General Jackson demands a home market 302 

Protocol of treaty of peace 359 

Railroads 303 

Increased earnings 1897 over 1896 303 

Earnings for August 1896-97-98 300 

Freight rates, their relation to cost of farm products 303 

Reciprocity 304 

Negotiations under Dingley act 304 

Text of reciprocity section in Dinghy act 305 

Redemption 80 

Of notes in gold, from 1879 to 1898 227 

1 Refunding 25 

Resumption 27 

Revenues 101, 312 

Under Dingley and Wilson acts 101 

Of the Government, 1875 to 1898 312 

Increase in receipts for 1898 313 

War-revenue law of 1898 373 

Seigniorage, as defined by the Treasury Department -. . . . 313 

Sherman act. Text of 64 

Silver 315 

Average price since 1837 56 

Coinage value in gold of, per ounce 56 

Coinage of 59 

And wheat 315 

Cost of producing an ounce of 317 

How maintained at parity with gold 322 

Utterances of leaders after "the crime of '73" 323 

Standard of value 324 

Sugar 325 

Sugar-beet industry the antidote for sugar trust 325 

The two parties on sugar legislation 325 

Provisions in Dingley and Wilson bills 326 

German opinion of American sugar-beet production 329 

Tammany for gold bonds 35 

Tariff. Articles from Canadian 42 

Teller resolution. History of 330 

Stanley Matthews' resolution 330 

Tin plate. Decline in imports of, since the McKinley act 333 

Manufactures of domestic 334 

British view of American 334 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. yii 

Page. 

Trust* 360 

Wages 1840, 1850, 1860, 1890 340 

Wages and prices 341 

How free coinage would affect 341 

War with Spain 342 

Appropriations to meet expenses 7 

Expenditures for 106 

Text of the protocol 359 

President's message of April 1 1, on intervention 360 

Wisdom of not recognizing Cuban independence 382 

Difficulties in prosecuting the war 384 

What we have gained by 387 

Democratic opposition to war measures 387 

War-revenue law of 1898 373 

Estimate of revenues under 376 

Taxes imposed under 378 

Wheat— 1897 390 

Russian wheat 391 

Wilson bill 391 

Jool 392 

Decrease in imports under Dingley act 392 



^rw mYvfrtvaw**o 



is at home. Charity the independent 



*• Charity, says the adage, begins at home. Charity the Independent Amer- 
ican laborer scorns to ask, but he has the right to demand that justice shall 
begin at home. In his name and in the name of common sense and common 
honesty I ask that the American Congress will not force upon the American 
laborer an inferior dollar which the naked and famishing laborers of India and 
China refuse to accept."— JAMES G. BLAINE, in the Senate, Feb. 7, 1878. 



REPUBLICAN TEXT BOOK 



FOR THE CAMPAIGN OF 



J898. 



PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE 



>UBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE, 



WASHINGTON, D. C 



Nothing should tempt us— nothing ever will tempt us— to scale down the 
sacred debt of the nation through a legal technicality. Whatever may be the 
language of the contract, the United States will discharge all of its obligations 
in the currency recognized as the best throughout the civilized world at the 
time of payment." — PRESIDENT McKINLEY, from address to the National 
Association of Manufacturers, January 27, 1898. 



PHILADELPHIA, PA. 

PRESS: DUNLAP PRINTING COMPANY. 

1898. 



IRepubiican Congressional Committee, 

Hotel Normandie, "Washington, D. C. 



OFFICERS. 

JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, Chairman. 
JAMES S. SHERMAN, Vice-Chairman. 
JESSE OVERSTREET, Secretary. 
FREDERICK F. SCHRADER, Ass't Secretart. 
WILLIAM B. THOMPSON, Treasurer. 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

Rep. JOHN A. T. HULL, of Iowa. * 

Rep. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. 
Rep. DAVID H. MERCER, of Nebraska. 

Senator REDFIELD PROCTOR, of Vermont. 

Senator J. H. GALLINGER, of New Hampshire. 
Senator JOHN L. WILSON, of Washington. 
Rep. JAMES T. McCLEARY, of Minnesota. 

Rep. H. C. LOUDENSLAGER, of New Jersey. 

Rep. RICHMOND PEARSON, of North Carolina. 



Alabama Rep. W. F. Aldrich. 

California Rep. Samuel G. Hilborn. 

Colorado Senator Wolcott. 

Connecticut Senator Piatt. 

Idaho Senator Shoup. 

Illinois Rep. J. G. Cannon. 

Indiana Rep. Jesse Overstreet. 

Iowa. Rep. J. A. T. Hull. 

Kansas Rep. Charles Curtis. 

Kentucky Rep. D. G. Colson. 

Maine Rep. C. A. Boutelle. 

Maryland Rep. William B. Baker. 

Massachusetts William C. Lovering. 

Michigan Rep. George Spalding. 

Minnesota. Rep. Jas. T. McCleary. 

Missouri Rep. Chas. E. Pearce. 

Montana Senator Carter. 



Nebraska Rep. D. H. Mercer. 

New Hampshire-Senator Gallinger. 

New Jersey Rep. H. C. Loudenslager. 

New York Rep. J. S. Sherman. 

North Carolina. ..Rep. Richmond Pearson. 

Ohio Rep. H. C. Van Voorhis. 

Oregon Senator McBride. 

Pennsylvania ...:.. Rep. W. C. Arnold. 

Tennessee Rep. Henry R Gibson. 

Texas Rep. R. B. Hawley. 

Vermont Senator Proctor. 

Virginia Rep. Jas. A. Walker. 

Washington Senator Wilson. 

West Virginia. .....Rep. Warren Miller. 

Wisconsin Rep. J. W. Babcock. 

Wyoming Senator Warren. 



•Republican IRatlonal Committee* 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

M. A. HANNA. Chairman . . Cleveland, Ohio. 

CHARLES DICK, Secretary . Akron Ohio. 

JAMES G. CANNON, Treasurer . New York. 

M. S. QUAY Beaver, Pa. 

JOSEPH H. MANLEY . . . Augusta, Me. 

HENRY C. PAYNE .... Milwaukee, Wis. 

POWELL CLAYTON .... Eureka Springs, Ark. 

W. T. DURBIN Anderson, Ind. 

CYRUS LELAND, Jr. Troy, Kans. 

N. B. SCOTT Wheeling, W. Va. 

CHARLES G. DAWES . . . Evanston, 111. 

— *— 

GENERAL COMMITTEE. 

Alabama William Youngblood- Montgomery. 

Alaska C.S. Johnson Juneau. 

Arizona W. M. Griffith Florence. 

Arkansas Powell Clayton Eureka Springs. 

California John D. Spreckels San Francisco. 

>rado J. F. Saunders- Denver. 

-inecticut Samuel Fessenden Stamford. 

Delaware James H. Wilson Wilmington. 

District of Columbia Myron M.Parker Washington. 

Florida John C. Long St. Augustine. 

Georgia Judson W. Lyons Augusta. 

Idaho George L. Stump- Boise City. 

Illinois T. N.Jamison Chicago. 

Indiana W. T. Durbin Anderson. 

Indian Territory Leon E. Bennett- Muscogee. 

Iowa '..- A. B. Cummins Des Moines. 

Kansas Cyrus Leland, Jr Troy. 

Kentucky John W. Yerkes Danville. 

Louisiana A. T. Wimberly New Orleans. 

Maine Joseph H. Manley Augusta. 

Maryland George L. Welling" on Cumberland. 

Massachusetts _ George L. Lyman Boston. 

Michigan George L. Maltz Detroit. 

Minnesota L. F. Hubbard Red Wing. 

Mississippi James HilL Jackson. 

Missouri Richard C. Kerens- St Louis. 

Montana Charles R. Leonard Helena. 

Nebraska John M. Thurston Omaha. 

Nevada C. H. Sproule Elko. 

New Hampshire Person C. Cheney Concord. 

New Jersey Garret A. Hobart Paterson. 

New Mexico „ Solomon Luna Los Lunas. 

New York Frederick S. Gibbs- New York. 

North Carolina James E. Boyd„ Greensboro. 

North Dakota William H. Robinson Mayville. 

Ohio Charles L. Kurtz Columbus. 

Oklahoma Henry E. Asp Guthrie. 

Oregon George A. Steele- Portland. 

Pennsylvania Matthew S. Quay Beaver. 

Rhode Island Charles R. Brayton. Providence. 

South Caroliua Eugene A. Webster Orangeburg. 

South Dakota A. B. Kittridge Sioux Falls. 

Tennessee Walter P. Brownlow_ Jonesboro. 

Texas Tohn Grant Sherman. 

Utah „ „L. B. Rogers _ Ogden. 

Vermont George F. Childs„ .. St. Albans. 

Virginia George E. Bowden - Norfolk. 

Washington _ Porter C. Sullivan Tacoma. 

West Virginia N. B. Scott Wheeling. 

Wisconsin Henry C. Payne Milwaukee. 

Wyoming Willis Van Devanter > Cheyenne. 



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